Chapter XV: Part 15

“In few wordis to speik my conscience; the regiment of princes is this day cum to that heap of iniquitie, that no godlie man can bruke office or autoritie under thame, but in so doing hie salbe compellit not onlie aganis equitie and justice to oppress the pure, but also expressedlie to fycht againis God and his ordinance, either in maintenance of idolatrie, or ellis in persecuting Godis chosin childrene. And what must follow heirof, but that ether princeis be reformit and be compellit also to reform their wickit laws, or els all gud men depart fra thair service and companie.” Additions to the Apology of the Parisian Protestants: MS. Letters, p. 477. Dr Robertson has ascribed to Knox and Buchanan an “excessive admiration of ancient policy;” and he says, their “principles, authorities, and examples, were all drawn from ancient writers,” and their political system founded “not on the maxims of feudal, but of ancient republican government.” History of Scotland, vol. i. b. ii. p. 391. Lond. 1809. These assertions need some qualification. If republican government be opposed to absolute monarchy, the principles of Knox and Buchanan may be denominated republican; but if the term (as now commonly understood) be used in contradistinction to monarchy itself, it cannot be shown that they admired or recommended republicanism. They were the friends of limited monarchy. It is the excellence of the government of Britain, that the feudal maxims which once predominated {461} in it, have been corrected, or their influence counteracted, by others borrowed from republican constitutions. And it is not a little to the credit of these great men, and evinces their good sense and moderation, that, notwithstanding all their admiration of ancient models of legislation, in comparison with the existing feudal monuments, they contented themselves with recommending such principles as tended to restrain the arbitrary power of kings, and secure the rights of the people. Nor were all their authorities and examples drawn from ancient writers, as may be seen in Buchanan’s dialogue, _De jure regni apud Scotos_.

In a letter written by him to the queen dowager, a few days after her suspension from the regency, Knox says, “My toung did bothe perswade and obtein, that your authoritie and regiment suld be obeyed of us in all things lawfull, till ye declair yourself opin enemie to this comoun welthe; as now, allace! ye have done.” Historie, p. 180. This declaration is justified by the letters which he wrote to his brethren before his arrival in Scotland. The following extract from a letter addressed to the protestant nobility, December 17, 1557, is a specimen: “But now, no farder to trubill you at the present, I will onlie advertis you of sic bruit as I heir in thir partis, uncertainlie noysit, whilk is this, that contradictioun and rebellioun is maid to the autoritie be sum in that realme. In whilk poynt my conscience will not suffer me to keip back from you my consall, yea, my judgment and commandement, whilk I communicat with yow in Godis feir, and by the assurance of his trueth, whilk is this, that nane of you that seik to promot the glorie of Chryst do suddanlie disobey or displeas the establissit autoritie in things lawful, neither yet that ye assist or fortifie such as, for their awn particular caus and warldlie promotioun, wald trubill the same. But, in the bowallis of Chryst Jesus, I exhort yow, that, with all simplicitie and lawfull obedience, with boldness in God, and with opin confessioun of your faith, ye seek the favour of the autoritie, that by it (yf possible be) the cause in whilk ye labour may be promotit, or, at the leist, not persecutit: Whilk thing, efter all humill request, yf ye can not atteane, then, with oppin and solemp protestation of your obedience to be given to the autoritie in all thingis not planelie repugnying to God, ye lawfullie {462} may attemp the extreamitie, whilk is, to provyd (whidder the autoritie will consent or no) that Chrystis evangell may be trewlie preachit, and his haly sacramentis rychtlie ministerit unto yow and to your brethren, the subjectis of that realme. And farder ye lawfullie may, yea, and thairto is bound, to defend your brethrene from persecutioun and tiranny, be it aganis princes or emprioris, to the uttermost of your power; provyding alwayis (as I have said) that nether your self deny lawfull obedience, nether yit that ye assist nor promot thois that seik autoritie and pre‑eminence of warldlie glorie.” MS. Letters, p. 434, 435.

In a conversation with queen Mary at Lochleven, we find him inculcating the doctrine of a mutual compact between rulers and subjects. “It sall be profitabill to your majesty to consider quhat is the thing your grace’s subjects luiks to receave of your majesty, and quhat it is that ye aucht to do unto thame by mutual contract. They ar bound to obey you, and that not bot in God; ye ar bound to keip lawes unto thame. Ye crave of thame service; they crave of you protectioun and defence against wicked doars. Now, madam, if you sall deny your dewty unto thame, (quhilk especialy craves that ye punish malefactors,) think ye to receave full obedience of thame?” Historie, p. 327. This sentiment was adopted by his countrymen. The committee appointed by the regent Murray, to prepare overtures for the parliament which met in December 1567, (of which committee our Reformer was a member,) agreed to this proposition: “The band and contract to be mutuale and reciprous in all tymes cuming betwixt the prince and God, and his faithful people, according to the word of God.” Robertson’s Records of Parliament, p. 796. This was also one of the articles subscribed at the General Assembly in July preceding; and their language is still more clear and express,――“mutual and reciproque in all tymes coming betwixt the prince and God, and also betwixt the prince and faithful people.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 34, Advocates’ Library. Keith, 582. See also the proclamation of the king’s authority, in Anderson’s Collections, vol. ii. p. 205. Keith, 441. The right of resistance was formally recognised in the inscription on a coin stamped soon after the coronation of James VI. On one of the {463} sides is the figure of a sword with a crown upon it; and the words of Trajan circumscribed, _Pro me; si mereor, in me_; _i.e._ Use this sword for me; if I deserve it, against me. Cardonell’s Numismata Scotiæ, plate ix. p. 101. Our Reformer’s Appellation may be consulted for the proof of what has been asserted (p. 305, 306) as to his endeavours to repress aristocratical tyranny, and to awaken the mass of the people to a due sense of their rights. See also his Historie, p. 100. The effect of the Reformation in extending popular liberty was very visible in the parliament which met in August 1560, in which there were representatives from all the boroughs, and a hundred lesser barons, “with mony otheris baronis, fre‑halderis, and landit men.” Keith informs us that, during a space of no less than seventy‑seven years preceding, “scarcely had one of the inferior gentry appeared in parliament. And therefore,” adds he, “I know not but it may be deemed somewhat unusual, for a hundred of them to jump all at once into the parliament, especially in such a juncture as the present was.” History, p. 147, 148. The petition presented by the lesser barons, for liberty to sit and vote in the parliament, has this remarkable clause in it; “otherwise we think that whatsomever ordinances and statutes be made concerning us and our estate, we not being required and suffered to reason and vote at the making thereof, that the same should not oblige us to stand thereto.” Robertson’s History of Scotland, Append. No. 4.

