Chapter XVI: Part 16

157 ― Cald. MS. i. 250. During the reign of Edward, and even
the first years of that of his sister Elizabeth, absolute
conformity to the liturgy was not pressed upon ministers.
Strype’s Annals, i. 419, 432. Burnet, iii. 305, 311.
Hutchinson’s Antiq. of Durham, i. 453. Archbishop Parker,
in the beginning of Elizabeth’s reign, administered the
elements to the communicants standing, in the cathedral
church of Canterbury. Her majesty’s commissioners
appointed the communion to be received in the same posture
in Coventry; and the practice was continued in that town
as late, at least, as the year 1608. Certain demands
propounded unto Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, p. 45,
anno 1605. Removal of Imputations laid upon the ministers
of Devon and Cornwall, p. 51, anno 1606. Dispute upon the
question of Kneeling, p. 131, anno 1608.

158 ― This statement of his sentiments is drawn from his
Brief Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of
Christ’s gospel, printed at Geneva, anno 1559, and at the
end of his History, Edinburgh, 1644, 4to; and from his
letters to Mrs Locke, dated 6th April, and 15th October,
1559, in Cald. MS. i. p. 380, 491.

159 ― See Note R.

160 ― See Note S.

161 ― “We had,” says he in his Letter to the Faithful in London,
Newcastle, and Berwick, “ane king of sa godlie disposition
towardis vertew, and the treuth of God, that nane frome
the beginning passit him, and (to my knawledge) none of
his yeiris did ever mache him in that behalf; gif hie
myght haif bene lord of his awn will.” MS. Letters, p. 119.
He has passed a fuller encomium on this prince, in his
Historie, p. 89.

162 ― See Note T.

163 ― MS. Letters, p. 175‒177, and Admonition, p. 52, 54, apud
History, Edin. 1644, 4to.

164 ― One of his letters to Mrs Bowes is dated London,
22d June, 1553. MS. Letters, p. 249. And from other
letters it appears that he was there in the following
month.

165 ― We have already seen (p. 101‒103) that this was not his
sole reason for refusing preferment in the English church.

166 ― MS. Letters, p. 73, 74, also p. 250.

167 ― In his “Letter to the Faithful in London,” &c. he puts
them in mind of the premonitions which he had given on
different occasions, and, among others, of “what was
spoken in Londone in ma places nor ane, when fyreis of
joy and ryatous banketting wer at the proclamation of
Marie your quene.” MS. Letters, 112, 113.

168 ― One of his letters is dated Carlisle, 26th July, 1553. MS.
Letters, p. 270.

169 ― See Note U.

170 ― Fox, 718, 748‒9, 751‒766. Knox, Admonition, p. 67, appendix
to History, Edin. 1644, 4to.

171 ― MS. Letters, p. 289, 291.

172 ― His wife.

173 ― MS. Letters, p. 290, 291.

174 ― Ibid. p. 196.

175 ― MS. Letters, p. 293, 294.

176 ― Ibid. p. 265.

177 ― MS. Letters, p. 265.

178 ― MS. Letters, p. 284.

179 ― MS. Letters, p. 318. Archibald Hamilton has trumped up a
ridiculous story, respecting Knox’s flight from England.
He says, that by teaching the unlawfulness of female
government, he had excited a dangerous rebellion against
queen Mary. But the queen, having marched against the
rebels, defeated them with great slaughter; upon which
Knox, stained with their blood, fled to Geneva, carrying
along with him a rich noblewoman! Dialog. de Confus. Calv.
Sect. p. 65.

180 ― MS. Letters, p. 70, 71, 107, 108.

181 ― MS. Letters, p. 308, 309.

182 ― MS. Letters, p. 165‒167. Admonition, p. 46‒48.

183 ― If.

184 ― Sun.

185 ― Much more.

186 ― Wit.

187 ― Hope.

188 ― Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. in MS. Letters,
p. 149‒151, 156.

189 ― His Exposition of the sixth Psalm concludes with these
words: “Upon the very point of my journey, the last of
February, 1553.” MS. Letters, p. 109. The reader will
recollect, that in our reformer’s time, they did not begin
the year until the 25th of March; so that “February 1553,”
according to the old reckoning, is “February 1554,”
according to the modern.

190 ― His Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. concludes
thus:――“From ane sore trubillit hart, upon my departure
from Diep, 1553, _whither God knaweth_. In God is my trust
through Jesus Chryst his sone; and thairfor I feir not
the tyrannie of man, nether yet what the devill can invent
against me. Rejoice, ye faithfull; for in joy shall
we meit, wher deth may not dissever us.” MS. Letters,
p. 157, 158.

191 ― In a letter, dated Dieppe, May 10, 1554, he says, “My awin
estait is this: since the 28 of Januar,” counting from the
time he came to France, “I have travellit throughout all
the congregations of Helvetia, and has reasonit with all
the pastoris and many other excellentlie learnit men, upon
sic matters as now I cannot comit to wrytting.” MS.
Letters, p. 318.

192 ― MS. Letters, p. 313‒315.

193 ― Ibid. p. 311.

194 ― MS. Letters, p. 106.

195 ― Ibid. p. 319.

196 ― Ibid. p. 310.

197 ― Strype’s Cranmer, p. 413. Calvini Epist. et Respons.
p. 179, 245, 248, Hanov. 1597.

198 ― One of his letters to Mrs Bowes, is dated “At Diep the
20 of July, 1554, after I had visited Geneva and uther
partis, and returned to Diep to learn the estait of
Ingland and Scotland.” MS. Letters, p. 255, 256. This is
the letter which was published by Knox, along with his
answer to Tyrie, in 1572, after the death of Mrs Bowes.

199 ― In the letter mentioned in last note, he refers his
mother‑in‑law to “a general letter written,” says he,
“be me in greit anguiss of hart, to the congregationis
of whome I heir say a greit part, under pretence that
thai may keip faith secreitt in the hart, and yet do as
idolaters do, beginnis now to fall before that idoll. But
O, alas! blindit and desavit ar thai; as they sall knaw
in the Lordis visitatioun, whilk, sa assuredlie as our God
liveth, sall shortlie apprehend thai backstarteris amangis
the middis of idolateris.” MS. Letters, p. 252. On the
margin of the printed copy is his note: “Frequent letters
written by Johne Knox to decline from idolatrie.”

200 ― MS. Letters, p. 251‒253.

201 ― Collier, Eccles. History, ii. 441.

