Chapter XI: 1760-1762. Æt. 49-51 (2)

From these communications, Hume derived the notion that Rousseau had immediately proceeded to London. The following paragraph, in a letter from Elliot, indicates the nature of the inquiries pursued under this supposition.

DEAR SIR,--As soon as I received your letter, I applied to Mr.
Home, who had also heard from you by the same post, and
desired him to make all possible inquiry after M. Rousseau. If
he be in London we shall certainly find him out; and I need
not assure you, that both on account of his own merit, and
your recommendation, I shall not fail to show him all the
attention in my power. I should doubt, from the known
character of the man, whether he would accept a pension if it
could be procured for him; and should rather apprehend that,
though this government will protect and tolerate the boldness
of his pen, yet it will hardly reward it. Rousseau is not the
only man of genius, the singularity of whose opinions has
intercepted the rewards due to the superiority of his talents.

In the supposition that he had passed over to England, Hume addressed a letter to Rousseau, as then in London, which was answered by the Chien de Diogène, as Voltaire called him, from his retreat in Neufchâtel, on 19th February, 1763. He says he has just received the letter, regrets that he should have made the mistake of trusting himself among his own countrymen, who have treated him with insult and outrage, instead of seeking the hospitable shores of Britain. He does something like justice to the kindness of Lord Marischal, in the midst of his general mordacity and discontent; and he praises the wide views, the wonderful impartiality, the genius of Hume, which would raise him so far above the rest of his kind, did not the goodness of his heart bring him nearer to their level.[110:1]

The following letter from Madame de Boufflers, written in English, had been received in the meantime.

MADAME DE BOUFFLERS _to_ HUME.

_July 30._

How difficult it is, sir, for one very far from being
insensible to reputation, to refuse the praises of a man,
whose sincerity and admirable talents render them so valuable.
But in regard to veracity, and perhaps more to my true
interest, I am obliged to acknowledge, I stand a great
distance, for internal or external accomplishments, from the
favourable opinion you have taken of me, whether, in
consulting the noble sentiments which ever inspire you with
sublime ideas, whether in hearkening to some of your
countrymen, disposed to indulgence towards me, by my
well-known inclination for their country.

Perhaps, sir, I confess it with ingenuity, had I been doomed
to be never personally acquainted with you, I should not have
generosity enough to correct your judgment of me. But in this
particular occasion, as in all other, according to my humble
opinion, right and good are closely united. What a shame
indeed for me, and disappointment for you, in place of the
object your imagination has adorned with such shining
qualifications, to find a person to whom Nature has granted
but indifferent ones. A great part of my youth is over. Some
delicacy in features, mildness and decency in countenance, are
the only exterior advantages I can boast of; and as for
interior, common sense, improved a little by early good
reading, are all I possess. My knowledge of the English
language also is confined, as you can easily perceive. I have,
indeed, acquired without assistance that which I know of it;
but if I am entitled to some elegancy, I owe it to the
repeated readings of your admirable works.

After this true picture of myself, in which I have struggled
to exert the noble impartiality and candour which shine in all
your writings, my first care is, sir, to acknowledge the
infinite obligations you have conferred upon me by your kind
letter. I have translated the P. S. to send it to my friend.
The esteem of such a man must be the best balm for his wounded
heart. But I am afraid he will not accept the glorious support
you are so good as to offer him. I fear that the weight of his
calamities has impaired his health, and he cannot sustain the
fatigues of a long journey. In his last letter to me, he
expresses a resolution never to see England upon that account.
Nevertheless, I am informed since, that new persecutions may
possibly determine him to alter his mind. An irregular trial
has deprived him of the natural rights in his own country. The
commonwealth of Berne, from the example of Geneva and France,
has burnt his book, and he has been reduced to leave in a
hurry the asylum that a friend had proffered him there. Such
are the grievous misfortunes of this virtuous and unhappy man.
I pity, I love him, and wish earnestly to sooth the sorrows
under which he labours. Nevertheless, sir, I would fain also
vindicate the honour of my nation in the eyes of so good a
judge as you are. The reflection you cast upon it gives
uneasiness; but mistrusting greatly my capacity, I fear to
betray the cause I would defend by an enterprise so unequal to
my force. I dare only to say, that your happy country has not
attained in a moment the perfect constitution which gives us
admiration. All convenient and well-calculated laws are not
framed at once; and those most exceptionable, while they
stand, deserve obedience and respect.

