Chapter III: Preface (2)

I called twice at Mr. K.’s; but, as he was not in, I left cards. Moreover, I wrote him a tender letter, with offers for Petersburg (concerning his journey to Geneva)—but I have not heard a word from him since. Such conduct in a young man, who without me would still sit in Orenburg as a Cossack clerk, is difficult to understand.

Most gratefully yours,
A. HT.

SATURDAY.

Do not answer, if you permit me to come.

35.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _August 3d, 1838_.

You are for me, my dearest friend, the standard of refinement as well as my authority in matters of elevated taste. I have written two articles (not heretofore published) for Cotta’s “New Quarterly,” with which his advisers are very much delighted, viz.: a natural description of the Plateau of Bogota, and on the fluctuations in the production of coin since the middle age. He sends me for them (they fill four printed sheets) an exchange for fifty fredericksdor’s, or more than twelve fredericksdor’s per sheet. I have a mind (although very much in need of money) to return one half the sum. Before carrying out, however, the resolution, I thought it best to ask, what at the present time may be considered as a maximum of an author’s payment for such articles? Is it six, eight, or ten fredericksdor’s? I would then return only in proportion. It may be of some importance hereafter to me. Excuse the prosaic question, and send me some word of answer one of these days. I am going to the Island to-day.

HT.

In Varnhagen’s Diary is the following entry, dated August 9th, 1838. Humboldt told me in a long visit the news of Toeplitz. The King of Prussia and the Emperor of Russia have both avoided meeting each other alone, each of them fearing the embarrassment of a tête-à-tête. The Emperor spoke on several occasions quite contemptuously of the present French Government, and still worse of the King Louis Philippe himself. Prince Metternich’s conduct was frivolous, light-minded, and without fear for the present; he is not alarmed, though haunted by the gloomy thought that at Louis Philippe’s death things must take a new turn, and that then war will become inevitable. Does he think to make people believe this, I ask? With Metternich one always ought to examine first, how far an opinion adapts itself to the position of the moment.

Under date of April 9th, 1839, Varnhagen wrote in his Diary: “Humboldt called quite unexpectedly and made the greatest excuses for not having called on me before. And then he opened his newsbag and recited a thousand stories from Paris and Berlin—at least for two hours. Things in France bear a very gloomy aspect, he thinks; and he has lately written about it to Prince Metternich. The crisis in France is yet a latent one—but to-morrow it may burst forth, and how needful it would then be, and, in this event, how necessary, that Germany should be strong and united, and the farces at Cologne and Hanover be settled!”

Under 19th of April, 1839, Varnhagen says in his diary: “I saw Humboldt to-day, who told me many things, and showed me a beautiful portrait of Arago, which pleased me very much. He talked much about the difficulties between Russia and England, as to their interests in the East Indies and in Persia, and repeated what he had heard about it from the Russian Emperor himself. The Czar was in a great passion against the English, and thought it highly important to oppose their supremacy in Asia. Humboldt agrees with me that the English have nothing serious to fear for the next fifty years from Russia in the Indies, but that fear and jealousy may engender a quarrel in Europe prior to any conflict in the East, although conflicting parties will certainly think twice before allowing it to come to that pass.”

Under date of May 25, 1839, Varnhagen wrote in his diary:

“I met Humboldt ‘unter den Linden:’ we had a long talk together. He told me that the death of Gans had been the object of the meanest slander at court by all except the King, who never speaks ill of the dead, and the Crown-Prince, who had even uttered a word of sorrow. The other princes were delighted, and the Princess of Liegnitz showed herself very ill-natured.”

36.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, MONDAY, _June 3d, 1839_.

The book which you lent me, dear friend, is delightful,[19] as everything must be called which characterizes the individuality of men. My brother’s letters are excellent indeed. His opinion of the State Chancellor does much credit to his character, and the conclusion, which seems to take away something from the praise bestowed on him, is full of a deep political meaning. He alludes to some other result of greater magnitude, which the development of the world-wide events in question might have produced.

What pleases me most is the acknowledgment of _your_ talents, of _your_ power of writing; the praise of the high-mindedness exhibited in _Rahel’s_ letters (to the few who can appreciate them). Adam Mueller’s aristocratic fancies and coarsely but naturally sensual princess,[20] a little lewd—no doubt from being hunchbacked—afford the most striking contrast of political and human filth. “To save the country,” says Gentz, in his Primary Political Position, “means to restore to the nobility of Prussia their ancient privileges, to liberate all the noblemen from taxes, so that they may spontaneously, after some negotiation, offer their ‘don gratuit’ to the monarch. To enable them to do this the peasant must be indissolubly bound to the soil.” How charmed “the Montmorencys of the Ackermark” must have been to see what, until then, was uselessly concealed in their miserable souls, expressed in refined language by a talented writer, and moulded into such systematical dogmas. This narrow spirit of caste knows neither place nor time. Like a threatening spectre it will reappear when I shall be no more. I frequently ask myself whether Adam Mueller could not, at the present time, again canvass for votes among the “cross-bearers,” who, like Homerian heroes, take their repose stretched on their bags in the wool market? Benjamin Constant has exquisitely pictured this aristocratic idea of self-importance in the parable of the Shipwrecked. He cries, “Grand Dieu, je ne suis pas assez indiscret pour vous prier de nous sauver tous! Sauvez-moi tout seul!”