202 ― MS. Letters, p. 322. Davidson’s Brief Commendatioun of
Uprichtnes; reprinted in the Supplement.

203 ― MS. Letters, p. 256.

204 ― MS. Letters, 344, 373.

205 ― It is painful to observe, that many of the Lutherans,
at this time, disgraced themselves by their illiberal
inhospitality, refusing, in different instances, to admit
those who fled from England into their harbours and towns,
because they differed from them in their sentiments on the
sacramental controversy. Melch. Adami Vitæ Exter. Theolog.
p. 20. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 353, 361. Gerdesii Hist.
Reform. tom. iii. 235‒7.

206 ― The English exiles were greatly indebted for this favour
to the friendly services of the French pastors. One of
these, Valerandus Polanus, was a native of Flanders, and
had been minister of a congregation in Strasburg. During
the confusions produced in Germany by the Interim, he
had retired along with his congregation to England, and
obtained a settlement at Glastonbury. Upon the death of
Edward VI. he went to Frankfort. Strype’s Memor. of the
Reform. ii. 242.

207 ― See Note V.

208 ― Knox, Historie, p. 85.

209 ― Brieff Discours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford
in Germany, Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the booke off Common
Prayer, p. xviii‒xxiv. Printed in 1575. This work contains
a full account of the transactions of the English church
at Frankfort, confirmed by original papers. The author
was a non‑conformist, but his narrative was allowed to be
accurate by the opposite party. To save repetition, I may
mention once for all, that, when no authority is referred
to, my statement of these transactions is taken from this
book. It was reprinted in 1642, and is also to be found
in the second volume of the Phenix, or a Revival of Scarce
and Valuable Pieces. Lond. 1707‒8. But I have made use of
the first edition.

210 ― This was the order of worship used by the church of
Geneva, of which Calvin was minister. It had been lately
translated into English.

211 ― Calvini Epist. p. 28: Oper. tom. ix. Amstælodami. anno
1667.

212 ― Previous to the appointment of this committee, Knox,
Whittingham, Fox, Gilby, and T. Cole, had composed (what
was afterwards called) The Order of Geneva, but it did
not meet the views of all concerned. This was different
from the order of the Genevan church, already referred to;
and obtained its name from the circumstance of its having
been first used by the English church at Geneva. It was
afterwards used in the church of Scotland under the name
of the Book of Common Order, and is sometimes called
Knox’s Liturgy.

213 ― Cald. MS. i. 249.

214 ― Cald. MS. i. 252.

215 ― Collier (ii. 395) says that Knox manifested in this
instance “a _surprising_ compliance.” But it appears, even
from the account given by that historian, that, in the
whole of the Frankfort affair, our Reformer displayed the
greatest moderation and forbearance, while the conduct of
his opponents was marked throughout with violence and want
of charity.

216 ― Cald. MS. i. 254. Upon his return to Geneva, Knox
committed to writing a narrative of the causes of his
retiring from Frankfort. This he intended to publish in
his own defence; but on mature deliberation, he resolved
to suppress it, and to leave his own character to suffer,
rather than expose his brethren and the common cause in
which they were engaged. His narrative was preserved by
Calderwood, and has furnished me with several facts. It
contains the names of the persons who accused him to the
senate of Frankfort, and of their advisers, which I have
omitted, after the example of Knox, in the notice which
he has taken of the affair, in his Historie of the
Reformation, p. 85.

217 ― See above, p. 113.

218 ― See Note W.

219 ― Cald, MS. i. 255. Mr Strype has not discovered his usual
impartiality or accuracy in the short account he has
given of this affair. He says that Knox had “published
some dangerous principles about government,” and that the
informers “thought it fit for their own security to make
an open complaint against him.” Memor. of the Reform.
iii. 242. Knox had, at that time, published nothing on
the subject of government; and Collier himself does not
pretend such an excuse for the actors.

220 ― Cox was afterwards made to feel a little the galling
yoke which he strove to impose on his brethren. Upon
the accession of Elizabeth, that stately princess, still
fonder of pompous and popish equipage than her clergy,
kept a crucifix in her chapel, and ordered her chaplains
to perform divine service before it. Dr Cox was the only
one of the refugees who complied with this order, but
his conscience afterwards remonstrating against it, he
wrote a letter to the queen, requesting to be excused from
continuing the practice. It is observable, that in this
letter he employs the great argument which Knox had used
against other ceremonies, while he prostrates himself
before his haughty mistress with a submission to which our
Reformer would never have stooped. “I ought,” says he, “to
do nothing touching religion, which may appear doubtful
whether it pleaseth God or not; for our religion ought to
be certain, and grounded upon God’s word and will. Tender
my sute, I beseech you, _in visceribus Jesu Christi_,
my dear sovereign, and most gracious queen Elizabeth.”
Burnet, ii. Append. 294. The crucifix was removed at this
time, but was again introduced about 1570. Strype’s Parker,
p. 310. Dr Cox afterwards fell under the displeasure of
his “dear sovereign,” for maintaining rather stiffly his
right to some of the revenues of his bishopric. Strype’s
Annals, ii. 579. It is but justice, however, to this
learned man to say, that I do not find him taking a very
active part against the non‑conformists, after his return
to England; he even made some attempts for the removal of
the obnoxious ceremonies.

221 ― Calvini Epistolæ, p. 98, ut supra. This letter is
addressed “_Cnoxo_” (by mistake of the publisher, instead
of _Coxo_,) “et Gregalibus. Pridie Idus Junii, 1555.” Knox
was at Geneva when Calvin wrote that letter.

222 ― See above, p. 91, 93.

223 ― MS. Letters, p. 255‒6.

224 ― The following lines were commonly repeated at this time,
in allusion to Normand Leslie, who headed the conspirators
against cardinal Beatoun:

Priestis, content you now, priestis, content you
now;
For Normand, and his companie, hes fillit the
gallayis fow.

225 ― MS. Letters, p. 435, 438.

226 ― Knox, Historie, p. 78. Hume of Godscroft’s History,
ii. 128.

227 ― Knox, Historie, p. 80.

228 ― Buchanani Oper. i. 302. Knox, Historie, p. 82. The
following tribute to the memory of this patriot occurs in
a work of one of our Latin poets, which is rarely to be
met with:

JOHANNES MALVILLUS RETHIUS,

Nobilis Fifanus, Jacobo V. regi olim familiarissimus,
summa vitæ innocentia, ob puræ relligionis studium, in
suspicione falsi criminis, iniquissimo judicio sublatus
est Aº Christi 1548.