Is it possible, sir, that this late unhappy event could
deprive of the honour of your presence, a country filled with
your fervent admirers, and where every one will endeavour to
outdo each other in expressing the veneration and regard you
so justly deserve? I hope you will not keep this severe
resolution. If we want a liberty you think an advantage, 'tis
a reason to pity, and not to punish us. Besides, your case and
that of M. Rousseau, though both foreigners in France, are
quite different. Few days before I received your letter, I
heard that it was a friend of mine who has favoured me with
your last performance. I am infinitely obliged to him for this
gracious gift, and to you, sir, for your good intention.

But what strange a creature will you think me, to venture to
point a mistake in a work so perfect? In several parts of the
first volume our countryman Godefroy of Bouillon is named
Godefroy de Boulogne. You have reasons, perhaps, for the
alteration, and I am ready to submit to them. I would only
express my doubts: I hope you will excuse this freedom.

Since I have gone so far, permit me, sir, to ask your opinion
upon the last book of M. Rousseau. I should be very glad to
have my judgment of it confirmed or mended by yours. Nothing
would be wanting to my satisfaction, if in the same letter,
where you could grant me the favour I wish for, I was assured
you had renewed the project to come here, and that you would
speedily execute it. I am, sir, with esteem, gratitude, and,
permit me to add, friendship, your most humble servant.

In answer to this letter, Hume says that he had at first regarded it as a sort of challenge to answer it in French, but that he had given up the attempt as an unequal contest with "the sole instance of a foreigner, not habituated to our tongue, who has, from reading alone, become so entirely mistress of it." He then gives an account of the letter he had received from Lord Marischal, and says of Rousseau's refusal of the kindnesses proferred to him,--"Rousseau, with his usual dignity, refused all these gratuities, though at the same time he desired my lord to learn from me, whether it were possible for him to gain from the London booksellers as much money as would suffice for his maintenance; and this recompense, being the fruit of his own industry, he would have no scruple to accept of. I think this instance of conduct a kind of phenomenon in the republic of letters, and one very honourable for M. Rousseau. One is only apt to wish that he could practise this virtue with less hardship and difficulty; though we must also confess, that the difficulty adds to the lustre of it. I have heard, that the circumstance which deterred him from coming over to England, as he first intended, was a harsh reflection, which he threw out on the people in his 'Treatise of Education:' if this was his motive, I am persuaded that he would find it a vain fear, and that every one would rather have been anxious to show respect to his merit."[113:1]

He then obeys the mandate to criticise the "Emile."

You deign, madam, to ask my opinion of the new performance of
M. Rousseau. I know that it becomes me better to form my
judgment upon yours; but in compliance with your commands, I
shall not make a secret of my sentiments. All the writings of
that author appear to me admirable, particularly on the head
of eloquence; and if I be not much mistaken, he gives to the
French tongue an energy, which it scarce seems to have reached
in any other hands. But as his enemies have objected, that
with this domineering force of genius there is always
intermingled some degree of extravagance, it is impossible for
his friends altogether to deny the charge; and were it not for
his frequent and earnest protestations to the contrary, one
would be apt to suspect, that he chooses his topics less from
persuasion, than from the pleasure of showing his invention,
and surprising the reader by his paradoxes. The "Treatise of
Education," as it possesses much of the merit, seems also
exposed to the faults of his other performances; and as he
indulges his love of the marvellous even in so serious and
important a subject, he has given a pledge to the public that
he was in earnest in all his other topics. If I dared to
object any thing to M. Rousseau's eloquence, which is the
shining side of his character, I should say, that it was not
wholly free from the defect sometimes found in that of the
Roman orator; and that their great talent for expression was
apt to produce a prolixity in both. This last performance
chiefly is exposed to this objection; and I own, that though
it abounds in noble and shining passages, it gave me rather
less pleasure than his former writings. However, it carries
still the stamp of a great genius; and, what enhances its
beauty, the stamp of a very particular genius. The noble pride
and spleen and indignation of the author bursts out with
freedom in a hundred places, and serves fully to characterize
the lofty spirit of the man.

