Chapter XVI: Letter VIII

My Lord, sen my letter written, zour brother in law yat was, come to me verray sad, and hes askit me my counsel, quhat he suld do efter to morne, becaus thair be mony folkis heir, and among utheris the Erle of Sudderland, quha wald rather die, considdering the gude thay have sa laitlie ressavit of me, than suffer me to be caryit away, thay conducting me; and that he feirit thair suld sum troubil happin of it: of the uther syde, that it suld be said that he wer unthankfull to have betrayit me. I tald him, that he suld have resolvit with zow upon all that, and that he suld avoyde, gif he culd, thay that were maist mistraistit.

He has resolvit to wryte thairof to zow be my opinioun; for he has abaschit me to se him sa unresolvit at the neid. I assure myself he will play the part of an honest man. Bot I have thocht gude to advertise zow of the feir he hes yat he suld be charget and accusit of tressoun to ye end yat, without mistraisting him, ze may be the mair circumspect, and that ze may have ye mair power. For we had zisterday mair then iii. c. hors of his and of Levingstoun's. For the honour of God, be accompanyit rather with mair then les; for that is the principal of my cair.

I go to wryte my dispatche, and pray God to send us ane happy enterview schortly. I wryte in haist, to the end ye may be advysit in tyme.

[There are no important variants in the only other version of this
letter--the published French translation.]

The following are the French versions of the first sentence of each
letter, printed in the Scots translation, published in London in
1572 (p. 163).

_Letter I._ Il semble qu' avecques vostre abscence soit joynt le
oubly, [74]ceu qu'au partir vous me promistes de vos nouvelles. Et
toutes foys je n'en puis apprendre, &c.

_Letter II._ Estant party du lieu ou je avois laisse mon c[oe]ur il se
peult aysement juger quelle estoit ma contenance, veu ce qui peult
un corps sans c[oe]ur, qui a este cause que jusques a la Disnee je
n'ay pas tenu grand propos, aussi personne ne s'est voulu advancer
jugeant bien qu'il n'y faisoit bon, &c.

_Letter III._ Monsieur, si l'ennury de vostre absence, celuy de
vostre oubly, la crainte du danger, tant provue[75] d'un chacun a
vostre tant aymee personne, &c.

_Letter IV._ J'ay veille plus tard la haut que je n'eusse fait, si
ce n'eust este pour tirer ce que ce porteur vous dira, que je
trouve la plus belle commodite pour excuser vostre affaire qui ce
purroit presenter, &c.

_Letter V._ Mon c[oe]ur, helas! fault il que la follie d'une femme,
dont vous cognoissez assez l'ingratitude vers moy, soit cause de
vous donner desplaisir, &c.

_Letter VI._ Monsieur, helas! pourquoy est vostre fiance mise en
personne si indigne, pour soupconner ce qui est entierement vostre.
J'enrage, vous m'aviez promis, &c.

_Letter VII._ Du lieu et l'heure[76] je m'en rapporte a vostre
frere et a vous. Je le suivray, et ne fauldray en rien de ma part.
Il trouve beaucoup de difficultez, &c.

_Letter VIII._ Monsieur, de puis ma lettre escrite vostre beau
frere qui fust, est venu a moy fort triste, et m'a demande mon
conseil de ce qu'il feroit apres demain, &c.

The slight variations in the other French versions are noted above.
There are no Record Office or Hatfield versions of I., II., VII.,
and VIII., and there is no "Published French" version of III.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
[74] _P. F._ "veu."

[75] _Record Office F._ "promis."

[76] _P. F._ "homme."
------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Love Sonnets.

_Henderson's Casket Letters._

The "divers fond ballads" referred to in the letter of Elizabeth's
Commissioners of October 11th, 1568, consist of the following
"sonnets" in French.

The sonnets are printed from the English edition of Buchanan's
_Detection_ (1571). The lines in italics are translated from the
Scots by Professor York Powell.

1. O Dieux ayez de moy compassion,
Et m'enseignez quelle preuue certain{e}
Ie puis donner qui ne luy semble vain{e}
De mon amour & ferme affection.
Las n'est il pas ia en possession
Du corps, du coeur qui ne refuse paine
Ny deshonneur, en[77] la vie incertaine,
Offense de parentz, ne pire affliction?[78]
Pour luy {tous mes} amis estime moins que rien,
Et d{e mes} ennemis ie veux esperer bien.
I'ay hazarde {pour luy} & nom & conscience:
Ie veux pour luy au monde renoncer:
Ie veux mourir pour le fair'[79] auancer.
Que reste il plus pour prouuer ma constance?

2. Entre ses mains & en son plein pouuoir,
Je metz mon filz, mon honneur, & ma vie,
Mon pais, mes[80] subjectz, mon ame assubiectie
Est tout a luy, & n'ay autre voulloir
Pour mon obiect, que sans le deceuoir
Suiure ie veux, malgre toute l'enuie
Qu'issir en peult, car ie n'ay autre envie
Que de ma foy, luy faire apperceuoir
Que pour tempeste ou bonnace qui face
Iamais ne veux changer demeure ou place.
Brief ie feray de ma foy telle preuue,
Qu'il cognoistra sans faulte[81] ma constance,
Non par mes pleurs ou fainte obeyssance,
Come autres font,[82] mais par diuers espreuue.