Quidnam ego commerui, quæ tanta injuria facti,
Hostis ut in nostrum sæviat ense caput?
Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, Christi
Relligio, et fædo crimine pura manus.
O secla! O mores: scelerum sic tollere pœnas
Ut virtus sceleri debita damna luat.
Joh. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29.

229 ― Knox, Historie, p. 87, 88. Spotswood, 90, 91. Bezæ Icones,
Ff. ij.

230 ― Winchester’s brother‑in‑law, William Arthur of Cairnes,
obtained his property; and by a disposition, dated 27th
August, 1555, “out of pity to Christian Martine,” (wife
of George Winchester,) “and her eight fatherless children,
disponed to her in liferent the fore‑tenement and the
tacks of Kinglassie and Polduff, sometime pertaining
to the said George, with his haill moveables, fallen in
escheat, upon her paying to him the composition that he
paid therefor.” MS. Genealogical Collections of Martin of
Clermont, vol. i. p. 583‒5.

231 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 488‒9.

232 ― This council assembled at Linlithgow, but was transferred
to Edinburgh. Wilkins, Concil. tom. iv. 46. conf. p. 209.

233 ― Proem. Concil. apud Wilkins, iv. 46.

234 ― Canon 1. Ibid. p. 47.

235 ― Can. 2. Ibid. p. 48.

236 ― Can. 5. Ibid. p. 48.

237 ― Can. 15, 20. Ibid. p. 50‒1.

238 ― Can. 42, 45. Ibid. 56‒7.

239 ― Can. 43, 44, 47. Ibid. p. 57‒8.

240 ― Ibid. 69‒73.

241 ― Can. 16. Ibid. p. 72‒3.

242 ― Ibid. p. 73.

243 ― See Note X.

244 ― Wilkins, iv. 207, 209, 210. Keith, pref. p. xiv.

245 ― See Note Y.

246 ― Wilkins, iv. 72.

247 ― Keith, Append. p. 90. Episcopal writers have sometimes
upbraided the Scottish church, as reformed by tradesmen
and mechanics. They have, however, no reason to talk in
this strain; for, in the first place, a sensible, pious
tradesman, is surely better qualified for communicating
religious instruction than an ignorant, superstitious
priest; and, secondly, the church of England herself,
after trying those of the latter class, was glad to betake
herself to the former. See Strype’s Annals, i. 176, 177.

248 ― Cald. MS. i. 256.

249 ― Keith, History, p. 498.

250 ― Smetonii Respons. ad. Arch. Hamiltoni Dialog, p. 93.
Edinburgh, 1579.

251 ― Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, celebrates Willock among the
chaplains of the duke, in the following lines:

Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinerus et Haddon,
Ælmerusque tuos ornârint luce penates?
O! Deus, O! quales juvenes? Quo principe digni?
His tua luminibus splendet domus.
Strype’s Annals, ii. Append, p. 46.

252 ― Gerdesii Hist. Reform, iii. 147‒8.

253 ― Spotswood, p. 93. Knox, 90.

254 ― MS. Letters, p. 342.

255 ― Discours of the Troubles at Franckford, p. lv. lix. Knox,
Historie, p. 90.

256 ― MS. Letters, p. 343.

257 ― See above, p. 6, 35.

258 ― Buchanani Oper. i. 301. Keith Append. p. 57.

259 ― MS. Letters, p. 342, 343.

260 ― Knox, Historie, p. 91.

261 ― On the back of a picture of our Reformer, which hangs
in one of the rooms of Lord Torphichen’s house at Calder,
is this inscription: “The Rev. John Knox.――The first
sacrament of the supper given in Scotland after the
Reformation, was dispensed in this hall.” The commencement
of the Reformation is here dated from the present visit
of Knox to Scotland; for we have already seen that he
administered the ordinance in the castle of St Andrews,
in 1547. The account given by Knox in his History of the
Reformation, (p. 92,) seems to imply that he performed
this service in the west country, before he did it in
Calder‑house.

262 ― Knox, Historie, p. 91, 118.

263 ― Keith, p. 530.

264 ― Spotswood, p. 90.

265 ― Chalmers’s Caledonia, i. 848.

266 ― Knox, Historie, p. 91, 331.

267 ― Sadler’s State Papers, i. 83. Hume of Godscroft’s Hist.
ii. 128.

268 ― The silver cups which were used on that occasion were till
of late carefully preserved by the family of Glencairn
at Finlayston; and the parish of Kilmalcolm was regularly
favoured with the use of them at the time of dispensing
the sacrament. “The people,” says the minister, in his
account of that parish, “respect them much for their
antiquity, as well as for the solemnity attending them in
former and later times.” Statistical Account of Scotland,
vol. iv. p. 279. This writer thinks they had been
originally candlesticks, and converted to this use on the
emergent occasion; the hollow bottom reversed forming the
mouth of the cup, and the middle, after the socket was
screwed out, being converted into the foot. But it is not
very likely that the family of Glencairn were obliged to
have recourse to this expedient.

269 ― Knox, Historie, p. 92.

270 ― Letter to Mary, regent of Scotland, apud Historie, p. 417.

271 ― Ibid. p. 416, 417.

272 ― MS. Letters, p. 343, 344.

273 ― Knox, Historie, p. 92. Another hearer of Knox at this
time was Henry Drummond of Riccartowne, who was married
to a niece of Robert Creighton, bishop of Dunkeld. Lord
Strathallan’s Account of the House of Drummond, MS. in
Advocates’ Library.

274 ― This is more evident from the letter in its original
language, which is now before me in manuscript. In the
copies of it which have been published along with his
History, and even in the edition of 1732, freedoms have
been used, and the style is not a little injured by the
insertion of unnecessary and enfeebling expletives.

275 ― Historie, p. 92, 425.

276 ― Letter, &c. apud Historie, p. 425, 426.

277 ― This congregation, (which consisted of those who had
withdrawn from Frankfort,) as early as September 1555,
“chose Knox and Goodman for their pastors, and Gilby
requested to supplie the rome till Knox returned owte
of France.” Troubles at Franckford, p. lix.

278 ― A piece of sloping ground on the south side of the castle
is still pointed out as the spot on which Knox preached.

279 ― Knox, Historie, p. 92‒3, 108.

280 ― Appellation, &c. apud Historie, p. 428.

281 ― MS. Letters, p. 352‒359.

282 ― See Note Z.