Liberal principles respecting civil government accompanied the progress of the Reformation. Knox had the concurrence of English bishops in his doctrine concerning the limited authority of kings, and the lawfulness of resisting them. See above, Note BB, and vol. ii. Note U. And he had the express approbation of the principal divines in the foreign churches. Historie, 363, 366. In the 17th century, some of the French reformed divines, in their great loyalty to the _Grand Monarque_, disclaimed our Reformer’s political sentiments, and represented them as proceeding from the fervid and daring spirit of the Scottish nation, or adapted to the peculiar constitution of their government. Riveti Castig. in Balzacum, cap. xiii. § 14: Oper. tom. iii. p. 539. Quotations from other French authors are given by Bayle, Diet. Art. Knox, Note E. In the controversy occasioned by the execution of Charles I., our {464} Reformer’s name and principles were introduced. Milton appealed to him, and quoted his writings, in defence of that deed. One of Milton’s opponents told him that he could produce in his support only a single Scot, “whom his own age could not suffer, and whom all the reformed, especially the French, condemned in this point.” Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Cœlum, p. 129. Hagæ‑Comit. 1625; written by Pierre du Moulin, the son. Milton, in his rejoinder, urges with truth, that Knox had asserted, that his opinions were approved of by Calvin, and other eminent divines of the reformed churches. Miltoni Defensio Secunda, p. 101.

Long before the controversy respecting the execution of Charles, Milton had expressed himself in terms of high praise concerning our Reformer. Arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the press, he says, “Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any deceased author, though never so famous in his lifetime and even to this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or reprinted, if there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not be the dictate of a divine spirit?) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit humour of their own, though it were KNOX himself, the reformer of a kingdom, that spake it, they will not pardon him their dash: the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or the presumptuous rashness of a prefunctory licenser. And to what an author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall forbear till a more convenient season.” Prose Works, vol. i. p. 311. The tract from which this quotation is made, was first published in 1644, the year in which David Buchanan’s edition of Knox’s History appeared; and Milton evidently refers to that work.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE & COMPANY,
PAUL’S WORK, CANONGATE.

FOOTNOTES

1 ― See an account of this MS. in vol. ii. p. 367.

2 ― See Note A.

3 ― Nisbet’s Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, by Semple,
Part II, p. 30, 139. Account of Knox, prefixed to his
Historie, anno 1732, page ii. Keith’s Scottish Bishops,
p. 177.

4 ― In times of persecution or war, when there was a risk of
his letters being intercepted, the Reformer was accustomed
to subscribe, “John Sinclair.” Under this signature at one
of them, in the collection of his letters in my possession,
is the following note: “Yis was his mother’s surname, wlk
he wrait in time of trubill.” MS. Letters, p. 346.

5 ― See Note A.

6 ― See Note B. Beza (Icones Virorum Illustrium, Ee. iij.
anno 1580) and Verheiden (Effigies et Elogia Præstant.
Theolog. p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602) say that Knox was
educated at the university of St Andrews.

7 ― Boetii Vitæ Episcopor. Murthlac. et Aberdon. fol. xxix.
coll. cum fol. xxvi‒xxviii. Impress. anno 1522. This
little work is of great value, and contains almost the
only authentic notices which we possess, as to the state
of learning in Scotland, about the beginning of the
sixteenth century. Mackenzie, the copier of the fabulous
Dempster, (who gives an account of learned men who never
existed, and of books that no man ever saw or could
see,) talks of almost every writer whom he mentions,
as finishing “the course of his studies in the Belles
Lettres and Philosophy,” in one of the Scots universities.
These are merely words of course. The Aristotelian rules
concerning rhetoric were taught by the professors of
scholastic philosophy; but it does not appear that stated
lectures of this kind were read, until the time of the
Reformation, when they were appointed to be regularly
delivered in the colleges. First Book of Discipline,
p. 40, 42, edit. anno 1621.

8 ― In the twelfth century, there was a school at Abernethy
and at Roxburgh. Sir James Dalrymple’s Collections, p. 226,
255. Other schools in that and the subsequent century are
mentioned in charters, apud Chalmers’s Caledonia, i. 76.

9 ― Caledonia, i. 768.

10 ― Boetii Vitæ, fol. xxx. Vaus was the author of “Rudimenta
Artis Grammaticæ per Jo. Vaus Scotvm Selecta――Edinbvrgi
Excudebat Robertus Lekpreuik, Anno Do. 1566.” 4to. This
was probably another edition of the work printed by Jod.
Bad. Ascensius, Paris, 1522.

11 ― Row’s History of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. p. 3, 4.
Simson taught at Perth between 1550 and 1560. At the
establishment of the Reformation, he became minister
of Dunning and Cargill, from which he was translated, in
1566, to Dunbar, where he sustained the double office of
minister of the parish, and master of the grammar-school.
He was the author of the Latin Rudiments, which continued
to be taught in the schools of Scotland until the time
of Ruddiman, and were much esteemed by that accomplished
scholar. Row, ut supra. Keith’s History, p. 534.
Chalmers’s Life of Ruddiman, p. 21, 22, 63.

12 ― Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2, in Wodrow MSS. vol. i.
Bibl. Coll. Glas. This industrious collector had access to
some of Erskine’s papers, when employed in compiling his
life. Additional facts respecting the early state of Greek
literature in Scotland will be found in Note C.

13 ― “In the Hebrew toung, (says Knox, in his defence before
the bishop of Durham,) I confess myself ignorant, but
have, as God knaweth, fervent thirst to have sum entrance
thairin.” MS. Letters, p. 16.