3. Elle pour son honneur vous doibt obeyssance
Moy vous obeyssant i'en puis receuoir blasme
N'estat, a mon regret, comme elle vostre femme.
Et si n'aura pourtant en ce point preeminence
Pour son propre profit[83] elle vse de coustance,
Car ce n'est peu d'honneur d'estre de voz biens dame
Et moy pour vous aymer i'en puis receuoir blasme
Et ne luy veux ceder en toute l'obseruance:
Elle de vostre mal n'a l'apprehension
Moy ie n'ay nul repos tant ie crains l'apparence:
Par l'aduis des parentz, elle eut vostre accointance
Moy malgre tous les miens vous porte affection
{_Et neanmoins, mon c[oe]ur, vous doubtez ma constance_}[84]
Et de sa loyaute prenez ferme asseurance.

4. Par vous mon coeur & par vostre alliance
Elle a remis sa maison en honneur
Elle a jouy par vous de[85] la grandeur
Dont tous les siens n'ayent nul asseurance
De vous, mon bien, elle a eu l'ac coinstance,[86]
Et a gaigne pour vn temps vostre coeur,
Par vous elle a eu plaisir en bon heur,
Et par vous a[87] honneur & reuerence,
Et n'a perdu sinon la jouyssance
D'vn fascheux sot qu'elle aymoit cherement,
Ie ne la playns d'aymer donc ardamment,
Celuy qui n'a en sens, ny en vaillance,
En beaute, en bonte, ny en constance
Point de second. Ie vis en ceste foy.[88]

5. Quant vous l'amiez, elle vsoit de froideur.
Sy vous souffriez pour s'amour passion
Qui vient d'aymer de trop d'affection,
Son doy monstroit, a tristesse de coeur
N'ayant plaisir de vostre grand ardeur.
En ses habitz, monstroit sans fiction
Qu'elle n'auoit paour qu'imperfection
Peust l'effacer hors de ce loyal coeur.
De vostre mort ie ne vis la peaur[89]
Que meritoit tel mary & seigneur.
Somme, de vous elle a eu tout son bien
Et na prise ne iamais estime
Vn si grand heur sinon puis qu'il n'est sien
Et maintenant dit l'auoir tant ayme.

6. Et maintenant elle commence a voir
Qu'elle estoit bien de mauuais iugement
De n'estimer l'amour d'vn tel amant
Et voudrait bien mon amy deceuoir,
Par les escriptz tout fardez de scauoir
Qui pourtant n'est en son esprit croissant
Ains emprunte de quelque autheur luissant
A faint tresbien vn ennoy[90] sans l'avoir
Et toutesfois ses parolles fardeez,
Ses pleurs, ses plaincts remplis de fictions.
Et ses hautz cris & lamentations
Ont tant gaigne que par vous sont gardeez
Ses lettres {escriptes} ausquellez vous donnez foy
Et si l'aymez & croyez plus que moy.

7. Vous la croyez las trop ie l'appercoy
Et vous doutez de ma ferme constance,
O mon seul bien & mon seul esperance,
Et ne vous puis ie asseurer de ma foy
Vous m'estimez plus legier que le noy,[91]
Et si n'auez en moy nul' asseurance,
Et soupconnez mon coeur sans apparence,
Vous deffiant a trop grand tort de moy.
Vous ignorez l'amour que ie vous porte
Vous soupconnez qu'autre amour me trasporte,
Vous estimez mes parolles du vent,
Vous depeignez de cire mon las coeur
Vous me pensez femme sans iugement,
Et tout sela augmente mon ardeur.

8. Mon amour croist & plus en plus croistra
Tant que je viure &[92] tiendray a grandeur,
Tant seulement d'auoir part en ce coeur
Vers qui en fin mon amour paroistra
Sy tres a clair que iamais n'en doutra,
{_Pur luy je lutterai contre malheur_}[93]
Pour luy ie veux recercher la grandeur,
Et feray tant qu'en vray cognoistera,
Que ie n'ay bien, heur, ne contentement,
Qu'a l'obeyr & servir loyaument.
Pour luy iattendz toute bonne fortune,
Pour luy ie veux garder sainte & vie
Pour luy vertu de suyure i'ay enuie[94]
Et sans changer me trouvera tout vne.

9. Pour luy aussi ie jette mainte larme.
Premier quand il se fist de ce corps {posses}seur,
Duquel alors il n'auoit pas le coeur.
Puis me donna vn autre dur alarme
Quand il versa de son sang mainte dragme
Dont de grief il me vint telle[95] doleur,
M'en pensay[96] oster la vie en frayeur
De perdre la{s} le seul rempar qui m'arme.
Pour luy depuis iay mesprise l'honneur
Ce qui nous peult seul pouruoir de bonheur.
Pour luy hazarde grandeur & conscience.
Pour luy {tous mes} i'ay quite parentz, & amis,
Et tous autres respectz sont apart mis.
Brief de vous seul ie cherche l'alliance.