283 ― Among the questions proposed were the following: Whether
the baptism administered by the popish priests was valid,
and did not require repetition? Whether all the things
prohibited in the decree of the apostles and elders at
Jerusalem (Acts, xv.) were still unlawful? Whether the
prohibition in 2d John, verse 10, extended to the _common_
salutation of those who taught erroneous doctrine? How are
the directions respecting dress, in 2d Peter, iii. 3, to
be obeyed? In what sense is God said to repent?

284 ― The congregation appear to have delayed the final
settlement of their form of worship and discipline until
Knox’s arrival; for the preface to The Order of Geneva,
is dated “the 10th of February, anno 1556.” Dunlop’s
Collection of Confessions, ii. 401. If this date was
according to the old method of reckoning, Knox must have
been present at the time. But I am not sure but that the
new mode of beginning the year in January was introduced
in Geneva as early as 1556.

285 ― MS. Letters, p. 377.

286 ― MS. Letters, p. 408.

287 ― Ibid. p. 378.

288 ― Knox, Historie, p. 97, 98.

289 ― See Note AA.

290 ― Knox, Historie, p. 98‒100.

291 ― I find him, about this time, addressing a letter to one of
his correspondents from Lyons. MS. Letters, p. 346. This
letter is subscribed John Sinclair. See above, Footnote 4.

292 ― Histoire des Martyrs, p. 425, 426. Anno 1597. Folio. Beza,
Vita Calvini, ad ann. 1557. The cardinal of Lorrain, uncle
to Mary the young queen of Scotland, was industrious in
propagating these vile calumnies; a circumstance which
increased Knox’s bad opinion of that determined enemy of
the Reformation. This is mentioned by him in his preface
to the Parisian Apology. “This was not bruited be the
rude and ignorant pepil; but a cardinall (whais ipocrisie
nevertheless is not abil to cover his awn filthiness)
eschamit not openlie at his tabill to affirm that maist
impudent and manifest lie; adding moreover (to the further
declaratioun whais sone he was) that, in the hous whair
thay wer apprehendit, 8 bedis wer preparit. When in verie
deed, in that place whair they did convene, (except a
table for the Lord’s supper to have been ministered, a
chayr for the preicher, and bankis and stullis for the
easement of the auditors,) no preparation nor furniture
was abill to be proved, not even by the verie enemyis.”
MS. Letters, p. 445, 446.

293 ― MS. Letters, p. 442‒500. The apology of the Parisian
protestants was published; but I do not think that the
English translation, with Knox’s additions, ever appeared
in print. The writer of the Life of Knox, prefixed to the
edition of his History, 1732, p. xxi., has fallen into
several blunders on this subject. There are no letters
to the French protestants in the MS. to which he refers.
The apology was written by the Parisians themselves, and
Knox informs us, that a part of the translation only was
done by him――“the former and maist part was translatit by
another, because of my other labors.” Ut supra, p. 446.

294 ― “Having particularly declared to me,” says Row, “by those
who heard him say, when he was in Rochel, in France, that
within two or three years he hoped to preach the gospel
publicly in St Giles in Edinburgh. But the persons who
heard him say it, being papists for the time, and yet
persuaded by a nobleman to hear him preach privately, and
see him baptise a bairn that was carried many miles to him
for that purpose, thought that such a thing could never
come to pass, and hated him for so speaking; yet, coming
home to Scotland, and through stress of weather likely
to perish, they began to think of his preaching, and
allowed of every part of it, and vowed to God, if he would
preserve their lives, that they would forsake papistry,
and follow the calling of God; whilk they did, and saw and
heard John Knox preach openly in the kirk of Edinburgh,
at the time whereof he spoke to them.” Row’s Historie,
MS. p. 8, 9. The same fact is mentioned by Pierre de la
Roque, a French author, in Recueil des Dernieres Heures
Edifiantes: Wodrow, MSS. No. 15. Advocates’ Library.

295 ― Annuaire, ou Repertoire Ecclesiastique, à l’usage des
Eglises reformées et protestantes de l’empire Français,
par M. Rabaut le Jeune, p. 273, 274. A Paris, 1807.

The pastor of Dieppe was a member of the first National
Synod of the reformed churches of France, held at Paris
in 1559. Quick’s Synodicon, 1, 2, 7. In 1630, there
were upwards of 5000 communicants in the church of
Dieppe. Diary of Mr Robert Trail, minister of Greyfriars,
Edinburgh, p. 22, 23. MS. in the possession of the
Rev. Dr Trail.

296 ― MS. Letters, p. 349.

297 ― The Careles by Necessitie, as reprinted in Knox’s Answer
to an Anabaptist, in 1560. Spanhemii (Patris) Disput.
Theol. Miscell. Genevæ, 1652. Spanhemii (Fillii) Opera,
tom. iii. p. 771‒798.――It is scarcely necessary to state,
that the greater part of those who, in the present day,
oppose the baptism of infants, do not hold a number of
the tenets specified above. They are decidedly hostile to
Pelagianism, and friendly to the doctrine of grace. So far
from denying the lawfulness of magistracy among christians,
they have in general (at least in Scotland) adopted the
principle of non‑resistance to civil rulers in all cases.

298 ― Knox, Answer to the Blasphemous Cavillations written by an
Anabaptist, p. 405, 407. Anno 1560.

299 ― This he afterwards accomplished in the book referred to in
the preceding note.

300 ― MS. Letters, p. 403‒424.

301 ― MS. Letters, p. 424‒438.

302 ― Strype’s Mem. of Parker, p. 205. This translation was
often reprinted in Britain. The freedom of remark used
in the notes gave offence to queen Elizabeth, and her
successor James; the last of whom said, that it was the
worst translation which he had seen. Notwithstanding
this expression of disapprobation, it is evident that the
translators appointed by his authority made great use of
it; and if they had followed it still more, the version
which they have given us would, upon the whole, have been
improved. The late Dr Geddes had a very different opinion
of it from the royal critic.

I pretend not to know the versions referred to in the
following passage of a foreign critic:――“Nec vero melius
operā suæ factioni, vel astuta vulpecula illa Joannes
Cnoxius Scotus, vel ōes magnæ & celebris Anglicanæ
veridictianæ reformationis authores, cum in suis Bibliis
eodem capite, ita reponunt: Scoti primi quia proprius
Calvinisimo accedunt: ‘Thou ar Piter, and vpon that rok
I wil buld my kirk,’ id est, tu es Petrus, & super istam
rupē ego volo ædificare meā Ecclesiā. Videmus ‘that rok’
non esse id quod Petrum Cnoxius vocauit, atque Dominus
Petrum affatur, et de eodem intelligit fore ipsum Ecclesiæ
suæ columen. Angli nihil habent discriminis, nisi quod
dicunt ‘churk’ pro ‘Kirk.’” Paradigma De Quatuor Linguis
Orientalibvs Præcipvis. Petro Victore Caietano Palma
Avthore, p. 115. Parisiis, 1595.

