Chapter XVI: 1766-1770. Æt. 55-59 (1)

Hume Under Secretary of State--Church Politics--Official
abilities--Conduct as to Ferguson's book--Quarrel with
Oswald--Baron Mure's sons--Project of continuing the History--
Ministerial convulsions--Hume's conduct to his Family--His
Brother--His Nephews--Baron Hume--Blacklock--Smollett--Church
Patronage--Gibbon--Robertson--Elliot--Gilbert Stuart--The
Douglas Cause--Andrew Stewart--Morellet--Return to Scotland.

The quarrel with Rousseau seems to have so fully occupied the attention of Hume, during its continuance, that he scarcely alluded to any other subject in his correspondence; and thus, though the preceding chapter is devoted entirely to that event, a very slight retrospect from the point of time reached at its conclusion, will suffice for whatever else, worthy of notice in his life or correspondence, has been preserved.

In the summer of 1766, he made a short visit to Scotland. "I returned," he says, in his "own life," "to that place, not richer, but with much more money, and a much larger income, by means of Lord Hertford's friendship, than I left it; and I was desirous of trying what superfluity could produce, as I had formerly made an experiment of a competency. But, in 1767, I received, from Mr. Conway, an invitation to be under-secretary; and this invitation, both the character of the person, and my connexions with Lord Hertford, prevented me from declining."

He was thus solicited to undertake the very responsible duties of this office, by one who had good opportunities of knowing his capacity for public business; and the simple fact of the appointment is a testimony to the ability with which he had performed the analogous functions of his office in France. He was indeed at all times a man of punctual habits, and his unwearied industry had not yet begun to slacken. He had a mind of that clear systematic order which was well fitted for the composition of official documents; and his triumphs in philosophical and historical literature never inflated him with the ambition of considering any business which he consented to undertake too insignificant to deserve his full attention. Some official documents, connected with the successive offices which he held, have been preserved, by collectors, as autographs of so celebrated a man: and they generally arrest the attention of every one who examines them, by the clearness and precision of the language, and not a little by the neatness of the handwriting.

After the resignation of the Marquis of Tweeddale, in 1746, there was no longer a principal secretary of state for Scotland; and it became usual to consult the Lord Advocate, or any other ministerial officer, locally connected with the north, as to the policy to be pursued in Scottish affairs. None of the principal members of the Grafton ministry were Scotsmen; and there can be little doubt that Hume must then have exercised a large influence in all affairs connected with his native country.[383:1] He held his office until the 20th of July 1768, when General Conway was superseded by Lord Weymouth.

The following letter contains a brief sketch of the general current of his official life.

HUME _to_ DR. BLAIR.

"_1st April, 1767._

"My way of life here is very uniform, and by no means disagreeable. I pass all the forenoon in the secretary's house, from ten till three, where there arrive, from time to time, messengers, that bring me all the secrets of the kingdom, and, indeed, of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. I am seldom hurried; but have leisure, at intervals, to take up a book, or write a private letter, or converse with any friend that may call for me; and from dinner to bed-time is all my own. If you add to this, that the person with whom I have the chief, if not only transactions, is the most reasonable, equal tempered, and gentleman-like man imaginable, and Lady Aylesbury the same, you will certainly think I have no reason to complain; and I am far from complaining. I only shall not regret when my duty is over; because, to me, the situation can lead to nothing, at least in all probability; and reading, and sauntering, and lounging, and dosing, which I call thinking, is my supreme happiness. I mean my full contentment.

"I thank you for the acquaintance you offer me of Mr. Percy; but it would be impracticable for me to cultivate his friendship, as men of letters have here no place of rendezvous; and are, indeed, sunk and forgot in the general torrent of the world. If you can therefore decline, without hardship, any letter of recommendation, it would save trouble both to him and me."[385:1]

In the beginning of the year 1767, Ferguson published his "Essay on the History of Civil Society," a work which speedily acquired a wide reputation through Europe. The allusions which Hume has been found making to some work of a similar character, so early as 1759,[385:2] probably refer to a particular portion of this book. Immediately before its publication, he recommended Ferguson's friends to prevail on him to suppress the work, as likely to be injurious to its author's literary reputation: one of the few instances, if it be not the only one, in which he discouraged a fellow-countryman, desirous of casting his lot into the competition for literary distinction. He ultimately found that his advice was erroneous, as the book soon obtained a high character. But, had his own opinion of its merits coincided with the suffrages of the public, it would not have been so honourable to his memory, as the satisfaction he expressed on the discovery that the verdict of the reading world was against him. Writing to Blair on 24th February, 1767, he says:--

"I happened yesterday to visit a person three hours after a copy of Ferguson's performance was opened, for the first time, in London. It was by Lord Mansfield. I accept this omen of its future success. He was extremely pleased with it; said it was very agreeable, and perfectly well wrote; assured me that he would not stop a moment till he had finished it; and recommended it strongly to the perusal of the Archbishop of York, who was present. I have wrote the same article of intelligence to Ferguson himself; but as he is the likeliest person in the world to suppress it, I thought it safest to put it into your hands, in order to circulate it."[386:1]