10. De vous, ie dis, seul soustein de ma vie
Tant seulement ie cerche m'asseurer,
Et si ose de moy tant presumer
De vous gaigner maugre toute l'enuie.
Car c'est le seul desir de vostre {chere} amie,
De vous seruir & loyaument aymer,
Et tous malheurs moins que riens estimer,
{Et} vostre volonte de mon mie{ux} suivie,[97]
Vous cognoistrez avecque obeyssance
De mon {loyal} deuoir n'omettant la sciance
A quoy ie estudiray pour {tousiours} vous complaire
Sans aymer rien que vous, soubz {la} suiection.
De qui ie veux sans nulle fiction
Vivre & mourir & a ce j'obtempere.

11. Mon coeur, mon sang, mon ame, & mon soucy,
{Las,} vous m'auez promis qu'aurons ce plaisir
De deuiser auecques vous a loysir,
Toute la nuict, ou ie languis icy
Ayant le coeur d'extreme paour transy,
Pour voir absent le but de mon desir
Crainte d'oublir vn coup me vient {a} saisir:
Et l'autre fois ie crains que rendurcie
Soit contre moy vostre amiable coeur
Par quelque dit d'un meschant rapporteur.
Un autre fois ie crains quelque auenture
Qui par chemin detourne mon amant,
Par vn fascheux & nouueau accident.
Dieu detourne tout malheureux augure.

* * * * *

12. Ne vous voyant selon qu'auez promis
I'ay mis la main au papier pour escrire
D'vn different que ie voulu transcrire,
Ie ne scay pas quel sera vostre aduis
Mais ie scay bien que mieux aymer scaura
Vous diriez bien que plus y gaignera.

* * * * *

------------------------------------------------------------------------
[77] Ny?

[78] Rochelle text has "affection" wrongly.

[79] Buchanan, "luy" only. Rochelle text, "lui le fair."

[80] Read "Mon pis subject"?

[81] Buch., "fainte."

[82] Buch., "ont fait."

[83] Buch., "Pour son profit elle."

[84] Scots translation, "And not the less, my heart, ye doubt of my
constance."

[85] Buch., "vous la."

[86] Buch., "la constance."

[87] Buch. inserts "receu."

[88] Text of sextain corrupt.

[89] Omitted in Rochelle version as corrupt.

[90] Buch., "envoy."

[91] Buch., "mestimez legier que le voy."

[92] Buch., "viuray, &".

[93] Scots--"For him I will stryve aganis wan-weird."

[94] Rochelle version to read "luy tout."

[95] Buch., "lesser."

[96] Buch., "Que m'en pensa ... & frayeur."

[97] Rochelle text, "et vostre ... de la mienne suivi," and later
version "la mien suivre."
------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Contracts of Marriage.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 54, from Cot. Lib. Calig., C. i.

At Seton, the 5th day of April, the year of God, 1567, the right excellent, right high and mighty Princess, Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scots, ... in the presence of the Eternal God, faithfully, and on the word of a Prince, by these presents, takes the said James, Earl Bothwell, as her lawful husband, and promises and obliges her Highness, that how soon the process of divorce, intended betwixt the said Earl Bothwell and Dame Jane Gordon, now his pretended spouse, be ended by the order of the laws, her Majesty shall, God willing, thereafter shortly marry and take the said Earl to her husband.... He presently takes her Majesty as his lawful spouse, in the presence of God, and promises and obliges him ... that in all diligence possible, he shall prosecute and set forward the said process of divorce already begun and intended betwix him and the said Dame Gordon, his pretended spouse....

MARIE, R.
JAMES, EARL BOTHWELL.

Here note, that this contract was made the v of April, within viii weeks after the murder of the King, which was slain the x of February before; also it was made vii days before Bothwell was acquitted, by corrupt judgment, of the said murder. Also it appears by the words of the contract itself, that it was made before sentence of divorce betwixt Bothwell and his former wife, and also in very truth was made before any suit of divorce intended or begun between him and his former wife, though some words in this contract seem to say otherwise, which is thus proved; for this contract is dated the v of April, and it plainly appears by the judicial acts, ... wherein is contained the whole process of the divorce between the said Earl and Dame Jane Gordon his wife, that the one of the same processes was intended and begun the xxvi day of April, and the other the xxvii.--Buchanan's "Detection."