If you have a moment’s leisure, please read in the 3d volume of my “History of the Geography of the Middle Ages,” what I have said of the natural views and the style of Christopher Columbus, vol. iii. p. 232. This dream, p. 316, was the object of a lecture at Chateaubriand’s and Madame Récamier’s, and had a good effect, as the utterance of sentiment always will have, on the barren fields of minute erudition. I hope to offer you shortly the five volumes that have already been printed. The negligence of the publisher prevents my doing so now.

A. HT.

On the 9th of June, 1839, Varnhagen writes in his diary: “Humboldt agrees with me in the assertion made by me at different times, that too much cannot be inferred from the silence of the historians. He refers to three highly important and undeniable facts, which are not mentioned by those whose first duty it should have been to record them. In the archives of Barcelona, no vestige of the triumphal entry held there by Columbus; in Marco Polo, no mention of the Chinese wall; in the archives of Portugal, nothing of the travels of Amerigo Vespucci, in the service of that crown.” (History of the Geography of the New Continent, part iv., p. 160, _sq._)

37.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

FRIDAY, _Sept. 13th, 1839_.

Mr. Piaget has made a very favorable impression on me. In my opinion, he would be most useful as “Professeur de Litterature ou d’Histoire” at the “College Français.” A pedantic examination, however, stands in his way. I will try my best with Mr. von Werther. I have, however, some fear that the rather illiterate-looking mustaches, and the long, straight, South Sea hair, will be found a little odd in that quarter.

Ever with the same attachment,
A. V. HUMBOLDT.

Is it not remarkable that the Neufchatel Councillors in the cabinet, have tried to dissuade Mr. Piaget—“par jalousie de métier?”

38.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _29th Dec., 1839_.

It is kind in you, and very _humane_, dear friend, sending me that little pamphlet,[21] which otherwise would certainly have escaped my attention. The praise which you bestow on it is of great weight, as you understand so well sketching a life-portrait and adorning it gracefully, without discoloring its characteristic traits. Kries is one of my earliest friends. We were students together in Heyne’s Seminary.[22] I will return the print very soon.

In great haste,
A. HUMBOLDT.

39.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON, _Feb. 26th, 1840_.

I deem myself unfortunate, dear friend, in having missed you. I have been suffering from a miserable little boil on my foot, and went to-day (for the first time) to my neighbor, Leopold von Buch. Best thanks for Sesenheim.[23] You certainly were right in snatching the little work from oblivion, a work which possesses a German character in the highest degree, and derives a tender interest from your preface. There is in this little work a nice appreciation of what must ever be important and sacred to a German in his literature. The author searches Sesenheim and Drusenheim as others do the Troade. The proper names, alas! are less poetic. The passages (p. 12 and 13), are written in a charming style; afterwards the philologist becomes heavy and doubtful about what he only half examined; doubtful, as if he had superficially read an old code. Whether the sisters of Friederike, “of whom one has not to care at all” (p. 48), whether the Catholic clergyman who, according to some, caused, and according to others, did not cause, and then did cause her fall, will rejoice at all this, I do not dare myself to decide. About the Troade and the Skamander, they never could exactly determine, and Helen had to suffer much from Hellenic gossip.

In old friendship most gratefully,

Yours,
A. V. HDT.

40.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

MONDAY, _March 9th, 1840_.

The Crown-Prince, to whom I brought, this morning, your thoughtful “_Lebensbuch_,” has ordered me to express to you, revered friend, his “most friendly thanks.” It reminded him, at the same time, of your “Sophie Charlotte,” your “Seydlitz,” your always delightful language, and your skill in portraying difficult relations of life. The liberal passage on Grimm I read to him. It pleased him much, and brought on a conversation on Hanover. He expressed himself very sensibly in regard to it. “The King of Hanover does not understand how to treat Germans: he does not know how to win them, by availing himself of their loyal emotions. On the day when the news of the final election in Göttingen arrived in Hanover, I would have sent an aide-de-camp or a civil officer to Göttingen, to thank the professors, and ask them whether they would like to have the whole seven professors reappointed.” These are words flowing from a noble soul. Of your article on Niebuhr, I do _not_ speak to the Crown-Prince, though I entirely agree with you regarding it.

With old attachment,
Yours,
A. V. HDT.

41.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

WEDNESDAY, _March 18th, 1840_.

An insipid polemical book of Mr. Gretsch, against Melgunoff, and against the book of Koenig, which is entirely unknown to me, full of Siberia, strangulation, secret funds, and Russian patriotism—an insufferable rehash! Will you read it, my dear friend? For you alone understand it entirely. The book might almost reconcile me with Mr. Melgunoff, against whom I have felt some anger. I have, it is true, neither a recollection of him nor of my conversation with him; but he must have strangely interpreted and translated into his own language, what I said to him, when he represents me as condemning one whose great talents and delightful style and manners I praise everywhere. How is it credible that I could have spoken unfavorably of you in the only conversation I ever had with a man who brought me a letter from your own hand? Who recognises in me such careless, Orinoco manners?

Marheineke also has made a campaign in the “Kritische-Blätter,” more against Savigny than against Stahl. There is a good deal of acrimony in the air, and the black coats are not merciful. The conclusion of the philippic is very eloquent, in the climax from the rationalists, _viâ_ St. Hegel, to Galilee. It is a pity that the preceding twelve pages are so indifferently written—in the most mediocre style.

Goerres and Schelling understand coloring better. I thus feel only interested in what is dramatic and in the talents exhibited, or not exhibited, therein. Caesaropapacy, territorial system, nay, even “the authority of a _distinctly positive doctrine, and marked physiognomy_,” for which Marheineke (p. 41) has a tendency, are abominations, and are mere carnival buffoonery to me. Both parties are mere compressing machines of different kinds, and a philosophically proved Christian dogmatism of “marked physiognomy,” this seems to me the most offensive of all strait-waistcoats.