When I came to peruse that passage of Mons. Rousseau's
Treatise, which has occasioned all the persecution against
him, I was not in the least surprised that it gave offence.
He has not had the precaution to throw any veil over his
sentiments; and as he scorns to dissemble his contempt of
established opinions, he could not wonder that all the zealots
were in arms against him. The liberty of the press is not so
secured in any country, scarce even in this, as not to render
such an open attack of popular prejudices somewhat
dangerous.[115:1]

In 1761, Dr. Blair communicated to Hume the sermon by Dr. Campbell, which, when subsequently expanded, became the "Dissertation on Miracles," already referred to.[115:2] On this occasion, Hume wrote in the following terms to Dr. Blair:--

"DEAR SIR,--I have perused the ingenious performance, which you was so obliging as to put into my hands, with all the attention possible; though not perhaps with all the seriousness and gravity which you have so frequently recommended to me. But the fault lies not in the piece, which is certainly very acute; but in the subject. I know you will say, it lies in neither, but in myself alone. If that be so, I am sorry to say that I believe it is incurable.

"I could wish that your friend had not chosen to appear as a controversial writer, but had endeavoured to establish his principles in general, without any reference to a particular book or person; though I own he does me a great deal of honour, in thinking that any thing I have wrote deserves his attention. For besides many inconveniences which attend that kind of writing, I see it is almost impossible to preserve decency and good manners in it. This author, for instance, says sometimes obliging things of me, much beyond what I can presume to deserve, and I thence conclude that in general he did not mean to insult me; yet I meet with some other passages, more worthy of Warburton and his followers, than of so ingenious an author.

"But as I am not apt to lose my temper, and would still less incline to do so with a friend of yours, I shall calmly communicate to you some remarks on the argument, since you seem to desire it. I shall employ very few words, since a hint will suffice to a gentleman of this author's penetration."

This is followed by a particular examination of some parts of Dr. Campbell's work, which may be perused to most advantage in conjunction with the Dissertation itself, along with which the letter is generally printed. He then says,--

"I could wish your friend had not denominated me an infidel writer, on account of ten or twelve pages, which seem to him to have that tendency, while I have wrote so many volumes on history, literature, politics, trade, morals, which, in that particular at least, are entirely inoffensive. Is a man to be called a drunkard, because he has been seen fuddled once in his lifetime?"[116:1]

The letter terminates with a recommendation which accounts for the absence of all observations on religious topics in the correspondence between Blair and Hume: while it shows that their intercourse had not always excluded discussions of such a character.

"Having said so much to your friend, who is certainly a very ingenious man, though a little too zealous for a philosopher, permit me also the freedom of saying a word to yourself. Whenever I have had the pleasure to be in your company, if the discourse turned upon any common subject of literature, or reasoning, I always parted from you both entertained and instructed. But when the conversation was diverted by you from this channel towards the subject of your profession; though I doubt not but your intentions were very friendly towards me, I own I never received the same satisfaction: I was apt to be tired, and you to be angry. I would therefore wish, for the future, whenever my good fortune throws me in your way, that these topics should be forborne between us. I have long since done with all inquiries on such subjects, and am become incapable of instruction; though I own no one is more capable of conveying it than yourself. After having given you the liberty of communicating to your friend what part of this letter you think proper, I remain, sir," &c.

Hume afterwards wrote the following letter on the same subject:--

HUME _to_ DR. CAMPBELL.

"_January 7, 1762._

"DEAR SIR,--It has so seldom happened that controversies in philosophy, much more in theology, have been carried on without producing a personal quarrel between the parties, that I must regard my present situation as somewhat extraordinary, who have reason to give you thanks for the civil and obliging manner in which you have conducted the dispute against me, on so interesting a subject as that of miracles. Any little symptoms of vehemence, of which I formerly used the freedom to complain, when you favoured me with a sight of the manuscript, are either removed or explained away, or atoned for by civilities, which are far beyond what I have any title to pretend to. It will be natural for you to imagine, that I will fall upon some shift to evade the force of your arguments, and to retain my former opinion in the point controverted between us; but it is impossible for me not to see the ingenuity of your performance, and the great learning which you have displayed against me.

"I consider myself as very much honoured in being thought worthy of an answer by a person of so much merit; and as I find that the public does you justice with regard to the ingenuity and good composition of your piece, I hope you will have no reason to repent engaging with an antagonist, whom, perhaps, in strictness, you might have ventured to neglect. I own to you, that I never felt so violent an inclination to defend myself as at present, when I am thus fairly challenged by you, and I think I could find something specious at least to urge in my defence; but as I had fixed a resolution, in the beginning of my life, always to leave the public to judge between my adversaries and me, without making any reply, I must adhere inviolably to this resolution, otherwise my silence on any future occasion would be construed an inability to answer, and would be matter of triumph against me."[119:1]

He then, in the passage already cited,[119:2] describes the occasion on which the "Theory of Miracles" was suggested to him.