Nous Marie, par la grace de Dieu, Royne d'Ecosse, douaryere de France, &c, promettous fidellement et de bonne foy, et sans contraynte, a Jaques Hepburn, Comte de Boduel, de n'avoir jamais autre espoulx et mary que luy, et de le prendre pour tel toute et quant fois qu'il m'en requerira, quoy que parents, amys ou autres, y soient contrayres. Et puis que Dieu a pris mon feu mary Henry Stuart dit Darnley et que par ce moien je sois libre, n'estant sous obeissance de pere, ni de mere, des mayntenant je proteste que, lui estant en mesme liberte, je seray preste, et d'accomplir les ceremonies requises an mariage; que je lui promets devant Dieu, que j'en prantz a tesmoignasge, et la presente, signee de ma mayn: ecrit ce--

MARIE, R.

[This contract merely promises to marry Bothwell, without
constraint, and refers to the writer's freedom from the necessity
of any one's permission, since Darnley's death. It contains no
reference to the divorce.]

_MORTON'S DECLARATION_

The Discovery of the Letters--1. The Earl of Morton's Declaration.

_Henderson's Casket Letters_, pp. 113-116, from fol. 216, Add. MSS. 32,091, Brit. Mus.

The trew declaration and report of me, James, Earl of Morton, how a certain silver box overgilt containing diverse missive writings, sonnets, contracts, and obligations for marriage betwix the Queen mother to our sovereign lord, and James sometime Earl Bothwell, was found and used.

Upon Thursday the xix of June, 1567, I dined at Edinburgh, the Laird of Lethington, secretary, with me. At time of my dinner a certain man came to me, and in secret manner showed me that three servants of the Earl Bothwell, viz. Mr. Thomas Hepburn, parson of Auldhamesokkes, John Cockburn, brother to the laird of Skirling, and George Dalgleish were come to the town, and passed into the castle. Upon which advertisement I on the sudden sent my cousin Mr. Archibald Douglas and Robert Douglas, his brother, and James Johnston of Westerrall, with others my servants, to the number of xvi or thereby, toward the castle to make search for the said persons, and, if possible were, to apprehend them. According to which my direction, my servants passed, and at the first missing the forenamed three persons for that they were departed forth of the castle before their coming, my men then parting into several companies upon knowledge that the others whom they sought were separated, Mr. Archibald Douglas sought for Mr. Thomas Hepburn and found him not, but got his horse, James Johnston sought for John Cockburn and apprehended him, Robert Douglas seeking for George Dalgleish. After he had almost given over his search and inquisition a good fellow understanding his purpose came to him offering for a mean piece of money to reveal where George Dalgleish was. The said Robert satisfying him that gave the intelligence for his pains, passed to the Potterrow beside Edinburgh, and there apprehended the said George, with divers evidences and letters in parchment, viz. Earl Bothwell's infeftments of Liddesdale, of the Lordship of Dunbar and of Orkney and Shetland, and divers others, which all with the said George himself, the said Robert brought and presented to me. And the said George being examined of the cause of his direction to the castle of Edinburgh, and which letters and evidents he brought forth of the same, alleged he was sent only to visit {examine} the Lord Bothwell, his master's clothing, and he had not more letters nor evidents than these which were apprehended with him. But his report being found suspicious and his gesture and behaviour ministering cause of mistrust seeing the gravity of the action that was in hand, it was resolved by common assent of the noblemen convened, that the said George Dalgleish should be surely kept that night, and upon the morn should be had to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh and there be put in the iron and torments for furthering of the declaration of the truth, wherein being set, upon Friday the xx day of the said month of June before any rigorous demeaning of his person, fearing the pain, and moved of conscience, he called for my cousin Mr. Archibald Douglas, who coming, the said George desired that Robert Douglas should be sent with him, and he should show and bring to light that which he had. So being taken forth from the irons, he passed with the said Robert to the Potterrow, and there, under the sceit {seat} of a bed took forth the said silver box, which he had brought forth of the castle the day before, locked, and brought the same to me at viii hours at night, and because it was late I kept it all that night. Upon the morn, viz., Saturday, the xxi of June, in presence of the Earls of Atholl, Mar, Glencairn, myself, the Lords Home, Sempill, Sanquhar, the Master of Graham, and the Secretary, and Laird of Tullibardine, Comptroller, and the said Mr. Archibald Douglas, the said box was broken open because we wanted the key, and the letters within contained sighted {_i.e._ examined} and immediately thereafter delivered again into my hand and custody. Since which time, I have observed and kept the same box, and all letters, missives, contracts, sonnets, and divers writings contained therein fairly without alteration changing adding or diminishing of anything found or received in the said box. This I testify and declare to be undoubted truth.

This is the copy of that which was given to Mr. Secretary Cecil upon Thursday the 8th of December 1568.

This is the true copy of the declaration made and presented by the Earl of Morton to the Commissioners and Council of England sitting in Westminster for the time, upon Thursday being the 29 of December 1568.

Subscribed with his hand thus, MORTON.

2. Buchanan's Account.

_Translated from the History_, book xviii. c. 51.