14 ― Major had come to St Andrews in 1523. The Records of that
University shew that Buchanan was not of St Salvator’s
College, but of St Mary’s. It is probable that Major
at that time taught in this College; and it was not
until 1533 that he became provost, or principal, of
St Salvator’s.

15 ― These sentiments are collected from his Commentaries on
the Third Book of the Master of Sentences, and from his
Exposition of Matthew’s Gospel; printed in Latin at Paris,
the former in 1517, and the latter in 1518.

16 ― See Note D.

17 ― Lord Hailes, having given an example of this, adds,
“After this, can Buchanan be censured for saying that he
was ‘solo cognomine _Major_?’” (Provincial Councils of
the Scottish Clergy, p. 11.) By the way, it was Major
who first said this of himself. It was the sight of these
words, “Joannes, solo cognomine Major,” in the dedicatory
epistle to his writings, that drew from Buchanan the
satirical lines, which have been so often appealed to by
his enemies, as an infallible proof of the badness of his
heart. If fault there was in this, we may certainly make
the apology which his learned editor produces for him in
another case, “non tam hominis vitium, quam poetæ.” Poets
and wits cannot always spare their best friends.

18 ― Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms of high respect,
Oper. ed. Ruddiman. p. 313, 321, 366. And the Reformer,
in his Historie, has borne testimony to the virtues as
well as splendid talents of the Poet: “That notable man,
Mr George Bucquhanane――remanis alyve to this day, in the
yeir of God 1566 years, to the glory of God, to the gret
honour of this natioun, and to the comfort of thame that
delyte in letters and vertew. That singulare wark of
David’s Psalmes, in Latin meetre and poesie, besyd mony
uther, can witness the rare graices of God gevin to that
man.” Historie, p. 24.

19 ― D. Buchanan’s Life of Knox. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 111.
Although I have followed the common accounts, I have great
doubts if Knox was made Master of Arts. It was usual to
put Mr before the names of those who had been laureated,
but I have never seen this title prefixed to his name in
any old record.

20 ― “In hac igitur Anthropotheologia egregie versatus Cnoxus,
eandem et magna autoritate docuit: visusque fuit magistro
suo (si qua in subtilitate felicitas,) in quibusdam
felicior.” Verheiden, Effigies et Elogia Præstant. Theolog.
p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602. Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij. Melch. Adami
Vitæ Theolog. Exter. p. 137. Francofurti, 1618.

21 ― See Note E.

22 ― Bezæ Icones, Verheidenii Effigies, Melchior Adam; ut supra.
Spotswood’s History, p. 265. Lond. 1677.

23 ― During the minority of James V. the celebrated
Gawin Douglas was recommended by the Queen to the
archbishopric of St Andrews; but John Hepburn, prior
of the regular canons, opposed the nomination, and took
the archiepiscopal palace by storm. Douglas afterwards
laid siege to the cathedral of Dunkeld, and carried it,
more by the thunder of his cannon, than the dread of the
excommunication which he threatened to fulminate against
his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44. Spotsw. 61. Life of
Gawin Douglas, prefixed to his translation of the Æneid;
Ruddiman’s edition.

24 ― Sir David Lyndsay’s Works, by Chalmers, i. 344. ii. 237,
238. Winzet, and Kennedy; apud Keith, App. 488, 504.

25 ― The Popes were accustomed to grant liberty to the
commendators to dispose of benefices which they held by
this tenure, to others who should succeed to them after
their death. Introduction to Scots Biography, in Wodrow
MSS. vol. ix. p. 171; Bibl. Coll. Glas. So late as anno
1534, Clement VII. granted, _in commendam_, to his nephew
Hypolitus, Cardinal de Medici, ALL the benefices in the
world, secular and regular, dignities and parsonages,
simple and with cure, being vacant, for six months; with
power to dispose of all their fruits, and convert them to
his own use. Father Paul’s History of the Council of Trent,
lib. 1, p. 251. Lond. 1620.

26 ― One exception occurs, and must not be omitted. When
George Wishart was preaching in Ayr, Dunbar, archbishop
of Glasgow, took possession of the pulpit, in order to
exclude the Reformer. Some of the more zealous hearers
would have dispossessed the bishop, but Wishart would not
suffer them. “The bishope preichit to his jackmen, and to
some auld boisses of the toun. The soum of all his sermone
was, They sey, we sould preiche: Quhy not? Better lait
thryve nor nevir thryve. Had us still for your bishope,
and we sall provyde better the nixt tyme.” Knox, Historie,
p. 44.

27 ― War not the preiching of the begging freiris,
Tint war the faith among the seculeiris.
Lyndsay, ut supra, i. 343, comp. ii. 101.

28 ― Lord Hailes’s Notes on Ancient Scottish Poems, p. 249,
250, 297, 309. We need not appeal to the testimony of the
reformers, nor to satirical poems published at that time,
in proof of the extreme profligacy of the popish clergy.
The truth is registered in the Acts of Parliament, and
in the decrees of their own councils, (Wilkins, Concil.
tom. iv. p. 46‒60. Keith’s Hist. pref. xiv. and p. 14,)
in the records of legitimation, (Lord Hailes, ut supra,
p. 249, 250,) and in the confessions of their own writers.
(Kennedy and Winzet, apud Keith, append. 202, 205‒7.
Lesley, Hist. 232. Father Alexander Baillie’s True
Information of the Unhallowed Offspring, &c., of our
Scottish Calvinian Gospel, p. 15, 16; Wirtzburg, anno
1628.)

29 ― In consequence of a very powerful confederacy against the
religious knight, called Templars, and upon charges of
the most flagitious crimes, that order was suppressed
by a general council, anno 1312; but their possessions
were conferred upon another order of sacred knights. The
plenitude of papal power was stretched to the very utmost,
in this dread attempt: “Quanquam (says his holiness in
the bull) de jure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem
potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.” Walsingham, Histor.
Angl. p. 99. When the Gilbertine monks retired from
Scotland, because the air of the country did not agree
with them, their revenues were, upon their resignation,
transferred to the monastery of Paisley. Keith’s Scottish
Bishops, p. 266.

30 ― See Note F.