303 ― _i.e._ heathen.

304 ― Appellation, apud Historie, p. 431‒140, 453, 454.

305 ― _i.e._ regimen, or government.

306 ― First Blast, apud Historie, p. 478.

307 ― MS. Letters, p. 318, 319.

308 ― Ibid. p. 322, 323.

309 ― Tacitus has expressed his contempt of those who submit
to female government with his usual emphatic brevity, in
the account which he gives of the Sitones, a German tribe.
“Cætera similes, uno differunt, quod fœmina dominatur;
in tantum, non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute
degenerant.” De Mor. Germ. c. 45.

310 ― Warner’s Eccles. History of England, ii. 308.

311 ― Christopher Goodman adopted the sentiment, and
commended the publication of his colleague, in his book
on “Obedience to Superior Powers.” Whittingham and Gilby
declared themselves on the same side of the question. I
might also mention countrymen of his own, who agreed with
Knox on this subject; as James Kennedy, the celebrated
archbishop of St Andrews, and Sir David Lindsay. Buchanani
Hist. lib. xii. tom. i. 221‒24, edit. Rudim. Chalmers’s
Lindsay, iii. 175.

312 ― Strype’s Annals, i. 127. Fox’s letter was written before
the death of queen Mary. Knox’s answer to it, from the
original in the British Museum, will be found in the
Appendix.

313 ― The heads of the intended second Blast are subjoined to
his Appellation, which was published some months after the
first Blast.

314 ― “An Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Subjectes, against
the late blowne Blaste, concerning the Government of
Wemen,” &c. anno MD. lix. At Strasborowe the 26. of
Aprill. The Blast drew forth several other defences of
female government, two of which were written by natives
of Scotland. Bishop Lesley’s tract on this subject was
printed along with his defence of queen Mary’s honour.
David Chalmers, one of the lords of session, published his
“Discours de la légitime succession des Femmes,” after he
retired from Scotland. Lord Hailes’s Catal. of the Lords
of Session, note 23. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 388, 392.

315 ― Strype’s Life of Aylmer, p. 16.

316 ― Harborowe, sig. B. Strype says, contrary to the plain
meaning of the passage, that Aylmer speaks here of “the
_Scotch_ queen Mary.” Life of Aylmer, p. 230.

317 ― The same suspicion seems to have been entertained by some
of Elizabeth’s courtiers. Strype’s Aylmer, p. 20.

318 ― See Note BB.

319 ― The editions of the Blast printed along with Knox’s
History, are all extremely incorrect: whole sentences are
often omitted.

320 ― In his answer to Knox’s argument, from Isaiah, iii. 12,
he concludes thus: “Therefore the argumente ariseth
from wrong understandinge. As the vicar of Trumpenton
understode _Eli, Eli, lamazabatani_, when he read the
passion on Palme Sonday. When he came to that place,
he stopped, and calling the churchwardens, saide,
‘Neighbours! this gear must be amended. Here is Eli
twice in the book: I assure you if my L. [the bishop] of
Elie come this waye, and see it, he will have the book.
Therefore, by mine advice, we shall scrape it out, and put
in our own towne’s name, _Trumpington, Trumpington, lamah
zabactani_.’ They consented, and he did so, because he
understode no grewe.” Harborowe, G. 3. G. 4.

321 ― 1 Tim. ii. 11‒14.

322 ― Harborowe, G. 4. H.

323 ― See Note CC.

324 ― Harborowe, sig. G. 3. Life of Aylmer, p. 279.

325 ― Life of Aylmer, p. 269.

326 ― Knox, Historie, p. 101.

327 ― Ninian Winget says, that “sum lordis and gentilmen”
ministered the sacrament of the supper “to their awn
household servandis and tenantis.” If only one instance of
this kind occurred, the papists would exaggerate it. The
same writer adds, “that Knox blamed the persons who did it,
saying, that they had ‘gretumlie failzeit.’” Winzet’s Buke
of Fourscoir Three Questions, in Keith, Append. p. 239.
Comp. Knox, p. 217.

328 ― Cald. MS. i. 257. “The Electioun of Eldaris and Deaconis
in the church of Edinburgh,” in Dunlop’s Confessions,
ii. 635, 636. Calderwood places his account of this under
the year 1555; but I think that date too early. It was
rather in the end of 1556, or in the course of 1557. The
names of the first elders in Edinburgh were George Smail,
Michael Robertson, Adam Craig, John Cairns, and Alexander
Hope. There were at first two assemblies in Edinburgh;
but Erskine of Dun persuaded them to unite, and they met
sometimes in the houses of Robert Watson and James Barron,
and sometimes in the abbey.

329 ― Knox, Historie, p. 94‒5.

330 ― See Note DD.

331 ― Knox, 101.

332 ― Spotswood, p. 117.

333 ― Ibid. Knox, p. 102.

334 ― How the bishop’s conscience stood affected as to these
points we know not; but it is certain that his practice
was very far from being immaculate. Wilkins, Concilia,
iv. 209, Knox, Historie, p. 104. Keith, p. 208.

335 ― Endure.

336 ― Need.

337 ― Knox, Historie, p. 106‒7.

338 ― Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History, p. 200‒1. Knox, 122.
Spotswood, 95‒7. Petrie, Part ii. 191.

339 ― Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 216. Besides the persons above
named, the council mention (in the place here referred
to) “Johannes Patritz, et alii complures, catholicæ fidei
et ecclesiasticæ unitatis desertores.” Who this Patritz
was I do not know. The reformed preachers were obliged to
assume feigned names on particular occasions, to escape
apprehension. Thus Douglas went by the name of Grant.
Comp. Knox, Historie, p. 103, 106.

340 ― Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566,
p. 1. MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. Advocate.
This MS., which I had not seen when I published the
first edition of this work, contains a number of minute
particulars not mentioned in other histories. It would
have been extremely valuable if it had been complete, but
the copy which I have used stops short in the middle of
the year 1560.

341 ― Ibid.

342 ― See Note EE.