Raumer (Carl) has published “Crusades”—crusades against the geognosts. The Saracens are Leopold von Buch (your newly converted one), and myself.

A. HT.

And Sintenis at Magdeburg and the State’s Council at Neufchatel, “who have prohibited the deluge!” And all that in the year 1840! Three comets are not enough!

I received a letter from the Marquis Clanricarde, at St. Petersburg, on the 5th of March, stating, “that nothing was heard for four or five weeks from the expedition to Chiwa. It is purely an attack upon the Khan, whom they propose to dethrone, and to put his brother in the place.” You see that he wishes to appear very tranquil! What meek politics!

42.
METTERNICH TO HUMBOLDT.

VIENNA, _29th of March, 1840_.

MY DEAR BARON—Though I do not doubt that the Crown-Prince, to whom I had the honor of replying to-day, will inform you of my declaration, I refer you to my letter to his Royal Highness. You will see that I have placed myself at his disposal, with a reservation, however, prescribed by my ignorance of archæology. To my ignorance upon this point must be added my ignorance upon another—I mean the duties of the Presidency. I desire to state, at all events, what I think of the relations of a single member with any scientific association. There are three sorts of men—some are true savans; the number of these is small: others are friends of science in general, or of some branch of it; these are more numerous: the third class—the largest of all—comprises the narrow-minded, the barren in spirit, the “_viveurs_,” to whom, though often they are very good fellows, art and science are quite superfluous. I enrol myself in the second of these classes. My brethren and I can be of some service to mental cultivation, provided we do not meddle too much with details. When I feel that I can do a good work, I consider it my duty to devote myself to it. In the present case, however, I can only throw my good-will into the scale.

My confession of faith is set forth in the explanations given to the August Protector; and to what I took the liberty of stating to him, I also take the liberty of referring you.

It is so long, my dear Baron, since you paid us a visit, that when you feel inclined to judge for yourself, you will be more than gratified by the real progress we have made in the departments of which you are the acknowledged master. The place of Jaeger, whose loss was greatly to be regretted, is well filled by Endlicher—a man of eminent genius; Baumgarten and Ettinghausen, are savans of great distinction. The Polytechnic School goes on admirably and is training up savans, and thoroughly educated mechanicians. Roesel is the best optician of our time, and the young Voigtlander follows in his footsteps.

The establishment of Baron Charles Huegel has opened a new and vast field to botany. The arts and sciences advance quite to one’s liking; all that is wanted is a supervisor like yourself.

You complain, my dear Baron, at finding yourself the oldest of the foreign members of the Institute; this indeed is a dreary lot, but it is inevitable and quite natural—provided one does not commit the folly of going off before the others. I have the same feeling—and that in a field which is certainly the greatest of all fields. Of all the Kings and the Ministers of State in office, between the year 1813 and the year 1815, the King of Prussia and myself are the only survivors! And yet the time does not embrace more than a quarter of a century—so true is it that twenty-five years are quite an historical epoch. Let us not lose courage at such trifles, but go on as if they were nothing at all.

My sincerest homage, dear Baron.
METTERNICH.

43.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

THURSDAY, _April 9th, 1840_.

Here are two Salamanders. The _black_ (black bordered) king of Denmark is not only a Norwegian constitutional, but also a mineralogical king, who has written pretty good memoirs on Vesuvius. The predecessor having been an astronomical king, who proposed prize questions on comets, presented _great_ men like General Mueffling and myself with chronometers, and died of a comet on the night of the discovery of Galli’s comet, the Danish astronomers were, probably, rather anxious for _their heavenly_ pursuits under the reign of such an _earthly_ (or rather subterranean) monarch. I was called upon to remind the King of his old predilection for me. I therefore resorted to the pretext, never before made use of by me, of congratulating him on his accession to the throne. This is the cause of the black drama. The letter is plain and sensible.

A. HT.

Please read in Mr. Quinet’s the passage on Goethe and Bettina, and return the venom to me.

44.
KING CHRISTIAN VIII. OF DENMARK TO HUMBOLDT.

COPENHAGEN, _the 13th January, 1840_.

MONSIEUR LE BARON DE HUMBOLDT:

Of all the letters received on the occasion of my accession to the throne, none has afforded me so sensible a pleasure as that which you addressed me under the date of the 17th of December last.

Your remembrance is of the highest value to me, and I recall with the greatest interest, Monsieur le Baron, our conversations many years ago at Paris. Since that time you have enriched science by new discoveries. Siberia, explored by you, as you before explored America, offers to natural science new views for which, Monsieur le Baron, it is entirely indebted to you. Really—I shall be happy at some future day to converse with you on these new researches.

The natural sciences are constantly presenting fresh interest, and I shall certainly not neglect to do everything that depends upon me for their advancement.

The astronomical and geodesical labors of your distinguished friend Schumacher, certainly deserve my patronage. He has acquired a European name as a savan, and I appreciate his rare merits. As to the magnetic observations after the method of Gauss—I am occupied in amplifying them here at Copenhagen, where an observatory, established since 1834 near the Polytechnic School, is about to be removed to a more suitable place on the outskirts of the city. It will be provided with two different “emplacements,” one for “observations on declination,” and another for experiments in “inclination.” The establishment will be under the superintendence of the celebrated Oersted.