Again:--

"I hear good things said of Ferguson's book every day. Lord Holderness showed me a letter from the Archbishop of York, where his Grace says, that in many things it surpasses Montesquieu. My friend, Mr. Dodwell, says that it is an admirable book, elegantly wrote, and with great purity of language. Pray, tell to Ferguson and to others all these things."[386:2]

Again, writing to the same correspondent, on 1st April, he says:--

"The success of the book, dear Doctor, which you mention, gives me great satisfaction, on account of my sincere friendship for the author; and so much the rather, as the success was to me unexpected. I have since begun to hope, and even to believe, that I was mistaken; and in this persuasion have several times taken it up and read chapters of it. But, to my great mortification and sorrow, I have not been able to change my sentiments. We shall see, by the duration of its fame, whether or not I am mistaken. Helvétius and Saurin both told me at Paris, that they had been consulted by Montesquieu about his 'Esprit des Loix.' They used the freedom to tell him, as their fixed opinion, that he ought to suppress the book; which they foresaw would very much injure his reputation. They said to me that, no doubt, I thought they had reason to be ashamed of their judgment. But still, added they, you may observe that the public are very much returned from their first admiration of that book; and we are persuaded that they will daily return still more.

"I hope that I shall be found a false prophet as much as these gentlemen; for though the 'Esprit des Loix,' be considerably sunk in vogue, and will probably still sink farther, it maintains a high reputation, and probably will never be totally neglected. It has considerable merit, notwithstanding the glare of its pointed wit, and notwithstanding its false refinements, and its rash and crude positions. Helvétius and Saurin assured me, that this freedom of theirs never lost them any thing of Montesquieu's friendship. I believe the like would be my case; but it is better not to put it to a trial. On that account, as well as others, I recommend to you secrecy, towards every person except Robertson."[388:1]

A letter from Adam Smith, desiring that his friend, Count Sarsfield, might be introduced to Hume's circle of acquaintance, called forth the following narrative of a very amusing incident:--

HUME _to_ ADAM SMITH.

"_London, 13th June, 1767._

"DEAR SMITH,--The Count de Sarsfield is a good acquaintance of mine, from the time I saw him at Paris; and as he is really a man of merit, I have great pleasure whenever I meet him here. My occupations keep me from cultivating his friendship as much as I should incline. I did not introduce him to Elliot, because I knew that this gentleman's reserve and indolence would make him neglect the acquaintance; and I did not introduce him to Oswald, because I fear that he and I are broke for ever; at least he does not seem inclined to take any steps towards an accommodation with me.

"I am to tell you the strangest story you ever heard of. I was dining with him, above two months ago, where, among other company, was the Bishop of Raphoe.[388:2] After dinner we were disposed to be merry. I said to the company, that I had been very ill used by Lord Hertford; for that I always expected to be made a bishop by him during his lieutenancy! but he had given away two sees from me, to my great vexation and disappointment. The right reverend, without any farther provocation, burst out into the most furious, and indecent, and orthodox rage that ever was seen: told me that I was most impertinent; that if he did not wear a gown, I durst not, no, I durst not, have used him so; that none but a coward would treat a clergyman in that manner; that henceforth he must either abstain from his brother's house, or I must; and that this was not the first time he had heard the stupid joke from my mouth. With the utmost tranquillity and temper I asked his pardon; assured him, upon my honour, that I did not mean him the least offence: if I had imagined he could possibly have been displeased, I never should have mentioned the subject; but the joke was not in the least against him, but entirely against myself, as if I were capable of such an expectation as that of being a bishop! my regard for himself, and still more for his brother, with whom I had long been more particularly connected, would certainly restrain me from either joke or earnest, which could be offensive to him; and that, if I had ever touched on the same topic before, I had entirely forgot it, and it must have been above a twelvemonth ago. He was nowise appeased; raved on in the same style for a long time. At last I got the discourse diverted, and took my leave, seemingly with great indifference and even good humour. I was nowise surprised nor concerned about his lordship; because I had, on other occasions, observed the same orthodox zeal swell within him, and it was often difficult for him to converse with temper when I was in the company.

"But what really surprised and vexed me was, that his brother kept silence all the time. I met him in the passage when I went away, and he made me no apology. He has never since called on me; and though he sees that I never come near his house, though formerly I used to be three or four times a-week with him, he never takes the least notice of it. I own this gives me vexation, because I have a sincere value and affection for him. It is only some satisfaction to me to find, that I am so palpably in the right as not to leave the least room for doubt or ambiguity. Dr. Pitcairne, who was in the company, says that he never saw such a scene in his lifetime. If I were sure, dear Smith, that you and I should not some day quarrel in some such manner, I should tell you that I am, yours very affectionately and sincerely."[390:1]

The world levies certain penalties on the enjoyment of a character for good nature and kindness, and Hume seems to have paid them to their most ample extent, in the shape of executing commissions, and performing general petty services for his friends. We have witnessed the zeal with which he attended to the education of Mr. Elliot's two sons. A teacher of languages, possessing the distinguished name of Graffigny, and professing to be in the confidence of celebrated literary people in Paris, appears to have excited the suspicion of Baron Mure, whose sons he was employed to instruct. Hume undertook to make some inquiries regarding him; and his brief reports, from time to time, have some interest from their containing a few of his opinions on education.