343 ― Knox, Historie, p. 122. Bishop Bale, who was then at Basle,
inserted, in a work which he was just publishing, a letter
sent him at this time by Thomas Cole, an English refugee
residing at Geneva, communicating this information. “Heri
enim,” says Cole, “D. Knoxus ex Scotia nova certissima
de immutata religione accepit: Christum publice per totum
illud regnum doceri; et ita demum hominum corda occupasse,
ut omni metu posito audeant publicis precibus interesse
sua lingua celebratis, et sacramenta quoque habeant
rite administrata, impuris antichristi ceremoniis
abjectis.――Nunc regina cogitat Reformationem religionis,
indicto die quo conventus fiat totius regni, &c.” Scriptor.
Illustr. Major. Britanniæ Poster. Pars. Art. _Knoxus._
Basil, 1559.

344 ― “God would not suffer her to reign long,” says a catholic
writer, “either on account of the sins of her father, or
on account of the sins of her people, who were unworthy of
a princess so holy, so pious, and endued with such divine
and rare dispositions.” Laing, de Vita Hæretic. fol. 28.

345 ― Troubles at Franckford, p. 189, 190.

346 ― Cald. MS. i. 380.

347 ― Histoire Littéraire de Geneve, par Jean Senebier, tome
i. 375, Genev. 1786. It is somewhat singular, that Calvin
did not obtain this honour until December 1559. “Il n’y
a cependant point de citoyen,” says Senebier, “qui ait
acheté ce titre honorable aussi chèrement que lui par ses
services, et je ne crois pas qu’il y en ait beaucoup qui
l’aient autant mérité, et qui le rendent aussi célébre.”
Ibid. p. 230, 231.

Our Reformer obtained another public testimony of esteem
at this time from bishop Bale, who dedicated his work on
Scottish Writers to him and Alexander Aless. The praise
which he bestows on him deserves the more notice, because
the bishop had been one of his opponents at Frankfort.
“Te vero, Knoxe, frater amatissime, conjunxit mihi Anglia
et Germania, imprimis autem doctrinæ nostræ in Christo
Domino fraterna consensio. Nemo est enim qui tuam fidem,
constantiam, patientiam, tot erumnis, tanta persecutione,
exilioque diuturno et gravi, testatum, non collaudet, et
non admiretur, non amplectatur.” Balei Script. Illustr.
Maj. Brit. Poster. Pars, p. 175, 176. Basiliæ, ex officina
Joan. Operini, 1559. Mense Februario.

348 ― Knox, Historie, p. 205.

349 ― Knox, Historie, 206, 210.

350 ― In February 1559, the English exiles at Geneva published
a prose translation of the book of Psalms, which they
dedicated to Elizabeth; and in this dedication, their
congratulations on her accession to the throne, and their
professions of loyalty, are as warm as those of any of her
subjects were. It is inscribed, “To the most Vertuous and
Noble Queene Elizabeth, Queene of Englande, France, and
Irelande, &c. your humble subjects of the English church
at Geneva, wyth grace, &c.” After mentioning that they had
employed the time of their exile in revising the English
translation of the Bible, and endeavouring to bring it as
near as they could to the pure simplicity and true meaning
of the Hebrew tongue, they add: “When we heard that the
almightie and most mercyfull God had no less myraculously
preferred you to that excellent dignitie, than he had
aboue all mens expectations preserued you from the furie
of such as sought your blood: with most joyful myndes and
great diligence we endeavoured our selves, to set foorth
and dedicate this most excellent booke of the Psalmes vnto
your grace as a speciall token of our seruice and good
will, till the rest of the Byble, which, praysed be God,
is in good readinesse, may be accomplished and presented.”
Epistle, p. 3, prefixed to the Booke of Psalmes, Geneva,
1559, 16mo.

351 ― Haynes, State Papers, p. 295. Knox, Historie, p. 210.

352 ― Burnet, ii. 374, 396. Stow, Annals, p. 635, edit. 1631.
When afterwards committed to the Marshalsea for refusing
to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, Bonner was
kept “under a very easy restraint.” Godwin de Præsulibus
Angliæ, p. 251, edit. 1616. Stapleton, a popish writer,
says that Tonstal was “cast into prison, as most of the
bishops were, where he made a glorious end of a confessor,
and satisfied for his former crime of schisme.”――“A
prison!” exclaims Dr Jortin. “Lambeth palace, and the
archbishop’s table, was a dreadful dungeon, to be sure;
and as bad as those into which the righteous Bonner, and
other saints of the same class, used to thrust the poor
heretics! Will men never be ashamed of these godly tricks
and disingenuous prevarications?” Life of Erasmus, i. 101.

353 ― He said, “that he saw nothing to be ashamed of or sorry
for; wished that he had done more, and that he and others
had been more vehement in executing the laws; and said
that it grieved him that they laboured only about the
young and little twigs, whereas they should have struck
at the root;” by which he was understood to mean queen
Elizabeth. Strype’s Annals, i. 79, 536.

354 ― Cald. MS. i. 384. See also Knox, Historie, p. 204‒207.

355 ― Robertson’s History of Scotland, b. ii. ad an. 1559.

356 ― Knox, Historie, p. 206, 214, 260. He had an opportunity of
receiving a confirmation of this intelligence during his
voyage to Scotland. In the same ship in which he sailed,
there was sent by the French court to the queen regent, a
staff of state, with a great seal, on which were engraved
the arms of France, Scotland, and England. This was
shown to him in great secrecy. The English court, after
they were awakened from their lethargy, and convinced of
the hostile designs of France, applied to Knox for the
information which they might have had from him six months
before. Cotton MSS. Caligula, b. ix. f. 38, 74. Sadler’s
State Papers, i. 463, 688. Keith, Append. p. 38, 42. The
English certainly suffered themselves to be amused during
the treaty of Chateau‑Cambresis, while the courts of
France and Spain concerted measures dangerous to England,
and to the whole protestant interest. Dr Wotton, one of
the commissioners, complains, in a letter to Cecil, of
want of intelligence, and that the English had no spies
on the continent. Forbes’s State Papers, i. 23.

357 ― Knox, Historie, p. 204, 206.

358 ― The person whom he at last persuaded to take his letter
was Richard Harrison. But the cautious spy, (for such
was his employment at that time,) dreading that Knox had
made him the bearer of another Blast, which, if it did not
endanger the throne of Elizabeth, might blow up his credit
with the court, prudently communicated the suspicious
packet to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambassador
at the court of France, who conveyed it to London. Letter
from Throkmorton to Cecil, 15th of May, 1559: Forbes’s
State Papers, i. 90, 91.