It happened that, about the same time, Bothwell sent one of his confidential servants to the castle of Edinburgh, to bring to him the silver casket, covered with inscriptions, which had once belonged to the French king, Francis. In it were letters of the Queen, almost all written with her own hand, in which both the King's murder and the whole sequel were plainly discernible; and in almost every letter there was an injunction to burn it. But Bothwell, who knew the Queen's inconstancy, of which he had recently seen many instances, preserved the letters, so that, in any disagreement, he might use their testimony, and prove himself not the author of the crime, but only an accomplice. This casket Sir Robert Balfour gave to Bothwell's servant to take away; but first he told the leaders of the opposite party what had been sent, and the agent and the destination.... It was captured....

The Deposition of Thomas Nelson.

_Goodall_, vol. ii. p. 243, from Cott. Lib. Calig. i. 165.

... She {the Queen} caused take down the said new black bed {in Darnley's room}, saying it would be soiled with the bath, and in the place thereof set up an old purple bed, ... and the said keys that were delivered into the hands of Archibald Beton remained still in the hands of him, and others that awaited upon the Queen, and never were delivered again to the King's servants; for she set up a green bed for herself in the said low chamber, wherein she lay the said two nights, and promised also to have bidden {remained} there upon the Sunday at night. But after she had tarried long and entertained the King very familiarly, she took purpose (as it had been on the sudden), and departed as she spake to give the masque to Bastien who that night was married {to} her servant, namely the said Archibald Beton and one Paris, Frenchman, having the keys of her chamber, wherein her bed stood in, as also of the passage that passed toward the garden.... The Queen being departed toward Holyrood-house, the King within the space of one hour passed to bed, and in the chamber with him lay umquhill {_i.e._ the late} William Taylor. The deponent and Edward Symonds lay in the little gallery, that went direct to the south out of the King's chamber, ... and beside them lay William Taylor's boy, who never knew of anything till the house wherein they lay was falling about them....

Thomas Crawford's Deposition.

[With regard to the deposition of Crawford, see p. 144; the wording
of the account of the conversation between Mary and Darnley should
be carefully compared with that of the second Casket Letter.]

_Hosack's Mary._ Appendix L.

First I made my Lord {Lennox} my master's humble commendations unto her Majesty with the excuse that he came not to meet her, praying her grace not to think that it was either for proudness or yet for not knowing his duty towards her Highness, but only for want of health at the present, and also that he would not presume to come in her presence until he knew farther her mind because of the sharp words that she had spoken of him to Robert Cuningham, his servant, in Stirling, whereby he thought he was in her Majesty's displeasure. Notwithstanding, he has sent his servants and friends to wait upon her Majesty. She answered that there was no receipt against fear. I answered that my Lord had no fear for anything he knew in himself, but only of the cold and unkind words she had spoken to his servant. She answered and said that he would not be afraid in case he were not culpable. I answered that I knew so far of his Lordship that he desired nothing more than that the secrets of every creature's heart were written in their face. She asked if I had any farther commission. I answered no. Then she commanded me to hold my peace.

The words that I remember were betwixt the King and the Queen in Glasgow when she took him away to Edinburgh.

The King for that my Lord his father was then absent and sick, by reason whereof he could not speak with him himself, called me unto him, and these words that had then passed betwixt him and the Queen, he gave me in remembrance to report unto the said my Lord his father.

After their meeting and short speaking together she asked him of his letters, wherein he complained of the cruelty of some. He answered that he complained not without cause, and as he believed, she would grant herself, when she was well advised. She asked him of his sickness, he answered that she was the cause thereof, and moreover he said, ye asked me what I meant by the cruelty specified in my letters, that proceedeth of you only, that will not accept my offers and repentance. I confess that I have failed in some things, and yet greater faults have been made to you sundry times, which ye have forgiven. I am but young, and ye will say ye have forgiven me divers times. May not a man of my age for lack of counsel, of which I am very destitute, fall twice or thrice, and yet repent and be chastised by experience. If I have made any fail that ye but think a fail, howsoever it be, I crave your pardon, and protest that I shall never fail again. I desire no other thing but that we may be together as husband and wife. And if ye will not consent hereto, I desire never to rise forth of this bed. Therefore I pray you give me an answer hereunto. God knoweth how I am punished for making my god of you, and for having no other thought but on you. And if any time I offend you, ye are the cause, for that when any offendeth me, if for my refuge I might open my mind to you, I would speak to no other, but when any thing is spoken to me, and ye and I not being as husband and wife ought to be, necessity compelleth me to keep it in my breast, and bringeth me in such melancholy as ye see me in. She answered that it seemed him she was sorry for his sickness, and she would find remedy therefor, so soon as she might.

She asked him why he would have passed away in the English ship. He answered that he had spoken with the Englishman, but not of mind to go away with him. And if he had, it had not been without cause, considering how he was used. For he had neither to sustain himself nor his servants, and needed not make further rehearsal thereof, seeing she knew it as well as he.

Then she asked him of the purpose of Highgate. He answered that it was told him. She required how and by whom it was told him. He answered that the Lord of Minto told him that a letter was presented to her in Craigmillar, made by her own device, and subscribed by certain others who desired her to subscribe the same, which she refused to do. And he said that he would never think that she who was his own proper flesh, would do him any hurt, and if any other would do it, they should buy it dear, unless they took him sleeping, albeit he suspected none, so he desired her effectuously to bear him company. For she ever found some ado to draw herself from him to her own lodging, and would never abide with him past two hours at once.