HUME _to_ BARON MURE.

"_London, 1st July, 1767._

"DEAR BARON,--I believe I told you, that D'Alembert disclaimed all sort of acquaintance with him. I have this moment received a letter from Helvétius, doing the same. It was in answer to one I wrote him at Lord Hertford's desire. I know not from what quarter we had heard that he had given to Lord Harcourt, or Lord Newnam, a good character of Graffigny: but it must have been a mistake; for to me he says, that he knows no such man; that his wife, who was niece to the famous Ma{me} de Graffigny, and educated with her, never saw or heard of such a man: nor can they imagine who he may be. After this second imposture, it is certain that Lord Hertford will not put his sons to him; nor do I think it fit yours should longer remain. He is an empty, conceited fellow, full of chimeras and pretensions; and I think you are at no great loss for parting with him. The question [is,] what to do next?"

(_Undated._)

"DEAR BARON,--He is indeed a conceited man, full of whimseys and affectations, reasoning always in the clouds about the most obvious things, and hunting after novelties and singularities of which his genius is incapable. What, for instance, can be more whimsical than his method of teaching Latin? He gives his boys a long list of words, which they are to get by heart, like the muster-roll of a regiment, and a great heap of grammar rules, which are to them unintelligible. After he has laid this foundation of a language, as he imagines, he begins them with the most difficult of all the Latin poets; and for this plan of education, he will give you a galimatias of reasons, clothed in the smoothest language, and delivered with the softest accent."

(_Undated._)

"DEAR BARON,--In my conversation with your young folks yesterday, I endeavoured to inform myself concerning their progress in Latin. I find that they are not taught any Latin grammar; they are only instructed in the sense of single detached words, which they learn, both in Greek and Latin, at once. Accordingly they told me water, aqua, and υδωρ; but though I tried them in about half a dozen more words, I could not find their learning extended so far. All this appears to me very whimsical; and I doubt a dead language can never be learned in this manner without grammar. In a living language, the continual application of the words and phrases teaches at the same time the sense of the words, and their reference to each other; but a list of words got by heart, without any connected sense, easily escapes the memory, and is but a small part of the language."[392:1]

There are several indications that Hume still retained the half-formed intention of continuing his History through a portion of the period succeeding the Revolution. In a brief undated letter, written to Smith in Paris, he says:--

"Some push me to continue my History. Millar offers me any price. All the Marlborough papers are offered me: and I believe nobody would venture to refuse me. But _cui bono_? Why should I forego idleness, and sauntering, and society, and expose myself again to the clamours of a stupid factious public? I am not yet tired of doing nothing; and am become too wise either to mind censure or applause. By and bye I shall be too old to undergo so much labour. Adieu."[392:2]

Smith's opinion is thus reported by Andrew Millar, on 22d November, 1766.

"He is of opinion, with many more of your very good sensible friends, that the History of this country, from the Revolution, is not to be met with in books yet printed; but from MSS. in this country, to which he is sure you will have ready access, from all accounts he hears from the great here; and therefore you should lay the ground-work here, after your perusal of the MSS. you may have access to, and doing it below will be laying the wrong foundation. I think it my duty to inform you the opinion of your most judicious friends, and I think he and Sir John Pringle may be reckoned amongst that number."[393:1]

Millar, indeed, seems to have scarcely ever relaxed from urging this project; and perhaps it was his perseverance, and not any self-originating desire to pursue the task, that kept the design alive in Hume's mind. He had written to his worthy publisher on 8th October, 1766:--

"I shall probably do as you advise, and sketch out the outlines of the two or three subsequent reigns, which I may finish at London, after I find that there remains no farther obstacles to this work, and that it is favoured, I do not say by every body, (for that is impossible,) but by the generality of the world."

At a later date he thus expressed his views:--

HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.

"_London, 17th July, 1767._

"DEAR SIR,--We are still in as unsettled a condition as when you left us. There will certainly be a considerable alteration in the ministry; and I do not at present reckon my principal's situation more precarious than that of any other minister. He speaks, however, like a man who is to be out of office in a few days. I have also taken the precaution to desire him to request of the king, in my name, the liberty, after my dismission, of inspecting all the public records, and all the papers in the Paper-office. His majesty was pleased to say, that he very willingly complied with my request, and was glad to hear of my intentions. But my chief view is to run over such papers as belong to the period which I have already wrote, in order to render that part of my History as little imperfect as possible. It would be folly to think of writing any more; and even as to correcting, were it not an amusement, to what purpose would it serve, since I shall certainly never live to see a new edition?"[394:1]

On the same subject, and in the same tone, he writes to his brother, on 6th October:--

"As to myself, I pass my time, as I told you, in an agreeable enough kind of business, and not too much of it. My income, also, is at present very considerable--above £1100 a-year, of which I shall not spend much above the half. Notwithstanding, I sometimes wish to be out of employment, in order to prosecute my History, to which every body urges me. When Mr. Conway was on the point of resigning, I desired him to propose to the king that I might afterwards have the liberty of inspecting all the public offices for such papers as might serve to my purpose. His majesty said, that he was glad that I had that object in my eye; and I should certainly have all the assistance in his power. He was also pleased, some time after, to send to me the Baron Behr, minister for Hanover, to tell me that he had ordered over some papers from Hanover, to be put into my hands, because he believed they would be of use to me. I believe I have told you that the use of the Marlborough papers had been promised me by Lord and Lady Spencer; but Marchmont, who had some pretence of authority over them, as trustee, delayed giving them up, suspecting, I suppose, the use they intended to make of them."[395:1]