31 ― Fox, p. 1153, printed anno 1596. Chalmers’s Lyndsay,
ii. 62, 63, 64. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils of the
Scottish Clergy, p. 30. Sir Ralph Sadler’s testimony to
the clergy, as the only men of learning about the court of
James V., may seem to contradict what I have asserted. But
Sadler speaks of their talents for political management,
and in the same letters gives a proof of their ignorance
in other respects. The clergy, at that time, made
law their principal study, and endeavoured to qualify
themselves for offices of state. This, however, engaged
their whole attention, and they were grossly ignorant in
their own profession. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 47, 48;
Edin. 1809. Knox, Historie, p. 18.

Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for
Scotland, being obliged to say grace, at an entertainment
which he gave to the pope and cardinals in Rome, blundered
so in his latinity, that his holiness and their eminences
lost their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishop,
that he concluded the blessing by giving all the false
carles to the devil, _in nomine patris, filii, et sancti
spiritus_; to which the company, not understanding his
Scoto-Latin, said Amen. “The holy bishop,” says Pitscottie,
“was not a good scholar, and had not good Latin.” History,
p. 106.

32 ― Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. 72. Lord Hailes’s Provincial
Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 36.

33 ― Luther often mentioned to his familiar acquaintances the
advantage which he derived from a visit to Rome in 1510,
and used to say that he would not exchange that journey
for 1000 florins; so much did it contribute to open his
eyes to the corruptions of the Romish court, and to weaken
his prejudices. Melchior. Adami, Vitæ Germ. Theol. p. 104.
Erasmus had a sensation of the same kind, although weaker.
John Rough, one of the Scottish Reformers, felt in a
similar way, after visiting Rome. Fox, p. 1841.

34 ― Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made to restrain persons
from going to Rome, to obtain benefices, the practice was
greatly on the increase about the time of the Reformation.

It is schort tyme sen ony benefice
Was sped in Rome, except great bishoprics;
But now, for ane unworthy vickarage,
A priest will rin to Rome in Pilgrimage.
Ane cavill quhilk was never at the scule
Will rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule:
And syne cum hame with mony a colorit crack,
With ane burdin of beneficis on his back.
CHALMERS’S _Lyndsay_, ii. 60.

35 ― Knox, 14‒16. Spotswood, 64, 69. Keith, append. 205.
Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems
of the Sixteenth Century, i. 16‒18. Chalmers’s Lyndsay,
i. 211.

36 ― See Note G.

37 ― Knox, Historie, p. 14.

38 ― Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, ut supra, i. 28.

39 ― Patriots have toil’d, and in their country’s cause
Bled nobly; and their deeds, as they deserve,
Receive proud recompense.――――――――――――――
But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid,
To those who, posted at the shrine of truth,
Have fallen in her defence.――――――――――――――――
Yet few remember them.――――――――――――――
―――――――――――――― With their names
No bard embalms and sanctifies his song:
And history, so warm on meaner themes,
Is cold on this. She execrates, indeed,
The tyranny that doom’d them to the fire,
But gives the glorious sufferers little praise.
COWPER _Task_, Book V.

In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with the
injustice which he so feelingly upbraids. While it is
painful to think that other historians, since Hume, have
exposed themselves to the same censure, it is pleasing
to reflect, that Cowper is not the only poet who has
“sanctified,” and, I trust, “embalmed his song,” with the
praises of these patriots. The reader will easily perceive
that I refer to the author of _The Sabbath_.

40 ― His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, was son of
Lord Hamilton, who married a sister of King James III. His
mother was a daughter of John Duke of Albany, brother to
the same monarch. Pinkerton’s Hist. of Scotland, ii. 45,
46, 289.

41 ― There was an act of parliament, as early as 17th July,
1525, prohibiting ships from bringing any books of Luther
or his disciples into Scotland, which had always “bene
clene of all sic filth and vice.” Act. Parl. Scot.,
vol. ii. p. 295. This renders it highly probable, that
such books had already been introduced into this country.

42 ― F. Lamberti Avenionensis Comment. in Apocalypsin, præfat.
anno 1528.

43 ― Lambert, ut supra. Bezæ Icones, Ffj. Fox, 888. Knox, 4‒6.
Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History of Scotland, p. 133‒5;
Edin. 1728. This last author gives a very interesting
account of Hamilton’s trial, but he is wrong as to the
year of his martyrdom.

44 ― Pinkerton.

45 ― Cald. MS. i. 69.

46 ― In 1546, Winram having spoken to the bishops in favour
of George Wishart, cardinal Beatoun upbraided him, saying,
“Well, sir, and you, we know what a man you are, seven
years ago.” Pitscottie, 189.

47 ― See Note H.

48 ― See Note I.

49 ― Wodrow’s MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. p. 2.
Calderwood’s MS. Hist. of the Church of Scotland, vol. i.
p. 35. Knox, Historie, p. 22.

50 ― See Note K.

51 ― Cald. MS. i. 103, 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21, 24.

52 ― Sadler, i. 94. Knox, 27, 28. Pitscottie, 164. Keith, 22.
Sir James Melvil’s Memoirs, 2‒4. Lond. 1683. Knox says,
that the roll contained “mo than ane hundreth landit men,
besides utheris of meener degre, amongis quhome was the
lord Hamiltoun, then second persoun of the realme.” Sadler
says, “eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, all well
minded to God’s word, which then they durst not avow;”
among whom were the earl of Arran, the earl of Cassils,
and the earl Marishal. Pitscottie says, “seventeen score;”
but he includes in his account, not only “earls, lords,
barons, gentlemen,” but also “honest burgesses and
craftsmen.”