She was very pensive, whereat he found fault. He said to her that he was advertised she had brought a litter with her. She answered that because she understood he was not able to ride on horseback, she brought a litter that he might be carried more softly. He answered that it was not meet for a sick man to travel, that could not sit on horseback, and especially in so cold weather. She answered that she would take him to Craigmillar, where she might be with him, and not far from her son. He answered that upon condition he would go with her, which was that he and she might be together at bed and board as husband and wife, and that she should leave him no more. And if she would promise him that, upon her word, he would go with her when she was pleased, without respect of any danger either of sickness wherein he was, or otherwise. But if she would not condescend thereto, he would not go with her in any wise.

She answered that her coming was only to that effect, and if she had not been minded thereto, she had not come so far to fetch him, and so she granted his desire, and promised him that it should be as he had spoken, and thereupon gave him her hand, and faith of her body, that she would love him, and use him as her husband, notwithstanding before they could come together, he must be purged and cleansed of his sickness, which she trusted would be shortly, for she minded to give him the bath at Craigmillar.

Then he said he would do whatsoever she would have him do, and would love all that she loved. She required of him in especial, whom he loved of the nobility, and whom he hated. He answered that he hated no man, and loved all alike. She asked him how he liked the Lady Reres, and if he were angry with her. He answered that he had little mind of such as she was, and wished of God she might serve her to her honour. Then she desired him to keep to himself the promise betwixt him and her, and to open it to nobody. For peradventure the Lords would not think well of their sudden agreement, considering he and they were at some words before. He answered that he knew no cause why they should mislike of it, and desired her that she would not move any of them against him even as he would stir none against her, and that they would work both in one mind, otherwise it might turn to great inconvenience to them both. She answered that she never sought any way by him, but he was in fault himself. He answered again that his faults were published, and that there were that made greater faults than ever he made that believed were unknown, and yet they would speak of great and small.

Farther, the King asked me at that present time what I thought of his voyage. I answered that I liked it not, because she took him to Craigmillar. For if she had desired him with herself, or to have had his company, she would have taken him to his own house in Edinburgh, where she might more easily visit him than to travel two miles out of town to a gentleman's house. Therefore my opinion was that she took him away more like a prisoner than her husband.

He answered that he thought little else himself, and feared himself indeed save the confidence he had in her promise only; notwithstanding he would go with her, and put himself in her hands, though she should cut his throat, and besought God to be judge unto them both.

_Endorsed--Thomas Crawford's Deposit._

Murray's Journal.

_From a copy marked by Cecil_, Cot. Lib. Calig., B. ix. fol. 247, quoted by Goodall, vol. ii. p. 247.

_January 21, 1566._--The Queen took her journey toward Glasgow, and was accompanied with the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell to the Kalendar, my Lord Livingstone's place.

_23._--The Queen came to Glasgow, and on the road met her, Thomas Crawford, from the Earl of Lennox, and Sir James Hamilton, with the rest mentioned in her letter. Earl Huntly and Bothwell returned that same night to Edinburgh, and Bothwell lay in the town.

_24._--The Queen remained at Glasgow, like as she did the 25th and the 26th, and had the conference with the King whereof she writes; and in this time wrote her bill and other letters to Bothwell. And Bothwell this 24th day was found very timeous weseing {inspecting} the King's lodging that was in preparing for him, and the same night took journey towards Liddesdale.

_27._--The Queen (conform to her commission as she writes) brought the King from Glasgow to the Kalendar towards Edinburgh.

_28._--The Queen brought the King to Linlithgow, and there remained all morn, while she got word of my Lord Bothwell his returning towards Edinburgh, by Hob Ormiston, one of the murderers. The same day the Earl Bothwell came back from Liddesdale towards Edinburgh.

_29._--She remained all day in Linlithgow with the King, and wrote from thence to Bothwell.

_30._--The Queen brought the King to Edinburgh, and put him in his lodging, where he ended; and Bothwell keeping tryst met her upon the way.

_February 5._--She lodged all night under the King, in the chamber wherein the powder was laid thereafter, and whereof Paris, her chamber child, received the key.

_7._--She lodged and lay all night again in the foresaid chamber, and from thence wrote that same night the letter concerning the purpose of the Abbot of Holyrood-house (_cf._ p. 140).

_8._--She confronted the King and my Lord of Holyrood-house, conform to her letter written the night before.

_9._--She and Bothwell supped at the banquet with the Bishop of the Isles, and after passed up accompanied with Argyll, Huntly, and Bothwell, to the King's chamber, and there they remained cherishing him, till Bothwell and his complices put all things to order, and Paris, her chamber child, received in her chamber the powder, and came up again and gave the sign, and they departed to Bastian's banquet and masque, about eleven hours, and thereafter they both returned to the Abbey, and talked till twelve hours and after.