Though it was as part of Lord Rockingham's administration that Conway became secretary of state, and his political connexions attached him to that leader, he had been prevailed on to retain office on the formation of the Grafton and Chatham cabinet, in August 1766. In the summer of 1767, that ministry seemed likely to be formidably assailed by the united efforts of the Rockingham and Bedford parties, whose meetings and resolutions at Newcastle House are matters well known in history. General Conway's resignation would have terminated Hume's tenure of office; and we find, in his correspondence, a few indications of interest in the political movements of the time; yet so calm and modified, that even the possession of office seems scarcely to have affected the stoic philosophy with which he contemplated ministerial revolutions.

He says to his friend Blair, on the 18th of June:--

"We are all again in confusion. Negotiations for a new ministry; the fatal month of July approaching; a new settlement to be made, which will be no settlement. I fancy I return, in a few weeks, to my former situation."[395:2]

And to Smith, on 14th July:--

"DEAR SMITH,--I send you the enclosed, with a large packet for Count Sarsfield. This is the last ministerial act which I shall probably perform; and with this exertion I finish my functions. I shall not leave this country presently. Perhaps I may go over to France. Our resignation is a very extraordinary incident, and will probably occasion a total change of ministry. Are you busy?"[396:1]

His official life, however, was not so near a conclusion as he thought it was. The following letter is more full and explicit, in regard to these matters:--

_London, 28th July, 1767._

"DEAR BROTHER,--Were my present situation any object of anxiety, I should have been very unhappy of late: so uncertain has my continuance appeared every moment, and so near did my ministerial functions seem to draw towards their conclusion. But as the matter was very nearly indifferent to me, I neither felt anxiety for my past danger, nor do I experience any joy from my present establishment; for we are now established, for some time at least, and all apprehensions of a change are removed to a distance. The history of our late transactions is, in short, as follows: About this time twelvemonth, when the last revolution of ministry took place, Mr. Conway staid in, though Lord Rockingham, and most of his friends, were turned out: But it was with reluctance, and only on the earnest entreaties of the king and Lord Chatham, and on their giving him a promise that several of his friends and party should still continue to hold their places. This engagement was broke last winter. Some of these gentlemen were turned out; and Mr. Conway, after protesting against this usage, declared, that though he would keep his office during the session, not to disturb the king's business, he would resign as soon as the parliament should rise. He accordingly desired the king, about six weeks ago, to provide him a successor, and was entreated only to keep the seals till a proper person should be thought of. When the matter came to be discussed, it was found very difficult. The Duke of Grafton declared, that being deprived of Lord Chatham's support, he could not continue to serve without Mr. Conway: and a total dissolution of the ministry seemed to be the effect of the incident. Negotiations were accordingly set on foot with the leaders of the opposition, and a great meeting of them was held last week, at Bedford House. It was found that they could not, by any means, agree in their demands; and they separated in mutual discontent. Every body thinks that Mr. Conway has now satisfied, to the full, the point of honour, in which he is very scrupulous, and that he will cordially resume his functions, especially as he stands so well with the king and his fellow ministers, and has brought it within the choice of his old friends to accept of the ministry, if they had thought proper. I was beginning to wish for our dissolution; but upon this turn of affairs, I resume my occupations with cheerfulness."[397:1]

The remainder of this letter is devoted to a matter in which we have already frequently found him taking interest--the education of his nephews. From his earliest to his latest days, his connexion with his elder brother was cordial and affectionate. On the 6th of October we find him writing, in a tone which indicates a sympathy with some domestic calamity which his brother must have suffered:--

"The time of your going to Edinburgh approaches, which makes a great change in your way of life, and will naturally make yourself, as well as all your friends, anxious about the issue of it. However, I cannot but think that you will there live more cheerfully, with all your children about you, than in the country, during the winter, when your boys were absent. At first only, as your spirits are not very strong at present, you may feel uneasy at the alteration, as you are at present somewhat apprehensive about it."[398:1]