I esteem myself happy, my dear Baron, in being able to speak to you of the advancement of natural science in my own country, and you must consider it a proof that I shall not neglect any occasion of justifying the good opinion you entertain of my interest in the sciences and in everything which can tend to the enlightenment and happiness of my subjects.

I hope, Monsieur le Baron, that you will frequently find leisure to communicate with me, and I shall endeavor, upon my own part, to cultivate relations so agreeable to myself.

The Queen charges me with her compliments to you, and I embrace the occasion of assuring you of my highest consideration, Monsieur le Baron Humboldt.

Your most affectionate,
CHRISTIAN.

45.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

SATURDAY, _April 11th, 1840_.

The Crown-Prince would like very much to see that interesting letter of Prince Metternich to you. Could not you send it to me before half-past seven o’clock to-night, my dear friend?

A. HT.

In regard to the said letter, Varnhagen says in his diary, under date of April 2d, 1840: “When returning home, found a letter from Prince Metternich—a long one, under his own hand. He declares my picture of the Congress of Vienna to be a perfectly faithful one, a few points excepted, which ought to be corrected. He himself corrects, in detail, the description of the effect of the news at Vienna, that Napoleon had left Elba. It is a letter of historical value.”

Under date of the 5th of the same month, Varnhagen mentions again the Metternich letter. “In the afternoon,” he says, “Humboldt called. He had heard of the letter from Wittgenstein, who had spoken of it to Count Orloff and others, as a most remarkable production. Humboldt also was astonished and delighted. He showed me a letter which Prince Metternich had addressed him, as to the position of several naturalists at Vienna, and the presidency of the Archæological Society at Rome. Humboldt tells me of dark tendencies of the Westphalian nobility, which the Crown-Prince favors. They think of establishing a great Catholic seminary for young noblemen—a proper nursery for Jesuits.” On Humboldt’s remarking that the Crown-Prince, perhaps, out of absence of mind, had not reflected on the important consequence of the King’s illness, Minister von Rochow made the following reply: “Oh, certainly he has thought of it! And he has prepared various things, which he means then to propose. But to his views and commands in ecclesiastical matters I should be highly opposed.”

46.

_April 13th, 1840._

The Crown-Prince has expressly charged me to offer you, dear friend, his thanks for such an interesting communication. Count Alvensleben was present. Every one considered the letter a gratifying testimonial to you and to your description of the Congress, and praised it for the noble simplicity in which one of the most remarkable events is recited. “Et tout cela prouve que ma fille est muette,” and that a talent like yours (in advising, in describing, and in knowledge of mankind) is allowed to be idle, so that after your death, as after my brother’s, people will express their astonishment at your not having been employed in time.

A. HT.

I am quite “turned Quaker.” Mrs. Fry and William Allan—little sermons in the penitentiaries (the most horrible ones which the Quakeress has ever seen), and little tracts against brandy-drinking!

47.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

FRIDAY, _March 29th, 1840_.

Decide, master of eloquence and euphony: I had it thus, “As far as humanity (civilisation) extended on earth!”

Now, it pleases me better to put: 1, “It has influenced rulers and nations equally, as far as civilization and commerce extend” (extend, not extended, which latter I abhor); or, 2, “As far as civilization and commerce ennobled mankind;” or, 3, “Made mankind susceptible;” or, 4, “United mankind.”

Would No. 4 (the last), not be the better? Perhaps you have an inspiration. Put clandestinely, to-night at Staegemann’s, a bit of paper in my hand. Perhaps the first conception is the best.

A. HT.

“Humanity” I give up at any rate, having just read so many mockeries regarding it in the last volume of Campe’s dictionary.

“Sed quamquam, primo statim beatissimi sæculi ortu, Nerva Cæsar _res olim dissociabiles miscuerit_, principatum ac libertatem; augeatque quotidie felicitatem imperii Nerva Trajanus.” Tacitus in Agricola, cap. 3. Also, of the same old Nerva (noble and gifted with literary taste):

“Quod si vita suppeditet, principatum divi Nervæ, et imperium Trajani, uberiorem securioremque materiam senectati seposui: _rara temporum felicitas, ubi sentire quæ velis, et quæ sentias dicere licet_.” Tacit. Hist. I. 1. I, of course, in order to avoid all detail, shall give only the numerical quotations, sic: Tacit. Vita Ag. c. 3 Hist. I. 1.

HT.

48.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, TUESDAY NIGHT, _Oct. 27th, 1840_.

If I have delayed so long in coming to you, my dear friend, both before and after my campaign to the North, it is only because there are impossibilities in life against which we battle in vain. Immediately after the festivities in this city I intended to hasten to you, but the uncertainty whether I should go to Paris (I refused, because then it would not have been honorable either to me or to the king, if Prussia did not dare to act independently!) the approaching departure of Bulow, the arrival of the sick General von Hedemann and his family, together with a rheumatic fever, which kept me in the house for six days, spoiled all my intentions. To-morrow morning, at 8 o’clock, I have to move over again to Sans Souci; but (I hope) only for some days. I, therefore, now take up my pen to chat with you. First my best thanks for your talented and noble treating of the rather mediocre “_Erinnerungen von M. Arndt_!” I certainly had observed his hostility towards you. The tone of your criticism is the noblest kind of revenge. The man, whom I never knew personally, was raised by the great events of his time and not by himself. Strange enough that the government attached to him in these latter days, in the evening of his life, an importance not arising merely from a simple love of justice.