53 ― The progress of opinion in Scotland, and the jealous
measures adopted for checking it, may be traced in the
variations introduced into the Act of Parliament, 17th
July, 1525, “For eschewing of Heresy,” as these are marked
in the original record. The act, as originally drawn, in
prohibiting the rehearsing of, or disputing about, the
heresies of Luther or his disciples, has this exception:
“gif” (_i.e._ unless) “it be to the confusioun thairof;”
but this being thought too loose, the following clause is
added on the margin, “and that be clerkis in the sculis
alenarlie.” According to the tenour of the act when passed
in 1525, “na maner of persoun, _strangear_, that happenis
to arrive with thare schip within ony part of this realme,
bring with thame any bukis or workis of the said Luther
his discipulis or servandis, disputis or rehersis his
heresies, &c., under the pane of escheting of thare
schipis and guidis, and putting of thaire personis
in presoun.” But in 1527, the chancellor and lords of
council added this clause: “and all uther the kingis
liegis assistaris to sic opunyeons be punist in semeible
wise, and the effect of the said act to straik upon
thaim.”――From this it appears, that, in 1525, protestant
books and opinions were circulated by strangers only, who
came into Scotland for the purpose of trade; but that, in
1527, it was found necessary to extend the penalties of
the act to natives of the kingdom. Both these additions
were embodied in the act, as renewed 12th June, 1535.
Acta Parliamentorum Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 295, 341, 342,
published by the authority of his Majesty’s commissioners
on the public records of the kingdom. This highly valuable
and accurate work will afterwards be referred to under the
title of Act. Parl. Scot.

54 ― Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij.

55 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 415, 425. Sadler’s Letters, i. 83.
Crawfurd’s Officers of State, 77, 438. Keith, 36, 37.

56 ― Knox, 34.

57 ― Ibid. 33, 34.

58 ― Life of Knox, prefixed to his History of the Reformation,
anno 1644.

59 ― Cald. MS. i. 118. Calderwood says that he was provincial
of the order of Dominicans, or Blackfriars, in Scotland.
But a late author informs us, that the chartulary of the
Blackfriars’ monastery at Perth mentions John Grierson as
having been provincial from the year 1525, to the time of
the Reformation. Scott’s History of the Reformers, p. 96.

60 ― See Note L.

61 ― Chalmers’s Caledonia, ii. 526. comp. Knox. Historie, 67.

62 ― In his progress through the kingdom with the governor, he
instigated him “to hang (at Perth) four honest men, for
eating of a goose on Friday; and drowned a young woman,
because she refused to pray to our lady in her birth.”
Pitscottie, 188. Knox says, that the woman, “having an
soucking babe upon hir briest, was drounit.” Historie, 40.
Petrie’s History of the Church of Scotland, part ii.
p. 182. He had planned the destruction of the principal
gentlemen of Fife, as appeared from documents found after
his death. Knox, 63, 64.

63 ― Sadler’s State Papers, i. 264, 265. comp. p. 128. Sir John
Borthwick (who fled to England in the year 1540) ridicules
the Scottish clergy for making it an article of accusation
against him, that he had approved of “all those heresies,
commonly called the heresies of England;” “Because,” says
he, “what religion at that time was used in England, the
like the whole realm of Scotland did embrace; in this
point only the Englishmen differed from the Scottes, that
they had cast off the yoke of Antichrist, the other not.
Idols were worshipped of both nations; the prophanating of
the supper and baptisme was like unto them both.――Truly,
it is most false that I had subscribed unto such kinde of
heresies.” Fox, 1149, 1150.

64 ― Knox, Historie, p. 67.

65 ― Ibid.

66 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 471, 477‒9. Keith, 50, 51. Knox,
66, 67. Buchanan, i. 296.

67 ― This is done in a book, entitled, “The Image of both
Churches, Hierusalem and Babell, Unitie and Confusion,
Obedience and Sedition, by P. D. M.” (supposed to be
Sir Tobie Matthews,) p. 139, 140, Torney, 1623. In p. 136,
the author says, “Yet there is one aduise of Knox which
is to be recorded with admiration, ‘It wear good, that
rewards wear publicklie appointed by the peopl for such
as kill tyrants, as well as for those that kill wolfs.’”
In proof of this he refers to Knox’s Historie, p. 372.
The reader, who chooses to give himself the trouble,
will probably search in vain (as I have done) for such
a sentiment, either in that or in any other part of the
History.

68 ― “Quorum se societate, non multo post, implicaret
Joannes Knoxus, Calvinistarum minister, qui se evangelicæ
perfectionis cumulum assecutum non arbitrabatur nisi in
cardinalis ac sacerdotis sanguine ac cæde triumphasset.”
Leslæus de rebus gestis Scotorum, lib. x. The bishop
should have recollected, that the violence of his
popish brethren drove “the Calvinistic minister” to this
“pinnacle of evangelical perfection.”

69 ― Principal Baillie’s Historical Vindication of the
government of the church of Scotland, p. 42. A. 1646.
Cald. MS. ad an. 1590.

70 ― Historie, 86.

71 ― See Note M.

72 ― Spotswood says, that “seven-score persons entered into
the castle the day after the slaughter” of the cardinal.
History, p. 84.

73 ― The coarseness of the age, and the strong temptation
which he was under to gratify a voluptuous prince, will
not excuse the gross indelicacies of Lindsay; and still
less will the desire of preserving the ancient dialect
of Scotland, and of gratifying an antiquarian passion,
apologise for giving to the modern public a _complete_
edition of his works, accompanied with a glossary and
explanatory notes.

74 ― Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi: Auctore Johan.
Jonstono Abredonense Scoto, p. 27, 28. Lugduni Batavorum,
1603. 4to. Chalmers’s Life of Lindsay, Works, vol. i.

75 ― Cald. MS. i. 119.

76 ― Lord Hailes, Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 2. Act.
Parl. Scot. ii. 353.

77 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 409. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 83.
Knox, 35.

78 ― Fox, p. 1840. He was born A.D. 1510.

79 ― Fox, p. 1840. Knox, Historie, p. 33, 36, 67.

80 ― Knox, Historie, p. 68.

81 ― Whittingham, dean of Durham, was ordained in the English
church at Geneva, of which Knox was pastor; and Travers,
the opponent of Hooker, was ordained by a presbytery
at Antwerp. Attempts were made by some highflyers to
invalidate their orders, and induce them to submit to
re-ordination; but they did not succeed. Strype’s Annals,
vol. ii. 520‒4.