In answer to this, there is a letter by Campbell, in which he endeavours to rival his opponent in candour, politeness, and gentlemanlike feeling. The happy courtesy with which he apologizes for the occasionally irascible tone of his essay, shows that the retired northern divine possessed in no small degree the qualities that might have adorned a more showy station.

DR. CAMPBELL _to_ HUME.

_25th June, 1762._

The testimony you are pleased to give in favour of my
performance, is an honour of which I should be entirely
unworthy, were I not sensible of the uncommon generosity you
have shown in giving it. Ever since I was acquainted with your
works, your talents as a writer have, notwithstanding some
differences in abstract principles, extorted from me the
highest veneration. But I could scarce have thought that, in
spite of differences of a more interesting nature, even such
as regard morals and religion, you could ever force me to love
and honour you as a man. Yet no religious prejudices (as you
would probably term them,) can hinder me from doing justice to
that goodness and candour, which appear in every line of your
letter.

It would be in vain to dissemble the pleasure which it gives
me, that I am thought to have acquitted myself tolerably in a
dispute with an author of such acknowledged merit. At the same
time, it gives me real pain, that any symptoms of vehemence
(which are not so easily avoided in disputation as one would
imagine,) should give so generous an adversary the least
ground of complaint. You have (if I remember right, for I have
not the book here,) in the appendix to the third volume of
your "Treatise on Human Nature," apologized for using
sometimes the expressions--'Tis certain, 'Tis evident, and the
like. These, you observe, were in a manner forced from you by
the strong, though transient light in which a particular
object then appeared, and are therefore not to be considered
as at all inconsistent with the general principles of
scepticism which are maintained in the Treatise. My apology is
somewhat similar. There is in all controversy a struggle for
victory, which I may say compels one to take every fair
advantage that either the sentiments or the words of an
antagonist present him with. But the appearances of asperity
or raillery, which one will be thereby necessarily drawn into,
ought not to be constructed as in the least affecting the
habitual good opinion, or even the high esteem, which the
writer may nevertheless entertain of his adversary.

FOOTNOTES:

[74:1] The following contrasted extracts represent some of the variations above alluded to. The passages on the one side will be found in the first, and those in the other in the last corrected edition of the "History of the Stuarts."

_First edition._

_Later editions._

_King James_ inculcated those monarchical tenets with which he was so much infatuated. P. 54.

Inculcated those monarchical tenets which he had so strongly
imbibed.

_Divine right._ And though these doctrines were perhaps more openly inculcated and more strenuously insisted on during the reign of the Stuarts, they were not then invented. P. 120.

And though it is pretended that these doctrines were more
openly inculcated, and more strenuously insisted on, during
the reign of the Stuarts, they were not then invented.

_America._ The seeds of many a noble state have been sown in climates kept desolate by the wild manners of the ancient inhabitants; and an asylum secured in that solitary world for liberty and science, if ever the spreading of unlimited empire, or the inroad of barbarous nations, should again extinguish them in this turbulent and restless hemisphere. P. 134.

Expunged.

_Charles I._ However moderate his temper, the natural illusions of self-love, joined to his education under James, and to the flattery of courtiers and churchmen, had represented his political tenets as certain and uncontroverted. P. 148.

However moderate his temper, the natural and unavoidable
prepossessions of self-love, joined to the late uniform
precedents in favour of prerogative, had made him regard his
political tenets as certain and uncontroverted.

Loans were by privy seal required of several: to others the way of benevolence was proposed; methods supported by precedents, condemned by positive laws, and always invidious even to times more submissive and compliant. In the most despotic governments, such expedients would be regarded as irregular and disorderly. P. 159.

Of some, loans were required: to others, the way of
benevolence was proposed: methods supported by precedent, but
always invidious even in times more submissive and compliant.
In the most absolute governments, such expedients would be
regarded as irregular and unequal.