_10._--Betwix two and three of the clock, the King was blown in the air by the powder.

The Depositions of Paris.

The depositions of Paris were not produced at Westminster. They were
taken, in the early autumn of 1569, in connection with the charges
against Lethington (who had by this time, with Kirkcaldy of Grange,
joined the Queen's party). "Paris" was the nickname of Nicholas
Hubert, a French attendant of Bothwell, who, shortly before the
murder, attached himself to the Queen's service. He was known to be
concerned in the murder, but succeeded in escaping from the country.
He took refuge in Denmark, and was delivered up on Murray's request.
Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Regent asking him to delay the
execution of Paris, and Murray replied: "The said Paris arrived at
Leith about the middle of June last {1569}, I at that time being in
the north parts of this realm far distant, whereupon it followed
that, at my returning, after diligent and circumspect examination of
him, and long time spent in that behalf, upon the xvi day of August
by-past, he suffered death by order of law, so that before the
receipt of your Highness letter by the space of 7 or 8 days he was
execute." {Laing, vol. i. p. 295, from the Paper Office.} The letter
is undated. But Professor Schiern, of Copenhagen, sent Mr. Hosack a
copy of a document from the Danish archives, containing a receipt
for the delivery of "two men, William Murray, and Paris, a
Frenchman," accused of Darnley's murder. The receipt is dated 30th
October 1568, and is given by Captain Clark, on behalf of the
Scottish Government. (Hosack, vol. i. pp. 250-251.) There is a copy
of the depositions in the Cotton Library, bearing the following
note: "This is the true copy of the declaration and deposition of
the said Nicholas Hubert or Paris, whereof the principal {original}
is marked every leaf with his own hand.... Ita est Alexander Hay,
scriba secreti consilii S.D.N. Regis, ac Notarius Publicus." But the
originals, sent to London in October 1569, and preserved in the
Record Office, bear that they were taken "in presence of Mr. George
Buchanan, Master of St. Leonard's College in St. Andrews; Mr. John
Wood, Senator of the College of Justice; and Robert Ramsay, writer
of this declaration, servant to my lord regent's grace." {Hosack,
vol. i. p. 256.} The documents were first published in Anderson's
"Collection" (1725), not in Buchanan's "Detection," along with the
depositions of Hay, Hepburn, and Dalgleish.

The first deposition of Paris is a Confession, in French, made at
St. Andrews on 9th August 1569, "without any constraint or
interrogations." It states that, on the Wednesday or Thursday before
the murder, Bothwell told Paris of the plot, and requested his aid.
"What do you think?" said he.... "My Lord," said I, "I have served
you these five or six years in all your great troubles ... now, my
Lord, by the grace of God, you are free of all these difficulties
... if you undertake this great matter you will be in worse case
than before." Bothwell then assured him that Lethington was the
moving spirit, and that Argyll, Huntly, Morton, Ruthven, and Lindsay
were in league with him. Paris then asked, "My Lord, I pray you tell
me of one whom you have not named; I well know that he is loved in
this country of the common people." ... "Who is that?" said he. "It
is, my Lord," said I, "my Lord the Earl of Murray; I pray tell me
what part he will take." To which he replied, "He will not meddle
with it." "My Lord," said I, "he is wise." Then the Lord Bothwell
turned his head to me ... and said, "My Lord of Murray, my Lord of
Murray, he will neither help nor hinder; but it is all one." ... On
the Saturday before the murder, Margaret Carwood, one of the Queen's
attendants, told "Paris to go to Kirk-of-Field for the coverlet of
the mattress in the Queen's room," which he did.... When he heard of
Murray's leaving Edinburgh on Sunday morning to see his mother, he
remarked that he did it to be out of the way when the wicked deed
should take place, and so to dissociate himself from it. On Sunday
evening Mary supped with Argyll, and seeing Paris, "as she washed
her hands after supper, she asked me if I had removed the coverlet
of the bed in her room in the King's lodging." These are the main
points of interest in the first document signed by Paris. {Laing,
vol. ii. p. 296.}