In the year 1582, archbishop Grindal, by a formal deed,
declared the validity of the orders of Mr John Morrison,
who had been ordained by the synod of Lothian, “according
to the _laudable_ form and rite of the reformed church
of Scotland,” says the instrument, “per generalem
synodum sive congregationem illius comitatus, juxta
laudabilem ecclesiæ Scotiæ Reformatæ formam et ritum,
ad sacros ordines et sacrosanctum ministerium per
manuum impositionem admissus et ordinatus.――Nos igitur
formam ordinationis et præfectionis tuæ hujusmodi, modo
præmisso factam, quantum in nos est, et de jure possumus,
approbantes et ratificantes,” &c. Strype’s Life of
Grindal. Append. Book ii. Numb. xvii. p. 101.

It has been objected, that archbishop Grindal was at this
time under sequestration, and that the license was granted,
not by him, but by Dr Aubrey, as vicar general. To this
it is sufficient to reply, that Mr Strype is of opinion
that the sequestration was taken off from the time that
the writs and instruments run in the name of Aubrey alone,
without any mention of Clark, (Life of Grindal, p. 271;)
that, even during the period of the sequestration,
“all licenses to preach, &c. were granted by these
two civilians, with a deference to the archbishop, and
consultation with him in what they did,” (Ibid. p. 240;)
and that the license in question bears, that it was
granted “with _the consent and express command_ of the
most reverend father in Christ, the lord Edmund, by
the divine providence, archbishop of Canterbury, _to us
signified_;”――“de consensu et expresso mandato reverendiss.
in Christo patris domini Edmundi, &c. nobis significato.”
Ibid. p. 271. Append. p. 101.

82 ― Ninian Winzet, apud Keith’s History, App. p. 212, 213.
Burne’s Disputation, p. 128. Parise, 1581.

83 ― In the former editions, I had spoken of Annand as probably
a friar, who, according to the custom of the times, had
assumed the honorary title of dean. But I have since
ascertained, that he was a person of great note in the
university. It appears from the Records, that he was
principal of St Leonard’s College in 1544, and continued
to hold that office during several years subsequent to
that period.

84 ― The doctrine which the preacher delivered at this time was
afterwards put into “ornate meeter,” by one of his hearers,
Sir David Lindsay, who, in his “Monarchie,” finished
in 1553, has given a particular account of the rise
and corruptions of popery, under the name of the “fifth
spiritual and papal monarchie.” Chalmers’s Lindsay,
iii. 86‒116.

85 ― “Sum said, utheris hued the branches of papistry, bot
he straiketh at the rute, to destroye the whole. Utheris
said, gif the doctors and magistri nostri defend not now
the pope and his authoritie, which in their owin presence
is so manifestlie impugnit, the devill have my part of
him and his lawes bothe. Utheris said, Mr George Wischeart
spak never so planelie, and yet he was brunt; even so
will he be in the end. Utheris said, the tyrannie of the
cardinal maid not his cause the better, neither yet the
suffering of Godis servand maid his cause the wors.――And
thairfoir we wald counsail yow and thame to provyde better
defences than fyre and sword; for it may be that allis ye
shall be disappointed: men now have uther eyes than they
had then. This answer gave the laird of Nydrie.” Knox,
Historie, p. 70.

86 ― Knox, Historie, p. 70‒74. “Alexander Arbuckylle” was made
Bachelor of Arts, Nov. 3, 1525. Act. Fac. Art.

87 ― Knox, Historie, 74, 75.

88 ― Buchanan, Hist. lib. xv. Oper. tom. i. 293, 294.
Pitscottie, 189, folio edit.

89 ― Buchan. Oper. i. 296. Pitscottie, 191. Knox, 76.

90 ― Rough continued to preach in England until the death of
Edward VI. when he retired to Norden in Friesland. There
he was obliged to support himself and his wife (whom he
had married in England) by knitting caps, stockings, &c.
Having come over to London in the course of his trade, he
heard of a congregation of protestants which met secretly
in that city, to whom he joined himself, and was elected
their pastor. A few weeks after this, the conventicle was
discovered by the treachery of one of their own number,
and Rough was carried before bishop Bonner, by whose
orders he was committed to the flames, on the 22d of
December 1557. An account of his examination, and two of
his letters breathing the true spirit of a martyr, may be
seen in Fox, p. 1840‒1842.

91 ― Balnaves’s Confession, Epist. Dedic. Archibald
Hamilton says that he was condemned to work at the
oar;――“impellendis longarum navium remis, cum reliquis
adjudicatur.” Dialogus de Confusione Calvinianæ Sectæ,
p. 64, b.

92 ― Knox, Historie, p. 83.

93 ― MS. Letters, p. 53.

94 ― One of his most bitter adversaries has borne an
involuntary but honourable testimony to his magnanimity
at this time. “Ubi longo maris tædio, et laboris molestia
extenuatum quidem, et subactum corpus fuit; sed animi
elatio eum subinde rerum magnarum spe extimulans, nihilo
magis tunc quam prius quiescere potuit.”――Hamiltonii
Dialogus, p. 64, b.

95 ― Knox, Historie, p. 74.

96 ― Psalm xlii.

97 ― See Note N.

98 ― Knox, Historie, p. 74. This Treatise appears to have been
lost.

99 ― MS. Letters, p. 40.

100 ― The manuscript, there is reason to think, was conveyed
to Scotland about that time, but it fell aside, and was
long considered as lost. After the death of Knox, it
was discovered by his servant, Richard Bannatyne, in the
house of Ormiston, and was printed, anno 1584, by Thomas
Vaultrollier, in 12mo, with the title of “Confession of
Faith, &c. by Henry Balnaves of Hallhill, one of the Lords
of Council and Session of Scotland.”――David Buchanan,
in his edition of Knox’s History, anno 1644, among his
other alterations and interpolations, makes Knox to say
that this work was published at the time he wrote his
History; which may be numbered among the anachronisms
in that edition, which, for some time, discredited the
authenticity of the History, and led many to deny that
Knox was its author. But in the genuine editions, Knox
expresses the very reverse. “In the presoun, he (Balnaves)
wrait a maist profitabill treatise of justificatioun, and
of the warkis and conversatioun of a justifyed man: ‘but
how it was suppressit we knaw not.’” Historie, p. 83, Edin.
anno 1732. See also p. 181, of the first edition, in 8vo,
printed at London by Vaultrollier in the year 1586.