The new counsels which Charles had mentioned to the parliament, were now to be tried in order to supply his necessities. Had he possessed any military force on which he could depend, 'tis likely that he had at once taken off the mask, and governed without any regard to the ancient laws and constitution: so high an idea had he imbibed of kingly prerogative, and so contemptible a notion of the privileges of those popular assemblies, from which he thought he had met with such ill usage. But his army was new levied, ill-paid, and worse disciplined; no way superior to the militia, who were much more numerous, and who were in a great measure under the influence of the country gentlemen. It behoved him therefore to proceed cautiously, and to cover his enterprises under pretext of ancient precedents. P. 158.

The new counsels which Charles had mentioned to the
parliament, were now to be tried, in order to supply his
necessities. Had he possessed any military force on which he
could rely, it is not improbable that he had at once taken off
the mask, and governed without any regard to parliamentary
privileges: so high an idea had he received of kingly
prerogative, and so contemptible a notion of the rights of
those popular assemblies, from which he very naturally thought
he had met with such ill-usage. But his army was new levied,
ill-paid, and worse disciplined; nowise superior to the
militia, who were much more numerous, and who were in a great
measure under the influence of the country gentlemen. It
behoved him therefore to proceed cautiously, and to cover his
enterprises under pretence of ancient precedents, which,
considering the great authority commonly enjoyed by his
predecessors, could not be wanting to himself.

In most national debates, though the reasons may not be equally balanced, yet are there commonly some plausible topics, which may be pleaded even in favour of the weaker side; so complicated are all human affairs, and so uncertain the consequences of every public measure. But it must be confessed, that in the present case, nothing of weight can be thrown into the opposite scale. The imposition of ship-money, is apparently the most avowed and most dangerous invasion of national privileges, not only which Charles was ever guilty of, but which the most arbitrary princes in England, since any liberty had been ascertained to the people, had ever ventured upon. P. 218.

Expunged.

Perhaps the King, who dreaded above all things the House of Commons, and who never sufficiently respected the constitution, thought, that, in his present urgent distresses, he might be enabled to levy subsidies, by the authority of the peers alone. But the employing so long a plea of necessity, which was evidently false, and ill grounded, rendered it impossible for him to avail himself of a necessity which was now at last become real and inevitable. P. 247.

Perhaps the King, who dreaded above all things the House of
Commons, and who expected no supply from them on any
reasonable terms, thought, that in his present distresses, he
might be enabled to levy supplies by the authority of the
peers alone. But the employing so long the plea of a
necessity, which appeared distant and doubtful, rendered it
impossible for him to avail himself of a necessity which was
now at last become real, urgent, and inevitable.

_The attempt to seize the Five Members._

This strange resolution, so incompatible with the majesty of a king, so improper even for the dignity of any great magistrate, was discovered to the Countess of Carlisle, sister to Northumberland, a lady of great spirit, wit, and intrigue. P. 318.

This resolution was discovered to the Countess of Carlisle,
sister to Northumberland, a lady of spirit, wit, and intrigue.

[78:1] In the MSS. R.S.E.

[78:2] See the letter itself in the Clarendon Papers, ii. 201-3.

[79:1] The following are some instances of the alterations made on the first edition of his History. The collection of these instances has been facilitated by the use of a copy of the first edition of the Histories of the Houses of Stuart and Tudor, in the possession of a friend, on which the alterations embodied in the subsequent editions are written in red ink.

_In the first edition._

_As altered._

Scotch.

Scottish.

Such was the terror, respectable and rare in a monarch.

So great was the terror, respectable as well as rare, in a
monarch.

May be esteemed a great reflection on his memory.

May be deemed a great reflection on his memory.

Betwixt.

Between.

We come now to relate.

We are now to relate.

Under pretext of a hunting match.

On pretence of a hunting match.

Making account that.

Thinking himself assured that.

Their concurrence became requisite.

Their concurrence became necessary.

Along with.

Together with.

Esteemed impartial.

Deemed impartial.

To a pitch beyond what had ever been known since.

To a height beyond what had been known since.

Entirely requisite for their future safety.

Absolutely necessary for their future safety.

When the exception really occurs, even though it be not precedently expected.

When the exception really occurs, even though it be not
previously expected.

Any way displeased at the, &c.

Any-wise displeased at the, &c.

Monarchical tenets with which he was so much infatuated.

Monarchical tenets which he had so strongly imbibed.

Graced with ecclesiastical titles.

Endowed with ecclesiastical titles.