Since you like everything individual, I shall answer your kindness with another very small one. I make you a present of a letter of Guizot, which he wrote to me to Koenigsberg, not without design. The underlining belongs to me, as you would guess yourself. I showed the letter to the King. It was written when the Belgian (the King of Belgium), Bulow, and Guizot had been in Windsor, and when his affairs looked promising, as they do now again, as Thiers at once shows himself so weak and yielding, and Palmerston so dogmatical and defying. But do not let the letter out of your hands.

For the news about the brothers Grimm I thank you most cordially. It is very important to me to keep “au courant” with the course of passing events. In the months during which I lived on the “historical hill,”[24] I moved uncontrolled in the same direction, though surrounded by conflicting elements.

Respecting the brothers Grimm, the King had given orders to others, not to me; but up to the return from Königsberg, nothing was done. I therefore addressed a memorial to the King on the actions in Königsberg of the Provincial Diet, and on the necessity of acting authoritatively in things which interest all hearts, in order to secure their affections—and therefore to bestow a professorship upon the brothers Grimm, Albrecht, and Dahlmann. There is little hope for Dahlmann. Albrecht received a call, but refused it, giving as a reason his gratitude to Saxony. It would have been a satisfaction to the seven professors, could Albrecht have become professor in Berlin.

They certainly will at least hear in Hanover that the King has called the “Elbinger.” In respect to the brothers Grimm, the King insists upon his plan, that minister Eichhorn should offer to them a place in the Academy, with a pension to both, as they live like husband and wife. That the King wants these things to be arranged with tact, you may see from the negotiations with Tieck. For librarians, although excellent men, they are very unfit. Whether Wilhelm Grimm, as a correspondent of the Academy, lectures or not is also very irrelevant. The chief thing is to get them. Of “smuggling them in,” “a debasement,” “to think of them so late,”—dans un regne de cent jours—it is nonsense to talk! It does honor at least to the administration of Ladenberg, that I was able to propose Dahlmann in due form, and in flattering terms for the university of Breslau, where there was a vacancy. I have cleared the way as it was my duty to do, but the appointment itself is not in my hands. As soon as I return from Potsdam, I shall trouble minister Eichhorn, to settle this patriotic affair officially and at once. The interference of many in these things is injurious, although it can be pardoned where the interest is so natural. I know not, my dear friend, whether you will be able and willing to read these lines, the sense of which is more blameless than the style. I need not conjure you, the diplomatist, not to read my letter to the “child,”[25] but she ought to hear how these matters stand, respecting which I have neglected nothing.

A. HT.

An inexpressible misfortune has happened in the death of the only son of my friend the astronomer, Bessel, only twenty-five years old, a young man of the most eminent mathematical talents. He died yesterday of nervous fever.

49.
GUIZOT TO HUMBOLDT.

LONDON, _August 24, 1840_.

MONSIEUR LE BARON:

It was very amiable indeed in you to have thought of sending me the two new volumes of your brother’s works. I thank you not only for this gift, in itself so very valuable, but also for your remembrance which is at least equally dear to me. I hope that notwithstanding all our affairs, for they are yours as well as mine, I shall manage to read something of this great work. I should like to employ my time in so complete and varied a manner as you occupy yours. Preserve a little of it for the advancement of a good and a wise policy, which though it already owes you much, still needs you.

I envy Baron von Bülow the pleasure of seeing you. I regret extremely losing his society in London. Conversation—genuine conversation—profound, pregnant, and free, is very scarce among us. His I shall miss very much. I should like to go some day to see you at your home, to visit your country, in which, beyond all others, human intellect acts the greatest part, and to see your new King, who is worthy, it is said, of such a country. In the meanwhile, Monsieur le Baron, pray preserve for me your old kindness and believe in the lasting sincerity of the sentiments which long ago I conceived for you.

GUIZOT.

NOTE OF HUMBOLDT.—Received at Königsberg during the festivals.

A. VON HUMBOLDT.

50.
ARAGO TO HUMBOLDT.

PARIS, _March 12th, 1841_.

I must not, I will not, believe that you asked me seriously whether I should look forward to your journey to Paris with pleasure. Could it be that you ever doubted my invariable attachment? Be it known to you that I should consider the slightest doubt upon this point a most cruel offence. Beyond the immediate circle of my own family you are, without comparison, the person whom, of all others, I love the most dearly. But you must be resigned to the duties of this position, as you are of my friends the only one to whom I would look in my difficulties.

I am truly happy in the anticipation of spending some evenings with him to whom I am indebted for my taste in meteorology and physics. There will be a bed for you at the Observatory.

Poor Savary is in a lamentable state. The physician assures me that the disease of his lungs leaves no hope. What a calamity!

You will arrive at Paris at the opening of my course of astronomy. My new amphitheatre is got up with a profligate luxury.

I am charmed with the news of poor Sheiffer’s[26] recovery (is it true?). Your good heart has always secured you a numerous family.

Adieu, best of friends. My attachment to you will only cease with my life.

FR. ARAGO.

NOTE OF HUMBOLDT.—I had asked whether he thought it possible that the
difference of our political wishes [war with Germany] might disturb our
intercourse.

NOTE OF HUMBOLDT.—To his highly gifted friend, Varnhagen von Ense, with
the most earnest request to avoid all publication of this autograph
before Arago’s death.

A. HUMBOLDT.

51.
HUMBOLDT TO BETTINA VON ARNIM.

[A copy in Varnhagen’s handwriting.]

SATURDAY, _November 21, 1840_.