101 ― I have not adhered to the orthography of the printed work,
which is evidently different from what it must have been
in the MS.

102 ― It is “perfection” in the printed copy, which is evidently
a mistake.

103 ― _i.e._ beyond.

104 ― Rouen, not Roanne, is the place meant.

105 ― _i.e._ genius or knowledge.

106 ― See Note O.

107 ― This is the man whom a high-church historian has
represented as holding the principles of the ancient
Zealots or Siccarii, and teaching that any person who met
a papist might kill him! Collier, Eccles. Hist. ii. 545.

108 ― Knox, Historie, p. 84, 85.

109 ― In one of his letters, preserved by Calderwood, Knox says,
that he was _nineteen_ months in the French galleys. Cald.
MS. vol. i. 256. In the printed Calderwood, the period
of his confinement is limited to _nine_ months, a mistake
which has been copied by several writers. It is proper
that the reader of that book should be aware, that it is
an abridgement of a larger work, still in manuscript; and
though there is reason to believe that it was drawn up
by Calderwood himself, yet, having been printed after his
death, and in a foreign country, it is often incorrect.
Knox, in a conference with Mary of Scotland, told the
queen that he was five years resident in England (Historie,
p. 289). Now, as he came to England immediately after he
obtained his liberty, and left it (as we shall afterwards
see) in the end of January or beginning of February, 1554,
this accords exactly with the date of his liberation,
which is given above from Calderwood’s MS.

110 ― This is mentioned in a MS. in my possession; but little
credit can be given to it, as it is written in a modern
hand, and no authority is produced.

111 ― Petrie’s Church History, part ii. p. 184.

112 ― Hamiltonii Dialog. p. 64.

113 ― Peter Martyr, in a letter, dated Oxford, 1st July, 1650,
laments the paucity of useful preachers in England, “Doleo
plus quam dici possit, tanta ubique in Anglia verbi Dei
penuria laborari; et eos qui oves Christi doctrina pascere
tenentur, cum usque eo remisse agant, ut officium facere
prorsus recusant, nescio quo fletu, quibusve lachrymis
deplorari possit. Verum confido fore ut meliora simus
visuri.” Martyri Epist. apud Loc. Commun. p. 760. Genevæ,
1624.

114 ― Burnet’s Hist. of the Reformation, II. 24. The
suppression of the chantries, in the reign of Edward VI.
was attended with similar effects. Strype’s Memorials of
the Reformation, ii. 446.

115 ― I omitted mentioning in the proper place, that the
biographer of Sir David Lindsay has stated, from the
minutes of the English council, that Knox was in the pay
of England as early as the year 1547. Chalmers’s Lindsay,
i. 32. I cannot suppose that the learned author would
confound the salary which Knox received during his
residence in England, with a pension allotted to him
when he was in his native country. But, on the other
hand, I think it very unlikely that he should have been
known to the English court before he entered the castle
of St Andrews, and am inclined to suppose that any pension
which he received from them did not commence until that
period at soonest. Mr Chalmers’s language conveys the
idea, that he was pensioned by England before he went to
the castle.

116 ― Strype’s Memor. of the Reform. iii. 235. Knox, Hist.
85, 289.

117 ― Knox, Historie, p. 289.

118 ― Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to Erasmus, gives
the following character of Tonstal: “Ut nemo est omnibus
bonis literis instructior, nemo vita moribusque severior,
ita nemo est usquam in convictu jucundior.”

119 ― Besides the great council which managed the affairs
of the kingdom under the protector, a number of the
privy-councillors who belonged to that part of the country,
composed a subordinate board, called “the council of the
north.” The members here referred to probably belonged to
this council, and not to the town council of Newcastle. If
I am right in this conjecture, Knox might owe to them, and
not to the bishop, the liberty of this public defence.

120 ― See Note P.

121 ― The compiler of the account of Knox, prefixed to the
edition of his History printed in 1732, says, that the MS.
containing the defence, bears that it “quite silenced” the
bishop and his doctors. But that writer does not appear to
have ever seen the MS., which contains nothing of the kind.
The fact, however, is attested by the bishop of Ossory,
who had good opportunities of knowing the truth, and who
is accurate in his account of other circumstances relative
to it. His words are, “Et 4 die Aprilis ejusdem anni
[1550] aperiens in concione opinionem, ejus idolatrias
et horrendas blasphemias, tam solidis argumentis,
abominationem esse probabat, ut, cum omnibus sciolis,
Saturnius ille somniator [Dunelmensis] refragare non
possit.” Baleus, De Script. Scot. et Hibern. Art. Knoxus.

122 ― John Harle or Harley, was afterwards made bishop of
Hereford, May 26, 1553. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 301. A late
writer has confounded this Englishman with William Harlowe,
who was minister of St Cuthbert’s church, near Edinburgh.
Scott’s History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 242.

123 ― King Edward’s Journal, apud Burnet, ii. Records, p. 42.

124 ― Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 297. Memor. of Cranmer,
p. 292. Burnet, iii. 212. Records, 420, 422.

125 ― Burnet, ii. 171.

126 ― Strype’s Memor. of Reform. ut supra. Life of Grindal,
p. 7. Mr Strype says, that the number of chaplains was
afterwards reduced to four, Bradford and Knox being
dropped from the list. But both of these preached in
their turn before the court, in the year 1553. And in the
council-book a warrant is granted, October 27, 1552, to
four gentlemen, to pay to Knox, “his majesty’s preacher
in the north, forty pounds, as his majesty’s reward.”
Strype’s Cranmer, 292. This salary he retained until the
death of Edward; for, in a letter written by him at the
time he left England, he says: “Ather the queen’s majestie,
or sum thesaurer, will be 40 pounds rycher by me, sae
meikle lack I of the dutie of my patentis; but that littil
trublis me.” MS. Letters, p. 286.

127 ― See Note Q.

128 ― Fox, p. 1326. Strype questions the truth of Weston’s
statement, and says that Knox “was hardly come into
England (at least any farther than Newcastle) at this
time.” Annals, iii. 117. But we have already seen that
he arrived in England as early as the beginning of 1549.