Inflicting this sentence.

Pronouncing this sentence.

Confined in the Tower.

Confined to the Tower.

Debarred from such sports.

Debarred such sports.

Raleigh pretended not.

Raleigh did not pretend.

War with the Spaniards.

War against the Spaniards.

As to the circumstance of the narration.

As to the circumstance of the narrative.

Would have had a most just cause.

Would have had a just cause.

Such as together with.

Such as along with.

Interposal in the wars.

Interposition in the wars.

Effectuate a marriage.

Effect a marriage.

He was utterly devoid.

He was utterly destitute.

Headlong in his passions.

Headstrong in his passions.

Obtained at last.

Obtained at length.

A bill declarative.

A bill declaratory.

Forced into a breach.

Constrained to make a breach.

Had sat.

Had sitten.

However little inclined.

How little soever inclined.

Besides being a most atrocious violence.

Besides its being a most atrocious act of violence.

Precedent to Strafford's trial.

Previous to Strafford's trial.

Afraid that.

Afraid lest.

Was ordinarily lodged in.

Was commonly lodged in.

Was the person who introduced.

Was the person that introduced.

During all the time when.

During the time that.

Reduced to shifts.

Reduced to extremities.

The Star Chamber, who were sitting.

The Star Chamber, which was sitting.

A story which, as it marks the genius of parties, may be worth reciting.

A story which, as it discovers the genius of parties, may be
worth relating.

Contempt entertained towards.

Contempt entertained for.

Could such an attempt be interpreted treason.

Could such an attempt be considered as treason.

Lay great weight upon.

Lay great stress upon.

Devoid of temporal sanction.

Destitute of temporal sanction.

Parliament designed to levy war.

Parliament intended to levy war.

It would ascertain the devoted obedience.

It would ensure the devoted obedience.

His dignity was exempted from pride.

His dignity was free from pride.

When the exception really occurs, even though it be not precedently expected.

When the exception really occurs, even though it be not
previously expected.

To those effects which were operated.

To those effects which were wrought.

[81:1] A tragedy by John Home.

[83:1] The militia of England had, owing to the unpopularity of the foreign mercenaries in British pay, been strengthened and enlarged. A proposal was entertained, to extend the system to Scotland: but it was not executed till many years afterwards. There were several pamphlets on the subject. Probably the one here referred to is the well known "History of the Proceedings in the case of Margaret, commonly called Peg, only lawful Sister of John Bull, Esq.;" attributed to Adam Ferguson, which will have to be mentioned farther on.

[84:1] Hume seems to have himself commenced a translation of Plutarch. See above, vol. i. p. 417.

[85:1] Stewart's Life of Robertson.

[87:1] It will be observed, that Hume's strongest argument from internal criticism is, that the state of society and feeling exhibited in these poems was that of the middle ages, and involved the spirit of chivalry peculiar to that period.

[89:1] Mackenzie's Account of Home, p. 155. The original is in the MSS. R.S.E. Mr. Mackenzie says, "I could not read this letter without being confirmed in an observation which I have often ventured to make, on the uncertainty of the evidence arising from _letters_, when the writers are dead, and the motives of their correspondence cannot be known."

[90:1] It is not Cowley but Butler who makes this sarcasm.

For Hebrew roots although they're found
To flourish most in barren ground.

[90:2] MS. R.S.E.

[92:1] Private Correspondence of David Hume with several distinguished persons, between the years 1761 and 1776. London, 1820, 4to.

[93:1] Private Correspondence, p. 269.

[94:1] MS. R.S.E.

[97:1] Depuis long-tems, Monsieur, je suis combattue par des sentimens contraires. L'admiration que me cause votre sublime ouvrage, et l'estime qu'il m'inspire pour votre personne, vos talents, et votre vertu, m'ont fait naître souvent le désir de vous écrire, pour vous exprimer les sentimens dont je suis profondément pénétrée. D'un autre côté, considérant que je vous suis inconnue, le peu de prix que doit avoir mon suffrage, la réserve et l'obscurité même qui convient à mon sexe: j'ai craint d'être accusée de présomption, et de me faire connoître à mon désavantage, d'un homme de qui je regarderai toujours la bonne opinion comme le bien le plus flatteur et le plus précieux. Néanmoins, puisque les réflexions que j'ai faites à cet égard ne paroissent avoir beaucoup de force, un penchant irrésistible les rend infructueuses, et je vais ajouter mon exemple à mille autres, pour justifier la vérité de cette remarque que j'ai lue dans votre histoire de la Maison de Stuard,--"Men's views of things are the result of their understanding alone; their conduct is regulated by their understanding, their temper, and their passions,"--puisque quand ma raison me dit que je devrais me tenir dans le silence, l'enthousiasme, où je suis, m'empêche de le pouvoir garder.