How could you doubt, most honored Madam, my being thankful for the news of the real situation of those noble men, who after so many undeserved sufferings, and after so long and so shameful a neglect, are at last to be placed in an independent position. I thought that, to have given them such a situation in Berlin, three thousand thalers would be a sufficient salary for both, and with this view I have continued my efforts. The King has adopted it as a principle never to issue an order in financial matters on his own account; like all princes, he has no standard by which to measure the wants of learned men. The superior intellects with whom we wish to surround ourselves have wants as prosaic as their inferiors. Whoever wishes to obtain the end must also be willing to employ the means, and especially in an affair which attracts every eye and which touches the honor of the country. The minister Eichhorn, upon whom everything now depends, is happy in the arrival of the two Grimms. He was formerly on the most friendly terms with Jacob Grimm. I called on the minister an hour ago in order to support my view of the matter. He declares that by-and-by he will arrange the affair in the best manner, but that we must confide in him, and allow him to act without obstruction.

Receive, gracious Madam, the expression of my veneration and of my sentiments of gratitude.

A. HUMBOLDT.

52.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

BERLIN, _August 22d, 1841_.

Your letter has done me an immense deal of good. I see that we feel ourselves both equally attracted to each other, and that you attributed my long, and to me very gloomy, seclusion, only to the distracted state of my life, and to the application of my faculties, to an aim which they never can reach. Towards the close of a much troubled life which has but imperfectly realized its aspirations, it is a happiness to remain secure in, and to possess the esteem of those to whose mind and intellect and wishes we are irresistibly drawn. I shall personally thank you, and this very afternoon apply for Mr. L. to the Princess of Prussia, and beg her Imperial Highness to assist me with all earnestness. With old veneration and love, yours,

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

At the request of the King I took the opportunity of reading to him Schelling’s discourse on nature and art. (Philosoph. Werke, tome 1st, 1809.) The passages concerning Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, and about the possibility of a resuscitation of the arts, are the most pleasing in our language. This lecture produced on the King the effect of a beautiful song. But the bird is now sixty-seven years old, and goes from one golden cage to another.

Varnhagen says in his diary, under date of April 28, 1841: “Humboldt came and remained more than an hour and a half; I found him looking ill, but lively, cheerful, and more communicative than ever. He praises the King for his disposition and his intentions, but thinks that he is no man of action, and that whenever he acts, he does it by starts, without system or method. Whether it be from kindness or timidity, at all events, he often does not dare to do what he most wishes and could do quite easily; thus he expects impatiently that the minister Von Werther will resign, and asks of Humboldt, whether the minister has given no intimation of it.”

On the 30th April, 1841, Varnhagen says: “Humboldt has a great many enemies, as well amongst the savans as at court, who are constantly seeking an opportunity to malign him, but the moment he is praised all vituperation ceases—for it is all vituperation. It is seldom that anybody is able to maintain it. Some time ago a gentleman said to me, that he did not know what to think of Humboldt, and that he could not come to a conclusion concerning him. I answered: ‘Think always the best of him, believe him always capable of the best action, and you always will be nearest the truth.’ Another said, same day, sneeringly: ‘Humboldt was a great man before he came to Berlin, where he became an ordinary one.’ Moritz Robert remarked that Rahel had already said several times: ‘Nothing holds its ground in Berlin, everything has a downward tendency; indeed, if the Pope himself came to Berlin, he would not continue long to be Pope, he would sink into the ‘commonplace,’ down perhaps to the standard of a groom.’ What Rahel said is true, and I remember that she said so, but had made no note of it. This peculiarity of Berlin ought to be examined closer; it indicates a strong stratum of undeveloped greatness, and may, when positively brought forth to a point, bring the highest honor on Berlin; but if allowed to act negatively, it will, of course, become a shame to this city. ‘The Berliners are such a daring race of men,’ said Goethe, once. That is much the same definition.”

53.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

SATURDAY, _April 24th, 1841_.

A disappointment, dear friend, not to have found you. Correct this title-page for me; I have to send it away. As it is necessary to state, “that this is not the lecture of 1828,” I thought of having the long sentence printed on the title-page, in small type, like an aphorism. It may look strange _after_ the name, but I hope you will be able to approve of it.

HT.

“Kosmos. Sketch of a Physical Description of the World, by A. von Humboldt. From Sketches and Lectures delivered in the years 1827 and 1828, enlarged and corrected according to the latest researches.

“‘Naturæ vero rerum vis atque majestas sin omnibus momentis fide caret, si quis modo partes ejus ac non totam complectatur animo.’—_Plin. Hist. Nat._, _lib._ 7. c. 1. Stuttgart.”

54.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

WEDNESDAY, _April 28th, 1841_.

Be very kind and indulgent in reading my work. I am anxious that you should get a complete idea of the composition of it. In A, I have made large corrections. Notice especially p. 37 and the notes; Schelling’s name, pp. 37 and 68; Hegel, p. 66. The positive declaration at p. 64, that it is not the creator of Natural Philosophy whom I accuse, will, I hope, make my biting severity at the “gay Saturnalia,” _le bal en masque_ of the craziest of all natural philosophers, seem more pardonable to him. “Il faut avoir le courage d’imprimer. Ce que l’on a dit et écrit depuis trente ans.” It has been a lamentable period, in which Germany has sunk far below England and France. Chemistry, without so much as wetting one’s fingers.

The diamond is a pebble arrived at consciousness. Granite is ether. Carus.

The side of the moon turned towards the earth is of a different convexity from the reverse. The cause of it: the moon fain would stretch out her loving arms—she cannot, but gazes at the earth, and protrudes her lower jaw.