There was apparently but one point in which the two brothers differed; and it was a subject on which Hume seems to have been at war with all his clan. The Laird of Ninewells, notwithstanding all the lustre that had now gathered round the name of _Hume_, would not adopt it in place of that of _Home_, which his father had borne. He was a simple, single-hearted man, moderate in all his views and wishes, and neither ambitious of distinction nor of wealth. He passed his life as a retired country gentleman; and while Europe was full of his brother's name, he was so averse to notoriety, that he is known to have objected to the domestic events of births, marriages, and deaths, in his family, obtaining the usual publicity through the newspapers.[398:2] His eldest son, Joseph, frequently mentioned in the following correspondence, succeeded him in his estate and retired habits, but not entirely in his disposition; for he indulged in many of the eccentricities and peculiarities so often exhibited by the Scottish gentry,--a characteristic they seem to derive from the circumstance, that, in the British empire, there is no person less liable to encounter an equal, and to be thwarted in his small exercise of absolute power, than a Scottish laird. It is evident from his uncle's letters, that Joseph obtained an excellent education. He was for some time placed under the charge of poor Blacklock,--an arrangement by which Hume sought to perform a double act of beneficence.[399:1] Joseph died unmarried, on 14th February, 1832, and was succeeded by his brother David, whose career was more public and distinguished. He was born on 27th February, 1757,[401:1] and died on 27th July, 1838. He was successively sheriff of the counties of Berwick and Linlithgow. He was professor of Scots law in the university of Edinburgh, and a principal clerk of Session. He subsequently resigned these offices, on his being appointed a Baron of the Scottish Exchequer. His works are of great authority in the practical departments of the law. While he taught in the university, his students zealously collected notes of his lectures; and, as he refused to permit any version of them to be published, the well preserved collections of these notes have been considered valuable treasuries of legal wisdom. In 1790, he published "Commentaries on the law of Scotland, respecting trials for crimes;" and, in 1797, "Commentaries on the law of Scotland respecting the description and punishment of crimes," forming, in four quarto volumes, a comprehensive treatise on all the departments of the criminal law of Scotland, which has now passed through three editions. It has been justly remarked, that lawyers of the present generation, can, with difficulty, appreciate the merit of this work, because, from its having converted the whole subject it embraces into a system, the chaotic mass, from which the present comparatively orderly criminal code of Scotland was constructed, has disappeared.[402:1]

Few literary reputations have been more unlike each other than those of the two David Humes, uncle and nephew. The former hated legal details and the jargon of technical phraseology; to the latter they were the breath of his literary life. The one, as a philosopher, saw, throughout a wide circumference of vision, the relations to each other of the most distant objects of human knowledge; the latter saw nothing beyond the bounds of the professional details before him; but these he noted with an unrivalled accuracy. The strength, clearness, and beauty of the philosopher's language have been a lasting object of admiration; the lawyer's diction was clumsy, rude, and ponderous, without being either strong or clear. On one point only did they agree--their political opinions; and yet, on this subject, they seem not always to have been in unison. From a very curious letter, which will be found a few pages farther on, it appears that Hume thought it necessary seriously to warn his nephew against republican principles. Few, who are only acquainted with the opinions of Baron Hume's later life, will be inclined to believe that this danger could ever have been serious. He was a supporter of all those parts of the criminal law of Scotland,--in his day not a few,--which put the subject at the mercy of the crown and of the judges; and a warm admirer of his sagacity and learning, as a lawyer, cannot quit this subject without regretting that these qualities should have been brought to aid the promulgation of arbitrary principles.

The education of his nephews, occupies, as has been already stated, the remainder of the letter by Hume to his brother above cited.

"My present situation revives those reflections which have frequently occurred to me concerning the education of your sons, particularly of Josey, whose age now advances, and seems to approach towards a crisis. The question is, whether he had better continue his education in Scotland or in England. There are several advantages of a Scots education; but the question is, whether that of the language does not counterbalance them, and determine the preference to the English. He is now of an age to learn it perfectly; but if a few years elapse, he may acquire such an accent, as he will never be able to cure of. It is not yet determined what profession he shall be of: but it must always be of great advantage to speak properly: especially if it should prove, as we have reason to hope, that his good parts will open him the road of ambition. The only inconvenience is, that few Scotsmen, that have had an English education, have ever settled cordially in their own country; and they have been commonly lost ever after to their friends. However, as this consequence is not necessary, the superior recommendations of an English education ought not to be neglected. I have been making inquiries for some time, and on the whole I find Eton the best place for the education of youth. He would there be able to form connexions with many young people of distinction; though the whole expense would scarcely exceed £70 a-year, which I fancy is little more than he costs you at present. I suggest, therefore, this idea to you that you may weigh it at leisure, and determine upon it. I know you do not like to be hurried, and therefore the more time for reflection the better. His friend and companion, young Adam, is coming up soon, but is going to Westminster school, which is a place that I find some objections to.

"I hope Mrs. Home is perfectly recovered. I am glad to hear such good news of Jock. I had a letter from Davie last week, which gave me pleasure. I am, dear brother, yours sincerely."[404:1]

On 13th October, in a letter of which a portion has been cited above, Hume writes further on the same subject:

"DEAR BROTHER,--I never prognosticated well of Josey's genius for the mathematics, from his great slowness in learning arithmetic: and I am not surprised to find that his progress in Euclid has not been so great as might have been expected from his quickness and his capacity in other particulars. There is indeed something very unaccountable in his turn; so childish in many cases, and yet so manly, and quick, and sensible in others. The presence of strangers, above all, seems to make him recollect himself, and he is exceedingly taking among them. His address in particular, is remarkably good, and he seems to have a turn for the world and for company. However, I do not think him by any means deficient in his talents for literature. It appeared to me that he always read his books with a very good taste, Latin as well as French and English; and I imagine that he will make at least a very gentlemanlike scholar. I wish therefore he had a further trial of the Greek; and if that will not do, I think with you that the Italian is an easy and genteel acquisition, which will furnish him with occupation for this winter."[405:1]

Hume expressed no high respect for the historical abilities of Dr. Smollett, nor could he have well expected credit for sincerity if he had done so. With the works in which the novelist let loose his native genius, it is not likely that the philosopher could have had much sympathy. But two letters addressed by him to Smollett, show that the successful and affluent man of letters was substantially kind and friendly to his less fortunate countryman.