359 ― Cald. MS. i. 392, 393. Knox, Historie, p. 127, 207.

360 ― Some remarks on the representation which Dr Robertson has
given of the regent’s conduct will be found in Note FF.

361 ― Knox, Historie, p. 125.

362 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from 1559 to 1566,
p. 1.

363 ― See Note GG.

364 ― MS. Historie, ut sup. p. 2.

365 ― Ibid. p. 2, 3.

366 ― Ibid. p. 3. Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. p. 205.

367 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 342. Knox, p. 51. Spotswood, 24. Lord
Hailes, Provincial Councils, 39, 40.

368 ― Wilkins, Concilia, iv. p. 204‒5.

369 ― The primate’s letter, summoning the archbishop of Glasgow
to the council, is dated the last day of January. Wilkins,
ut supra. The council met on the 1st of March. Ibid.
p. 208. But the archbishop of Glasgow’s letter, calling
his clergy to the council, is dated so late as the 18th of
March, and he requires them to attend on the 6th of April.
Ibid. p. 206. We may also observe that Beatoun, in his
citation, takes no notice of the primate’s mandate. It is
likely that the matter was settled by the good offices of
the queen regent, whose favourable inclinations towards
the church are warmly celebrated by the council. Ibid.
p. 209.

370 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3.

371 ― Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils,
p. 38.

372 ― Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 207‒8. Wilkins has inserted the
Remonstrance at large, which he procured from the Records
in the Scots college at Paris. It is surprising that this
curious document should have escaped the inquisitive eye
of Lord Hailes, who has not taken the slightest notice of
it in his account of the Scottish councils.

373 ― Can. 21, 22, 24, 32: in Wilkins, 214‒16.

374 ― Can. 2‒20: ibid. p. 210‒14.

375 ― Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Prov. Coun. p. 38‒9.

376 ― Can. 16: in Wilkins, ut sup. p. 212‒13.

377 ― Can. 30. Ibid. p. 216.

378 ― Can. 33, 34. Ibid. p. 216‒17. The following is the form of
words appointed by the council to be used by the priest in
re‑baptization:――“Si tu es baptizatus, ego non te baptizo;
sed si non es baptizatus, ego te baptizo, in nomine
Patris,” &c. _i.e._ “If thou hast been baptized, I do
not baptize thee; but if thou hast not been baptized, I
do baptize thee, in the name of the Father,” &c. This was
not, however, a new form.

379 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3. Knox,
Historie, p. 122. According to the first of these
authorities, the sum promised by the clergy was £15,000;
but according to a chronicle written by the laird of
Erleshall, and referred to by Knox, it was £40,000.

380 ― MS. Hist. of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup.

381 ― Justiciary Records, May 10, 1559.

382 ― Knox, 126.

383 ― Ibid. Spotswood, 120‒1. Buchanani Oper. i. 312‒3.

384 ― Letter to Mrs Anne Locke, apud Cald. MS. i. 393.

385 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3, 4. Knox,
Historie, p. 109. In the preamble to the acts of this
council, it is said to have been “finitum 10 die mensis
Aprilis.” But in the conclusion of the acts, there is an
expression which enables us to reconcile this with the
two preceding authorities――”_finiendo seu finito_ die 10
mensis Aprilis:” from which it appears that, though the
acts were concluded, it was not yet agreed to close the
council on that day. Wilkins, iv. 209, 217.

386 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 4.

387 ― Knox, Historie, p. 127. Spotswood, 121. Buchanani Oper.
i. 313.

388 ― See Note GG.

389 ― Knox, Historie, p. 128. Buchanani Oper. i. 313.

390 ― Knox, Historie, p. 128‒9, 135, 137.

391 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 5.

392 ― Buchanani Oper. i. 313. Knox, 128. A writer has given the
name of “bellum _imaginarium_” to this war, undertaken by
the regent to avenge the destruction of the _images_; and
the crimes charged upon the protestants he denominates
“mere _imaginaria_ seditio et rebellio.” Historie of the
Church of Scotland to 1566. MS. Adv. Lib. A. 5, 43.

393 ― When the overtures were proposed to the protestants,
they exclaimed with one voice, “Cursit be they that seik
effusioun of blude, weir, or dissentioun. Lat us possess
Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his evangell, and nane
within Scotland sall be mair obedient subjectis than
we sall be.” Knox, Historie, p. 137. The regent’s army
consisted of 8000, that of the protestants amounted to
5000 men. This seems to have been the number of the latter
previous to the arrival of the earl of Glencairn with a
reinforcement from the west. Glencairn had joined them,
before the conclusion of the treaty, with 2500 men, a
circumstance which did not alter their pacific wishes.
Cald. MS. i. 426. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland,
p. 5. Knox, Historie, 136.

394 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6. Knox, 135‒9.
Buchanani Oper. i. 314‒5. Spotswood, 123.

395 ― Buchanani Oper. i. 311.

396 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8. Knox,
Historie, 136, 138, 144.

397 ― Dr Robertson.

398 ― Knox, Historie, 141‒146. Buchanani Oper. i. 315‒6.
Spotswood, 142‒6.

399 ― Letter written by Knox from St Andrews, 23d June, 1559:
Cald. MS. i. 426, 428. Knox, Historie, p. 140, 141. MS.
Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6.

400 ― Gude and godly Ballates, in Dalyell’s Scottish Poems of
the 16th century, ii. 192, 198.

401 ― The tolbooth of Musselburgh was built out of the ruins of
the chapel of Loretto; on which account the good people
of that town were, till lately, annually excommunicated
at Rome. Sibbald’s Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, iii. 19.
Those who wish to see a specimen of catholic declamation
on this subject, may consult Note HH.

402 ― The reader may take one example, which I adduce, not
because it is the strongest, but because it happens to
be at hand. “This abbey [Kelso] was demolished 1569, in
consequence of the enthusiastic Reformation, which, in
its violence, was a greater disgrace to religion than all
the errors it was intended to subvert. Reformation has
hitherto always appeared in the form of a zealot, full of
fanatic fury, with violence subduing, but through madness
creating, almost as many mischiefs in its oversights, as
it overthrows errors in its pursuit. Religion has received
a greater shock from the present struggle to repress
some formularies and save some scruples, than it ever
did by the growth of superstition.” Hutchinson’s History
of Northumberland, and of an Excursion to the Abbey of
Melrose, i. 265.