The granite blocks on the rocks are the convulsions of nature.

It is well known that the forests are the hair of the earth-animal. The swelling equatorial region is the belly of Nature.

America is a female figure, long, slender, watery and freezing at 48°. The degrees of latitude are the years woman gets old at, 48 years. The East is oxygen, the West hydrogen; it rains when clouds from the East are mixed with clouds from the West.—_Schelling._

Petrifactions in rocks are not the remains of former living beings. They are the first attempts of nature at making animals and plants. In Siberia some dogs lived for years on such an experiment—a stinking elephant at the mouth of the Lena.

These are the Saturnalia! Cast your eye particularly on the notes, _en masse_, of which I inclose a few. P. 40–49; p. 55–57.

I wish to give to the work the greatest generality and breadth of views, a lively and, if possible, graceful style, and to replace all technical terms with well-chosen, graphic, and descriptive language.

Correct freely, my friend; I gladly follow where I can. Some not very common erudition I intend to banish to the notes. This book should be the reflex of my own self, of my life, of my own very old person. This freedom of treatment enables me to proceed more aphoristically. More will be suggested than elaborated. Much will be well understood by those only who know thoroughly one special branch of natural history; but I think my style is such as to confuse no one, not even the superficial. My real aim is to hover over those results which are known in 1841. _Mens agitat molem_, may the mind still be there!

That such a work cannot be finished by one born in the comet-year, 1769, is as clear as daylight. The separate fragments will appear in parts of twelve to fifteen sheets each, so that those who may see me buried will possess in each fragment some one subject complete. Thus of the “Prolegomena,” there will be No. 1–4; My “incentive,” descriptive poetry, which you have not yet seen, is a chief feature of the work on which I rely a good deal.—No. 5. The history of man’s conception of the world, which is quite finished, will form the entire second book. Plain scientific description will always be intermingled with the oratorical, like nature itself. The glittering stars fill us with joy and inspiration, yet in the canopy of heaven all bodies revolve in mathematical figures. It is essential to preserve a dignified style, so that the impression of nature’s greatness will not be wanting. I hope you will not find fault with my quoting (C) in a note the passage from Shakespeare which is but little known.

All the notes are to be printed in very small type at the end of each chapter, never at the bottom of the page. I had said that a knowledge of nature is not absolutely necessary to enjoy it, but that it increases the enjoyment. Pardon this hasty writing. I leave to-morrow morning with the King for Potsdam, to stay there six or seven days. With thanks and friendship, your illegible

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

55.
HUMBOLDT TO SPIKER.
(C.)

[_Biron speaks to the King of Navarre._]

“These earthly godfathers of heaven’s lights,
That gave a name to every fixed star,
Have no more profit of their shining nights,
Than those that walk, and wot not what they are,
Too much to know, is to know nought but fame;
And every godfather can give a name.”
SHAKESPEARE, _Love’s Labor Lost_. Act I. Scene 1.

Be so kind as to send me back this page. I make use of your fine translation in a note which is now being printed in my _Kosmos_. You will permit me to say: “according to Spiker’s translation.” It will give me pleasure to do so. Shall I excite the ire of the Marquis August von Schlegel or of Tieck Acorombonus? Please tell me whether they have also translated that passage? Many kind regards.

HT.

NOTE OF VARNHAGEN.—Unfortunately Spiker’s translation is bad in every
respect.

56.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

MONDAY NIGHT, _May 3, 1841_.

I am afraid, my dear friend, that I shall be obliged to go to Potsdam again on Thursday, and thence to Paris on the 10th or 12th. I am to send Cotta more copy before I go. Let me not be suspended so long between condemnation and indulgence. Pray send me a few words with the parcel.

Yours,
A. V. HUMBOLDT.

57.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

TUESDAY, _May 4th, 1841_.

MY DEAR FRIEND:—Even after deducting the kind expressions written expressly for my tranquillity, there still remains more than enough in your letter of to-day to comfort me. The penance,[27] therefore, which I assign you is to receive me to-morrow morning at 11 o’clock, for a few moments, to accept my thanks. The “_schmeichle mich_” must be a clerical error; as for me I am unconscious of it. The false use of the accusative case at p. 44, you will have to show me. It cannot be “_Einsicht in den Zusammenhang?_” because it is looking _into_. I shall expunge Mr. Spiker. I had a presentiment of the end, and would rather even omit the English as well, which, after all, is rather a praise of ignorance, than indicative of the increase of enjoyment to be derived from science.

I see that you give me full liberty concerning the “Saturnalia.” Speaking of the Dane, you say: “I only mention, I do not object.”

I did not wish to mention Steffens, however much he might deserve a reproach for his utter barrenness in experimental science, and for his vain and criminal idleness. “Saturnalia” I call that merry but short farce, of which lately I gave you some specimens, but which are not from Steffens; they are by some of his worshippers several degrees lower down. Were Steffens a poor savan, oppressed by the powerful, I would be more careful; but as you are an amateur of autographs, I will give you one from which you will see how northern kings believe that there exists in Berlin a Steffensian philosophy, which is consoling to the theologians, _et qui n’est pas celle de Hegel_! Steffens will believe that he is included among those deep and powerful thinkers, whose advice has been disregarded. Besides the dangerous passage is immediately followed by another: “Abuse of youthful talents; for serious minds, devoted equally to philosophy and to observation, have kept aloof from those Saturnalia.” Such a sentence is a _défense_, a _fort detaché_, and Steffens certainly thinks that he, too, devoted himself to observation, when he once descended into a mine at Freiburg. By softening anything I should spoil the whole, and we ought in writing to show the same courage as in speaking, but should do both in the same easy and cheerful manner.