HUME _to_ TOBIAS SMOLLETT.

"_London, July 18, 1767._

"DEAR SIR,--I have had a conversation with Lord Shelburne concerning your affairs: he told me that he had long been pre-engaged for the consulship of Nice to the Spanish ambassador, and could not possibly get free of that obligation. I then mentioned the consulship of Leghorn; but he said he was already engaged for that office to a friend of Mr. Dunning, the lawyer. On the whole, I cannot flatter you with any hopes of success from that quarter; even supposing his lordship were to remain in office, which is very uncertain, considering the present state of our ministry. For of all our annual confusions, the present seems to be the most violent, and to threaten the most entire revolution, and the most important events. As Lord Chatham's state of health appears totally desperate, and as Lord Shelburne's connexion is supposed to be chiefly, if not solely, with him, many people foretell a short duration to the greatness of the last named minister. Every thing is uncertain: there is a mighty combination to overpower the king. The force of the crown is great; but is not employed with that steadiness which its friends would wish. I pretend not to foresee, much less to foretell, the consequences. I am, dear sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant," &c.[406:1]

It has been a matter of speculation, if not of dispute among ecclesiastical politicians, how far Hume had an influence in the dispensation of church patronage in Scotland. The following letters, having however a more immediate reference to state politics, may be held to afford some light on this question.

HUME _to_ SIR GILBERT ELLIOT.[406:2]

"_London, 13th August, 1767._

"DEAR SIR GILBERT,--I am told that the minister of Kirkton, in the Presbytery of Jedburgh, is either dying, or is to be removed, and that the living is in the gift of the crown. I have spoke to General Conway desiring that, in case no unexpected difficulties occur, he may give it to my nephew's tutor; and he has agreed to it. I have since heard, that the living, though it stands in our list as a crown presentation, is alternately in the gift of Sir John Elliot of Stobs, and Cavers Douglas. I shall be much obliged to you, if, without mentioning the reason, you could make inquiries, and give me information.

"You have heard, no doubt, that all our negotiations have vanished, and that our present ministry is settled on a firmer basis than ever. Mr. Conway's delicacy of honour was satisfied, by bringing his old friends the Rockinghams to have an offer; and as it was impossible for them to concert a ministry, he has agreed to act cordially with the Duke of Grafton: the king is very happy that no changes are to have place. I do not reckon the change in Ireland for any thing, because Lord Bristol goes out at his own earnest and repeated desire. I am told that Lord Townsend openly ascribes his own promotion entirely to the friendship of Lord Bute. Charles Fitzroy lately, in a great meeting, proposed Lord Bute's health in a bumper. It will be a surprise to you certainly, if that noble lord should again come into fashion, and openly avow his share of influence, and be openly courted by all the world. I am, dear Sir Gilbert, yours sincerely."[407:1]

"_10th Sept. 1767._

"DEAR SIR GILBERT,--Lord North has refused the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer; though it was earnestly pressed upon him, and though he professed an entire satisfaction with every person in the administration. He dreads the labour of the office, especially as it obliges him to take so great a part in the business of the House of Commons. It will not probably be offered to any Scotsman, for fear of popular reflections concerning the influence of the Thane. The same objection, as well as others, lie against Dyson, who has been thought of. I see the ministry in some perplexity; perhaps this incident may draw on new resignations and negotiations, and cabals. I think one defect of the present situation of our government is, that nobody desires much to have any share in the administration, except adventurers, of whom the public is naturally distrustful. The pecuniary emoluments are of no consideration to men of rank and fortune. You have often more personal regard from being in the opposition. The protection of the law is at all times sufficient for your security; and by acquiring authority you are exposed to insults, instead of gaining the power to revenge them.[408:1] Why, then, should a man of birth, fortune, and parts, sacrifice his fame and peace to an ungrateful public? Such is the defect that arises from the perfection of the most perfect government."[408:2]

The next in the chronological order of Hume's letters, reverts to the prospect of his continuing his History.

HUME _to_ ANDREW MILLAR.