Quoique femme, et dans un âge qui n'est pas encore avancé, et malgré la dissipation de la vie qu'on tient dans ce pays, ayant toujours aimé la lecture, il est peu de bons livres, en quelque langue et en quelque genre que ce soit, que je n'ai lus, ou dans l'original, ou dans les traductions; et je puis vous assurer, monsieur, avec une sincérité qui ne doit pas vous être suspecte, que je n'ai trouvé aucun qui réunit à mon jugement, autant de perfections que le vôtre. Je ne sais point de termes qui puissent vous rendre ce que j'aprouve en lisant cet ouvrage. Je me suis attendrie, transportée, et l'émotion qu'il me cause est en quelque façon pénible par sa continuité. Il élève l'âme, il remplit le cœur de sentimens d'humanité et bienfaisance. Il éclaire l'esprit, et en lui montrant la véritable félicité intimement liée à la vertu, il lui découvre par le même rayon le seul et unique but de tout être raisonnable. Au milieu des calamités qui environnent de toutes parts le Roi Charles Premier, l'on voit la paix et la sérénité briller avec éclat et l'accompagner sur l'échafaud; tandis que le trouble et les remords, cortége inséparable du crime, suivent les pas de Cromwell et s'asseyent sur le trône avec lui. Votre livre apprend encore combien l'abus est voisin des meilleures choses, et les réflexions qu'il fait faire à ce sujet, doit [doivent] augmenter la vigilance et la défiance de soi-même. Il anime d'une noble émulation, il inspire l'amour de la liberté, et instruit en même tems à la soumettre au gouvernement sous lequel on est obligé de vivre. En un mot c'est un _terra fecunda_ de morale et d'instructions présentées avec des couleurs si vives qu'on croit les voir pour la première fois.

La clarté, la majesté, la simplicité touchante de votre style, me ravit. Les beautés sont si frappantes, que malgré mon ignorance dans la langue Angloise, elles n'ont pu m'échapper. Vous êtes, Monsieur, un peintre admirable. Vos tableaux ont une grâce, un naturel, une énergie, qui surpasse ce que l'imagination même peut attendre.

Mais quelles expressions employerai-je pour vous faire connoitre l'effet que produit sur moi votre divine impartialité? J'avois besoin en cette occasion de votre propre éloquence, pour bien rendre ma pensée. En vérité je crois avoir devant les yeux l'ouvrage de quelque substance céleste, dégagé des passions, qui pour l'utilité a daigné écrire les évènemens de ces derniers tems.

Je n'ose ajouter, que dans tout ce qui sort de votre plume vous vous montrez un philosophe parfait, un homme d'état, un historien plein de génie, un politique éclairé, un vrai patriote, toutes ces sublimes qualités sont si fort au dessus des connoissances d'une femme, qu'il me convient peu d'en parler; et j'ai déjà grand besoin de votre indulgence pour les fautes que j'ai commises centre la discrétion et la bienséance par l'excès de ma vénération pour votre mérite. Je vous la demande, Monsieur, et en même tems le plus profond secret. La démarche que je fais a quelque chose d'extraordinaire. Je craindrois qu'elle ne m'attirât le blâme, et je serois fâchée que le sentiment qui me l'a dictée pût être inconnu. J'ai l'honneur d'être, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissante servante,

HYPPOLYTE DE SAUJON, COMTESSE DE BOUFFLERS.

On me dit, Monsieur, que vous avez en vue de venir en France, à Paris. Je souhaite bien vivement que vous exécutiez cette résolution, et pouvoir contribuer à vous en rendre le séjour agréable.

Ce 15 Mars, 1761. A Paris.[97:A]

[97:A] MS. R.S.E.

[101:1] Private Correspondence, &c. 1-4.

[101:2] MS. R.S.E.

[101:3] Private Correspondence, 5.

[105:1] It will be observed that this is an attempt to spell those expressions according to the pronunciation.