403 ― “Alas! how little of its former splendour have time and
the fanatic rage of the early Christians left to the
Roman forum! The covered passage, with a flight of steps,
founded by Tarquin the elder, is no more here to shelter
us from bad weather, or to serve for the spectators to
entertain themselves with mountebanks in the market‑place.
” A most deplorable loss, truly! This writer adds, that
the statues of the twelve gods are yet standing: no great
proof, one would imagine, of the fanatic rage of the
Christians. Kotzebue’s Travels through Italy, vol. i.
p. 200.

404 ― Edinburgh Review, vol. iv. p. 348, and Lord Lauderdale’s
Observations on Edinburgh Review.

405 ― See Note II.

406 ― ――――――When we had quell’d
The strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown down
Her altars, cast her idols to the fire.
――――――The priests combined to save their craft;
And soon the rumour ran of evil signs
And tokens; in the temple had been heard
Wailings and loud lament; the eternal fire
Gave dismally a dim and doubtful flame;
And from the censer, which at morn should steam
Sweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloud
Black and portentous rose.

Southey’s Madoc, part i. book ii.

407 ― Knox, Historie, p. 332.

408 ― Ibid. p. 146.

409 ― Ibid. p. 145.

410 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8, 9.

411 ― Ibid. p. 7.

412 ― Probably a part of the Caltonhill.

413 ― The army of the regent consisted of 5000 men, the
Congregation could not muster above 1500. MS. Historie
of the Estate of Scotland, p. 9.

414 ― Ibid. p. 10. Knox, Historie, 151‒5.

415 ― Knox, Historie, p. 158.

416 ― MS. Historie of the Estate, &c. p. 11.

417 ― Knox, 159.

418 ― MS. Historie, p. 12.

419 ― Ibid. Knox, 159.

420 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 12.

421 ― Cald. MS. i. 472, 473. Forbes, i. 131, 155. Sadler,
i. 431, 432.

422 ― This refers to the agreement between the regent and lords
of the Congregation, by which the latter gave up Edinburgh.
The lords left Edinburgh on the 25th of July. MS. Historie
of the Estate of Scotland, p. 10. Knox, Historie, p. 154.

423 ― Cald. MS. i. 428, 471.

424 ― Forbes, i. 129, 130. Throkmorton wrote to the same effect
to Cecil, in letters dated 7th June, and 19th July, 1559.
Ibid. p. 119, 167. The ambassador was probably moved
to more earnestness in this matter by the influence of
Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, a particular friend of
our Reformer, who was at this time in France. He returned
soon after to Scotland, and Throkmorton recommended
him to Cecil, as “a very honest, sober, and godly
man.”――“You must let him se as littel sin in England as
yowe maye.”――He “is greatly estemyd of Jhone Knokes, and
he doth allso favour hym above other: nevertheless, he is
sory for his boke rashly written.” Ibid. 137, 147‒149.

425 ― Cald. MS. i. 491.

426 ― Knox applied to the English court for a safe‑conduct for
Mrs Bowes to come into Scotland, which was granted about
the month of October, 1559. Sadler, i. 456, 479, 509. I
have already noticed, (p. 187,) that Mrs Bowes’s husband
was dead. The particular time of his death I have not
ascertained, but it seems to have been between 1554 and
1556. She is designed a widow, in the correspondence
between Cecil and Sadler.

427 ― Cald. MS. i. 429, 473.

428 ― Edinburgh, St Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Montrose,
Stirling, and Ayr, were the towns provided with ministers.
Letter, Knox to Locke, 2d Sept. 1559: Cald. MS. i. 472.

429 ― Sadler, i. 403, 411. Forbes, vol. i. passim. Dr Robertson
complains that, from the carelessness of the contemporary
historians, it is impossible to ascertain the number of
French soldiers in Scotland, or at what times, and under
what pretexts, they had returned, after having left the
kingdom in 1550. History of Scotland, p. 108. Lond. 1791.
In September 1559, when the queen regent retired within
the fortifications of Leith, her forces amounted to 3000
soldiers, of whom 500 only were Scots. MS. Historie of the
Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 13. A thousand
men had arrived from France in the month of August, and
it does not appear that any other arrival had taken place
since the commencement of the late commotions. It seems
pretty evident that the other 1500 had been sent from
France during the war between Scotland and England, in
1556 and 1557. The lords of the Congregation mustered 8000
men in September; but only 1000 of these were trained to
arms. Ibid.

430 ― Knox, Historie, p. 207.

431 ― Ibid. p. 209. Forbes, i. 155, 167.

432 ― Beausobre, Hist. Reform, i. 355‒377. Macaulay’s
translation. Milner’s History of the Church, iv. 948‒9.
This last historian, speaking of Luther’s apology to
Henry, says, that he went “quite far enough, either for
the dignity of a leading reformer, or the simplicity of
a follower of Christ.” Luther himself, after receiving
Henry’s reply, appears to have been abundantly sensible of
the ridiculous situation in which he had placed himself,
and, with a facetiousness which seldom forsook him, asked
his friends, if they would not now advise him to write
penitential epistles to the archbishop of Mentz, the
archduke Ferdinand, and other princes whom he had offended.
Milner, ut sup. p. 956.

433 ― Knox, Historie, p. 210‒2.

434 ― Strype, Annals, i. 126, ii. 95‒6. Life of Grindal, 170,
and Life of Parker, 325‒6.

435 ― See Sir James Melvil’s account of his interview with
Elizabeth, Memoirs, p. 49‒51, which has been adopted,
and detailed by Mr Hume, and other historians.

436 ― Cecil was accustomed to keep back intelligence which he
knew would be disagreeable to his mistress. A curious
instance of this occurs with respect to the misfortune
which happened to Cockburn of Ormiston, while conveying
a subsidy which she had sent to the Congregation. Sadler,
i. 573. We learn from one of his letters, that he did not
usually communicate the epistles of our Reformer, whom he
knew to be no favourite with Elizabeth. Ibid. p. 535.

437 ― Knox, Historie, p. 212.

438 ― Knox, Historie, 59, 213.

439 ― Knox, Historie, p. 212‒214. The State Papers of Sir Ralph
Sadler have been lately published in 2 vols. 4to. The
1st volume contains the greater part of the letters that
passed between Sadler and the agents of the Congregation.
They throw much light upon this interesting period of our
national history, and ought to be consulted, in addition
to the histories which appeared previous to their
publication.

440 ― Keith, Append. 42.

441 ― See Note KK.