"_19th October, 1767._

"DEAR SIR,--The picture which Donaldson has done for me is a drawing; and, in every body's opinion, as well as my own, is the likest that has been done for me, as well as the best likeness. Since you still insist that an engraving should be made from it, we are [thus] more likely to have a good engraving made than by any other means. I shall, however, be glad to sit to Ferguson.[409:1] I intend to give up all my leisure time to the correction of my History, and to contrive more leisure than I have possessed since I came into public office. I had run over four volumes; but I shall give them a second perusal, and employ the same, or greater accuracy in correcting the other four. I shall read carefully all the records in the Paper Office, as far back as they go, and shall leave nothing untried that may bestow the greatest exactness upon it. For this reason, as well as many others, I would not have you precipitate this edition, which is probably the last that I may have occasion to make. I would wish to leave that work as little imperfect as possible to posterity. I am," &c.[409:2]

Gibbon tells us, in his amusing autobiography, that with the assistance of his friend Deyverdun, he had written in French a portion of a history of Switzerland, and that the opinions he heard expressed when a fragment of it was anonymously read before a society in London, prompted him to abandon the work, and burn the portion he had written. "I delivered," he says, "my imperfect sketches to the flames." Yet, singularly enough, he seems to have confounded the intention with the fulfilment, for they were discovered after his death, but were not thought worthy of being published by his literary executor, Lord Sheffield.[409:3] Gibbon had endeavoured to find for his friend Deyverdun some employment in England, picturesquely observing, that his own "purse was always open, but it was often empty." They wrote in company some numbers of a periodical, now very rare, called "Mémoires Littéraires de La Grande Bretagne," and Gibbon informs us that these specimens of their labours introduced them to the notice of Hume,[410:1] in whose office Deyverdun held an appointment at the date of the following letter:--

GIBBON _to_ HUME.

_Baiton, 4th October, 1767._

SIR,--A six years' residence in Switzerland inspired me with
the design of writing a general history of that brave and free
people, so little known to the rest of Europe, but whom I had
studied with some attention. This design was dropt almost as
soon as conceived, from the almost insurmountable difficulty
of procuring proper materials, as they were mostly in German,
a language I am totally unacquainted with. A Swiss gentleman,
and intimate friend of mine, has removed that difficulty. Mr.
Deyverdun, who passed the summer with me in the country two
years ago, approved very much my design, and offered to assist
me by translating what was most difficult, himself, and by
superintending a German translator, as to the remainder. He is
now returning to London after a much shorter visit than I
desired; and as he has the happiness of supporting some
connexion with you, I flattered myself that you might indulge
a wish, perhaps presumptuous, that I had conceived, and that
you would condescend to glance your eye over the sheets of
this History, which I had already drawn up in a language
indeed foreign to an Englishman, but which the favourable
reception of a former essay engaged me to make use of.

Give me leave, sir, to add, that I must beg you to consider
this liberty as a proof of my respect; and that I shall
consider your severity as a mark of your esteem. If you
advise me to burn what I have already wrote, I shall
immediately execute your sentence, with a full persuasion that
it is just. Let me say, however, I have perhaps vanity enough
to make so unlimited a sacrifice to no man in Europe but to
Mr. Hume. I am, sir, with the greatest esteem, your most
obedient humble servant,

E. GIBBON, Junior.[411:1]

HUME _to_ GIBBON.

"_London, 24th October, 1767._

"SIR,--It is but a few days since Mr. Deyverdun put your manuscript into my hands; and I have perused it with great pleasure and satisfaction. I have only one objection, derived from the language in which it is written. Why do you compose in French, and carry fagots into the wood, as Horace says, with regard to the Romans who wrote in Greek? I grant, that you have a like motive to those Romans, and adopt a language much more generally diffused than your native tongue: but have you not remarked the fate of those two ancient languages in following ages? The Latin, though then less celebrated, and confined to more narrow limits, has, in some measure, outlived the Greek, and is now more generally understood by men of letters. Let the French, therefore, triumph in the present diffusion of their tongue. Our solid and increasing establishments in America, where we need less dread the inundation of barbarians, promise a superior stability and duration to the English language.

"Your use of the French tongue has also led you into a style more poetical and figurative, and more highly coloured, than our language seems to admit of in historical productions: for such is the practice of French writers, particularly the more recent ones, who illuminate their pictures more than custom will permit us. On the whole, your History, in my opinion, is written with spirit and judgment; and I exhort you very earnestly to continue it. The objections that occurred to me on reading it were so frivolous, that I shall not trouble you with them, and should, I believe, have a difficulty to collect them. I am, with great esteem," &c.[412:1]

Some remarks communicated to Dr. Robertson, on his "History of Charles V." while that work was passing through the press, have deservedly attracted notice by their unconstrained and natural playfulness.

HUME _to_ DR. ROBERTSON.

I got yesterday from Strahan about thirty sheets of your
History to be sent over to Suard, and last night and this
morning have run them over with great avidity. I could not
deny myself the satisfaction (which I hope also will not
displease you) of expressing presently my extreme approbation
of them. To say only that they are very well written, is by
far too faint an expression, and much inferior to the
sentiments I feel. They are composed with nobleness, with
dignity, with elegance, and with judgment, to which there are
few equals. They even excel, and, I think, in a sensible
degree, your "History of Scotland." I propose to myself great
pleasure in being the only man in England, during some months,
who will be in the situation of doing you justice,--after
which you may certainly expect that my voice will be drowned
in that of the public.