[107:1]

_A Paris, 16 Juin, 1762._

Jean Jacques Rousseau, citoyen de Genève, et auteur de plusieurs écrits qui vous sont vraisemblablement connus, vient de composer un Traité sur l'Education, en quatre volumes, où il expose plusieurs principes contraires aux nôtres, tant sur la politique, que sur la religion. Comme nous ne jouissons pas ici de la liberté de la presse, le Parlement par un arrêt, juste, s'il est comme je n'en doute pas conforme aux lois du royaume, mais néanmoins rigoureux, l'a décrété de prise de corps, et l'on prétend que s'il n'avoit pas pris la fuite, il auroit été condamné à la mort. J'ai de la peine à croire qu'on eût pu aller si loin sur la qualité d'étranger. Mais quoi qu'il en soit, il eut été imprudent de lui, de rester en France dans de pareilles circonstances. Il est donc parti, incertain quel asile il choisiroit. Je lui ai conseillé de se retirer en Angleterre, lui promettant des lettres de recommendation pour vous, Monsieur, et pour d'autres personnes de mes amis. Je m'acquitte de ma promesse, et je ne puis pas à mon avis lui choisir dans tout l'Europe, un protecteur plus respectable par ses liaisons, et plus recommendable par son humanité. M. Rousseau passe chez la plupart des gens en ce pays pour un homme singulier. A prendre cette épithète selon la vraie signification, elle lui est justement donnée, car il diffère, a beaucoup d'égards, de la façon d'agir et de penser des hommes du jour. Il a le cœur droit, l'âme noble et désintéressée. Il craint toute espèce de dépendance, et par cette raison il a mieux aimé, étant en France, gagner sa vie en copiant de la musique, que de recevoir les bienfaits de ses meilleurs amis, qui s'empressoient de réparer sa mauvaise fortune. Cette délicatesse peut paroître excessive, mais elle n'a rien de criminelle, et même elle suppose des sentimens élevés. Il fuit le commerce du monde, il ne se plaît que dans la solitude, ce goût pour la retraite lui a fait des ennemis. L'amour propre de ceux qui l'ont recherché s'est trouvé blessé de ses refus. Mais malgré sa misanthropie apparente, je ne crois pas qu'il y ait nulle part, un homme plus doux, plus humain, plus compâtissant aux peines des autres, et plus patient dans les siennes, en un mot, sa vertu paroît si pure, si contente, si uniforme, que, jusqu'à, présent, ceux qui le haïssent, n'ont pas trouvé que dans leur propre coeur des raisons pour le soupçonner. Pour moi, avec des apparences aussi avantageuses, j'aimerois mieux en être trompé que de me défier de sa sincérité.

D'après l'opinion que j'en ai monsieur, je l'ai jugé digne d'être connu de vous, et en lui procurant cet honneur, je crois lui donner la preuve la plus marquée du cas que je fais de lui.[107:A]

[107:A] MS. R.S.E.

[109:1] Private Correspondence, &c. pp. 8, 9.

[110:1] This letter is printed in the Private Correspondence, p. 58. There are two duplicate originals of it among the MSS. R.S.E.

[113:1] Private Correspondence, &c. p. 54.

[115:1] Private Correspondence, p. 54.

[115:2] Vol. i. p. 283.

[116:1] The following anecdote of Hume, by Lord Charlemont, seems appropriate to this passage. "He never failed, in the midst of any controversy, to give its due praise to every thing tolerable that was either said or written against him. One day that he visited me in London, he came into my room laughing and apparently well pleased. 'What has put you into this good humour, Hume?' said I. 'Why man,' replied he, 'I have just now had the best thing said to me I ever heard. I was complaining in a company where I spent the morning, that I was very ill treated by the world, and that the censures put upon me were hard and unreasonable. That I had written many volumes, throughout the whole of which there were but a few pages that contained any reprehensible matter, and yet that for those few pages, I was abused and torn to pieces.' 'You put me in mind,' said an honest fellow in the company, whose name I did not know, 'of an acquaintance of mine, a notary public, who having been condemned to be hanged for forgery, lamented the hardship of his case; that after having written many thousand inoffensive sheets, he should be hanged for one line.'" _Hardy's Memoirs of Charlemont_, p. 121.

[119:1] _European Magazine_, 1785, p. 250.

[119:2] Vol. i. p. 57.