129 ― “October 2, (1552,) a letter was directed to Mess. Harley,
Bill, Horn, Grindal, Pern, and Knox, to consider certain
articles exhibited to the king’s majesty, to be subscribed
by all such as shall be admitted to be preachers or
ministers in any part of the realm; and to make report
of their opinions touching the same.” Council-book, apud
Strype’s Cranmer, p. 273. Their report was returned before
the 20th of November, ibid. p. 301. Burnet says, the order
was given Oct. 20. History, iii. 212. The articles agreed
to at this time were forty-two. In 1562, they were reduced
to thirty-nine, their present number.

130 ― See the pedigree of the family of Bowes among the original
papers at the end of the work.

131 ― From this appellation in the MS. letters, I concluded
that Knox was married to Miss Bowes before he left Berwick,
until I met with one of his printed works, to which a
letter from him to Mrs Bowes is added. On the margin
of this, opposite to a place in which he had called her
mother, is this note: “I had maid faithful promise, before
witnes, to Mariorie Bowes her daughter, so as she took
me for sone, I hartly embrased her as my mother.” Knox’s
Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit. F. ij.

132 ― MS. Letters, p. 265, 276.

133 ― Ibid, passim.

134 ― They wrote a letter in commendation of him, Dec. 9, 1552,
to Lord Wharton, deputy warden of the Borders. During the
following year, when he was employed in Buckinghamshire,
in order to secure greater acceptance and respect to him
in that county, the council wrote in his favour to lords
Russel and Windsor, to the justices of the peace, and to
several other gentlemen. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 292.

135 ― Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 533.

136 ― Bishop Burnet, and Mr Strype, (Memor. of Reform, ii. 299,)
who have recorded this fact, conjectured that the patentee
was a relation of our Reformer. That he was his brother,
is evident from Knox’s letters, which mention his being
in England about this time. In a letter written in 1553,
he says: “My brother, Williame Knox, is presentlie with
me. What ye wald haif frome Scotland, let me knaw this
Monunday at nicht; for hie must depart on Tyisday.” MS.
Letters, p. 271. Perhaps the same person is referred to
in the following extract from another letter: “My brother
hath communicat his haill hart with me, and I persave the
mychtie operation of God. And sa let us be establissit in
his infinit gudnes and maist sure promissis.” Ib. p. 266.

William Knox afterwards became a preacher, and
was minister of Cockpen, in Mid-Lothian, after the
establishment of the Reformation in Scotland. No fewer
than fourteen ministers of the church of Scotland are
numbered among his descendants. Genealogical Account
of the Knoxes, apud Scott’s History of the Reformers in
Scotland, p. 152.

137 ― MS. Letters, p. 193. Knox’s Admonition to the Professors
of the Truth in England, p. 61, apud History, Edin. 1644,
4to.

138 ― The earl of Warwick, now created duke of Northumberland,
was appointed warden-general of the northern marches in
Oct. 1551. But being occupied in securing his interest at
court, he got himself excused from going north until June
1552. Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 282, 339.

139 ― MS. Letters, p. 112, 173. Admonition, p. 51, apud History,
Edinburgh, 1644. Knox considered that the papists had a
secret hand in fomenting those dissensions which led to
the condemnation and death of the protector. Nor were his
suspicions ill-founded. See Strype’s Memor. of the Reform.
ii. 306‒7.

140 ― The duke’s letter was dated Nov. 23, 1552. Haynes, State
Papers, p. 136. Brand’s History of Newcastle, p. 304.
Redpath’s Border History, p. 577.

141 ― A great number of his letters in the MS. are superscribed
“To his sister.” It appears from internal evidence, that
this was a daughter of Mrs Bowes; and, although I cannot
be positive, I am inclined to think that she was the young
lady whom he married. One letter has this superscription,
“To Mariorie Bowes, who was his first wife.” In it he
addresses her by the name of _Sister_, and at the close,
says, “I think this be the first letter that ever I wrait
to you.” MS. Letters, p. 335. But there is no date by
which to compare it with other letters.

142 ― Henry Nevyl, earl of Westmoreland, was, by the interest of
the duke of Northumberland, admitted a member of the privy
council in 1552. He was also a member of the council for
the north, and lord lieutenant of the bishopric of Durham.
His private character was indifferent. Strype’s Memor. of
the Reformation, ii. 401, 457‒9.

143 ― MS. Letters, p. 267‒9.

144 ― MS. Letters, p. 112. Melchior Adam, Vitæ Theolog. Ext.
p. 137.

145 ― The letter last quoted. MS. Letters, p. 273‒4, compared
with p. 268.

146 ― MS. Letters, p. 276.

147 ― MS. Letters, p. 260‒1.

148 ― Ibid. p. 262.

149 ― Strype’s Cranmer, p. 292.

150 ― The account of his examination before the council is taken
from a letter of Knox, the substance of which has been
inserted by Calderwood, in his MS. History, and by Strype,
in his Memorials of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 400.

151 ― Luther having rejected with disdain the great offers by
which Alexander, the papal legate, attempted to gain him
over to the court of Rome, “He is a ferocious brute,”
exclaimed the legate, equally confounded and disappointed,
“whom nothing can soften, and who regards riches and
honours as mere dirt; otherwise the pope would long ago
have loaded him with favours.”――Beausobre’s History of
the Reformation, i. 395, 6. Macaulay’s Translation.

152 ― Bezæ Icones, Ee iij. See also Verheideni Effigies,
p. 92, 93. Melch. Adam. p. 137.

153 ― MS. Letters, p. 73. The passage will afterwards be quoted.

154 ― History of Newcastle, p. 304. Surtees’s Durham, vol. i.
p. lxx.

155 ― The churches of Geneva and Scotland did not agree in
all points. Though holidays were abolished in Geneva at
the commencement of the Reformation, the observance of
a number of them was very soon restored, and has always
continued in that church; but this practice was wholly
rejected by the church of Scotland, from the very first
establishment of the Reformation, and its introduction has
always been vigorously resisted by her. Other things in
which they differed might easily be mentioned.

156 ― Knox, Historie, p. 72‒74, and this Life, p. 63, 64.