You know that you and I have always been on the footing of
finding in each other's productions _something to blame, and
something to commend_; and therefore you may perhaps expect
also some seasoning of the former kind; but really neither my
leisure nor inclination allowed me to make such remarks; and I
sincerely believe you have afforded me very small materials
for them. However, such particulars as occur to my memory, I
shall mention. _Maltreat_ is a Scoticism which occurs once.
What the devil had you to do with that old fashioned dangling
word _wherewith_? I should as soon take back _whereupon_,
_whereunto_, and _wherewithal_. I think the only tolerable
decent gentleman of the family is _wherein_; and I should not
choose to be often seen in his company. But I know your
affection for _wherewith_ proceeds from your partiality to
Dean Swift, whom I can often laugh with, whose style I can
even approve, but surely can never admire. It has no harmony,
no eloquence, no ornament; and not much correctness, whatever
the English may imagine. Were not their literature still in a
somewhat barbarous state, that author's place would not be so
high among their classics. But what a fancy is this you have
taken of saying always _an hand_, _an heart_, _an head_? Have
you _an ear_? Do you not know that this (n) is added before
vowels to prevent the cacophony, and ought never to take place
before (h) when that letter is sounded? It is never pronounced
in these words; why should it be wrote? Thus, I should say, _a
history_, and _an historian_; and so would you too, if you had
any sense. But you tell me that Swift does otherwise. To be
sure there is no reply to that; and we must swallow your
_hath_ too upon the same authority. I will see you d----d
sooner. But I will endeavour to keep my temper.

I do not like this sentence in page 149: _This step was taken
in consequence of the treaty Wolsey had concluded with the
Emperor at Brussels, and which had hitherto been kept secret._
Si sic omnia dixisses, I should never have been plagued with
hearing your praises so often sounded, and that fools
preferred your style to mine. Certainly it had been better to
have said, _which_ Wolsey, &c. That relative ought very seldom
to be omitted; and is here particularly requisite to preserve
a symmetry between the two members of the sentence. You omit
the relative too often, which is a colloquial barbarism, as Mr
Johnson calls it.

Your periods are sometimes, though not often, too long. Suard
will be embarrassed with them, as the modish French style runs
into the other extreme.[413:1]

Turgot, at the instigation of some Italian friends, had applied to Hume to recommend a scholar, who would undertake to teach the English language and literature at Parma. He selected Robert Liston; but he had overlooked an objection which the enlightened promoters of the scheme in Italy appear to have considered too obvious to require preliminary explanation, that Liston was a Protestant! In returning thanks to Hume for the unavailing recommendation, Liston discovers the bent of his genius, by desiring that, if an opportunity should occur, Hume would recommend him as secretary of legation to any of the secondary embassies. The fate of the Parma scheme was thus communicated to Elliot.

HUME _to_ SIR GILBERT ELLIOT.

"_London, 5th July, 1768._

"DEAR SIR GILBERT,--I beg of you to direct the enclosed to poor Liston, who will be disappointed in the scheme for Parma: they will have nothing but a Papist. Such fools! Let the Pope excommunicate them on the one hand: I will do so on the other.

"I have seen a book newly printed at Edinburgh, called 'Philosophical Essays:' it has no manner of sense in it, but is wrote with tolerable neatness of style: whence I conjecture it to be our friend, Sir David's.[414:1] I am obliged to him for the treatment which he destines me, to be locked up for five years in a dungeon, and then to be hanged, and my carcass to be thrown out of Scotland. He supports himself, indeed, by the authority of Plato, whom I own to be truly divine. Pray, have you seen the book? Is it Sir David's? I think it has not so many attempts at humour, as that pious gentleman would employ.

"We are all very quiet here; as quiet as you are at Minto, though perhaps not so busy. No more noise of Wilkes and Liberty. Lord Mansfield said to me, that it was impossible for him to condemn him to the pillory, because the attorney-general did not demand it. Yesterday he represented to the Spanish ambassador, that moderate sentence, as a refinement in politics, which reduced the scoundrel the sooner to obscurity. It would be a strange cause, which he could not find plausible reasons to justify.

"I beg to be remembered to Lady Elliot, and to any of your family who may be at Minto. I ever am, dear Sir Gilbert, yours sincerely."[415:1]

SIR GILBERT ELLIOT _to_ HUME.

"_Minto, 11th July, 1768._

"I am sorry, my dear sir, for poor Liston's disappointment. I
am told he thought himself secure. I have seen the book you
mention; but you do injustice to our friend Sir David. He is
not the author; but a very moral and worthy man, who, I
believe, once had the honour to attend you in some of your
writings before,--his name James Balfour--at least I am told
so. The young feudal author, Gilbert Stewart, is just now in
my neighbourhood; and, his father tells me, impatient, to a
great degree, for your letter. It seems he is much your
admirer. However, I hope my criticisms, on some parts of his
work, may keep him from carrying his admiration, on some
points, too far. Not that I mean to close with my friend, Mr.
Balfour, in his candid proposition for treating you after the
manner of the divine Plato. I rest entirely on you for
politics, changes of ministry, foreign politics, and domestic
occurrences. I have now no correspondents; and I did not think
it prudent to engage with any ministerial men; as I might be
led, in such a correspondence, to commit mistakes, which may
be inconvenient next winter. Farming, I find, is very
expensive--days' wages now at a shilling; but our fields are
green, and the hedges thrive. I hope to see your brother this
autumn. He is very orthodox, I am told, so far as husbandry
goes. I hope to hear your love affair, and your King William,
are in a good way. My wife not yet arrived. Yours," &c.[416:1]