Did you find out from Steffens’s tiresome biography, with which I was bored at Sans Souci, how his pietism and aristocracy is explained by the twofold inoculation of his old grandparents, performed by an archbishop and a king,—_ce sont des heritages_!

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

58.
KING CHRISTIAN VIII. OF DENMARK TO HUMBOLDT.

MONSIEUR LE BARON—I am doubly obliged to the illustrious counsellor Dieffenbach for his attention in presenting me with a copy of his work on the cure of strabism and stammering, since it was the cause of your dear letter of the 9th February. Introduced by you, Monsieur le Baron, any one is sure of success. In the present case, the reputation and the works of the author could have dispensed with all further recommendation; but you only do justice to the great services which Counsellor Dieffenbach has rendered to mankind, and I hasten to acknowledge them by bestowing my Danebrog Order on that distinguished savan. My letter to him on this subject will be remitted by the Envoy Count de Reventlau, and I shall particularly recommend to Chevalier Dieffenbach any Danish surgeons going to Berlin to learn the art upon which he has thrown so much light.

The bearer of the present, whom I beg leave to recommend to your protection, is the theological candidate, Bornemann—a young man of talent and knowledge, whom I send to Berlin to study Philosophy under the guidance of my countryman, Steffens—not precisely that of Hegel, who has disciples enough in our University; but _that_ philosophy which may assist in rectifying the sometimes rather extravagant doctrines of our modern thinkers. Steffens is kept at Berlin by a sacred tie, the gratitude he owes to the King; but I desire that his genius and his knowledge may not be lost to us, and that this young scholar may profit by his light before it ceases to shine, and to enlighten all those coming in contact with my illustrious countryman, who, in my opinion, is in himself worth an entire academic faculty.

I follow with the greatest interest, founded on sincere friendship and on the mutual relations of our respective positions, which I fully appreciate, all that your excellent King does and projects for the happiness of his subjects, for German nationality, and for the preservation of peace. May his efforts be blessed by the Almighty; his people will then enjoy an increased and steady prosperity, which will materially contribute to the welfare of their neighbors.

The King has shown more kindness to my son than I can thank him for. I look forward to a most happy future for him, based on his marriage with the amiable Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.

I appreciate the good wishes which you address me on this occasion, and remain, with the highest consideration, Monsieur le Baron de Humboldt,

Your affectionate
CHRISTIAN R.

59.

BERLIN, _May 17th, 1841_.

[Written at Varnhagen’s. With the preface to Wilhelm von Humboldt’s
works.]

I am very sorry not to be enabled amid the annoyances of to-morrow’s departure (first to Potsdam, then to Paris, until October) to bid you farewell. I appeal to you once more as the source, until Rückert’s arrival, the only source of good taste, of pure language, and of a delicate appreciation of the appropriate sense. Tell me with all indulgence what I ought to strike out from the enclosed preface, but give me also your advice wherever you find fault. I wrote the two pages at night in a gloomy frame of mind. They show perhaps a too sentimental disposition to praise.

Page 1, line 2, “yet” because it happens during my life time. Line 10, “The highly gifted _souls_,” perhaps displeasing. Should it be _men_?

A. V. HUMBOLDT.

On the 21st of November, Varnhagen wrote down the following about Humboldt:

“I read to-day the dispatches which Al. von Humboldt addressed to the King from Paris in the year 1835. They are not like Humboldt! Any body else could have written _such_ dispatches—nay, what is still worse, nobody could have written them otherwise! Thus it is, however, with political business—it consists of mere trifles, not at all important in themselves, but becoming important because everybody has agreed to consider them so. Thus the established hypocrisy of forms, presumptions, and exaggerations drown the truth. I looked into myself and confessed that were I engaged in such affairs, I, too, would follow in the beaten track; and yet people wonder that in England and France editors of newspapers become ministers, as if it were not infinitely more easy to write the usual dispatches than good newspaper articles.”

60.
HUMBOLDT TO VARNHAGEN.

FRIDAY, _3d December, 1841_.

Of all that I have had to thank you for, dear friend, I like Hormayr’s manly letter best. Le style est tout l’homme. _He_ is not like the people who surround us, the better ones of whom lose themselves in reticences, temporizations, in trimming, excitements, and irresolution. His belief in Muenster’s liberalism is perhaps only a misconception of Muenster’s motives. No doubt Count Muenster has nobly contributed to the liberation of Germany—but assuredly he never did it in order to open the path to “that light” which, even to-day, is feared like a spectre. “Bruno” (Bauer) has found me out to be a preadamite convert! When I was a boy the court preachers reasoned in this way: I was confirmed by one of them, who told me that the biographies of the Evangelists were finally manufactured out of memoranda made by themselves during their lifetime. Many years ago I wrote: All positive religions contain three distinct parts—First, a code of morals, very pure and nearly the same in all—next, a geological dream—and thirdly, a myth or historical novellette; which last becomes the most important of all. I enclose the pamphlet of Baron Seckendorf. He also calls for a “representation,” namely the “re puro,” the incarnation of the people, all explained in philosophical terms. It must be acceptable, for without being assured of this he would not have dared to publish it. Such people must not be left in doubt about our real opinions. I told him (he is vice-president) that I would read his essay attentively, although our political principles on popular constitutions differed very much.

The political atmosphere is to me thick, dark, and foreboding.

With the same old attachment, yours,
A. V. HUMBOLDT.