The second deposition consists of answers to interrogations, and is
dated at St. Andrews on August 10th, 1569. It makes a number of
allegations against the Queen, with which the reader is already
familiar. As it is a long document, we can quote only the most
important sentences. "Interrogated when first he entered into credit
with the Queen, he replied that it was when the Queen was at
Callander on her way to Glasgow, when she gave him a purse with
three or four hundred crowns to take to the Earl of Bothwell, who,
after having received the said purse on the road between Callander
and Glasgow, told him to go with the Queen and remain with her, and
to attend well to what she did, saying that the Queen would give him
letters to carry to him. When the Queen reached Glasgow, she said to
him, 'I will send you to Edinburgh,' ... and after he had remained
two days with the said lady, she wrote the letters and gave them
him, saying, 'You will tell the Earl of Bothwell, by word of mouth,
to take to the Laird of Lethington the letters addressed to him.'
Bothwell and Lethington were to consult as to whether Darnley should
go to Craigmillar or to Kirk-of-Field, and Paris was to report their
decision to Mary. Further, he was to 'say to Bothwell, that the King
wished to kiss her, but that she would not, for fear of his malady.'
Paris carried out his commission, and returned with the message that
Kirk-of-Field was considered most suitable. On the way from Glasgow
to Edinburgh the Queen received a letter from Bothwell and sent one
to him, and also gave Paris a bracelet to take to him. At
Kirk-of-Field, where the Queen's room was immediately underneath
that of the King, Bothwell told him that he must not place the
Queen's bed in the corner of the room under the corner containing
the King's bed, because he wished to place the powder there. This
order was reiterated by the Queen, when she observed that it was
being disregarded.... Paris said to the Queen, 'Madam, the Earl of
Bothwell has commanded me to take the keys of your chamber, because
he wishes to do something, that is, to place there the powder for
the explosion to blow the King in the air.' That night she wrote
letters to Bothwell...." The only other circumstance of importance
affecting the Queen is a statement that Paris carried correspondence
relating to Mary's seizure by Bothwell.

1573.--December 13. Confession of the Laird of Ormiston.

"The Laird of Black Ormiston" was put to death on 13th December
1573, under the government of the Regent Morton, for his share in
the murder of Darnley. His confession was made to "John Brand,
minister at Holyrood-house," on the day of his execution.

_Laing's Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 319, from State Trials, vol. i. p. 944.

As I shall answer unto God, with whom I hope this night to sup, I shall declare unto you the whole, from the beginning unto the end, of my part. First, I confess that the Earl Bothwell showed that same wicked deed unto me in his own chamber in the Abbey on Friday before the deed was done, and required me to take part with him therein.... The said earl said unto me, "Tush, Ormiston, ye need not take fear for this, for the whole lords have concluded this same long since in Craigmillar, all that were there with the Queen, and none dare find fault with it when it shall be done." ... Who {Bothwell} let me see a contract subscribed by four or five handwrites, which he affirmed to me was the subscription of the Earl of Huntly, Argyll, the Secretary Maitland, and Sir James Balfour, and alleged that many more promised, who would assist him if he were put at: and thereafter read the said contract, which, as I remember, contained these words in effect: "That for as much it was thought expedient and most profitable for the common wealth, by the whole nobility and lords undersubscribed, that such a young fool and proud tyrant should not reign nor bear rule over them; and that for divers causes therefore, that they all had concluded that he should be put off by one way or other, and whosoever should take the deed in hand they should defend and fortify it as themselves, for it should be every one of their own reckoned and held done by themselves." Which writing, as the said earl shewed unto me, was devised by Sir James Balfour, subscribed by them all a quarter of a year before the deed was done.

1581.--June 2. The Confession of the Earl of Morton.

[The Earl of Morton having made during his tenure of the government
many enemies, was driven from power and accused of complicity in
the murder of Darnley. The indictment ("Arnot's Criminal Trials,"
p. 388, quoted by Laing, vol. ii, p. 350) mentions as his
accomplices "James, some time Earl Bothwell; James Ormiston, some
time of that ilk; Robert _alias_ Hob Ormiston, his father's
brother; John Hay, some time of Talla, younger; John Hepburn,
called John of Bolton; and divers others," and says that the
murderers "two hours after midnight ... came to the lodging ... and
there ... most vilely, unmercifully, and treasonably slew and
murdered him ... burnt his whole lodging foresaid, and raised the
same in the air by force of gunpowder, which a little before was
placed ... by him and his foresaids under the ground, and angular
stones, and within the vaults, in low and secret parts thereof."
The Earl was found guilty, on the 1st of June, of "art, part,
foreknowledge, and concealing of the treasonable and unnatural
murder foresaid," and was executed next day. A few hours before his
death he made a confession to three of the ministers of Edinburgh,
part of which is here quoted.]

_Laing_, vol. ii. p. 354.

Being required what was his part or knowledge in the King's murther, he answered with this attestation. As I shall answer to my Lord God, I shall declare truly all my knowledge in that matter, the sum whereof is this: After my returning out of England, where I was banished for Davie's slaughter, I came out of Wedderburn to Whittinghame {Castle}, where the Earl Bothwell and I met together in the yard of Whittinghame, where, after long communing, the Earl Bothwell proposed to me the King's murther, requiring what would be my part therein, seeing it was the Queen's mind that the King should be taken away, because, as he said, she blamed the King more of Davie's slaughter than me. My answer to the Earl Bothwell was this, that I would not in any way meddle with that matter.... The Earl Bothwell ... thereafter earnestly proposed the same matter again to me, persuading me thereto, because so was the Queen's mind, and she would have it to be done. Unto this my answer was, I desired the Earl Bothwell to bring me the Queen's handwrit of this matter for a warrant; other ways I would not meddle thereof, which warrant he never purchased {brought}.... Then it was said to him, "Apparently, my lord, ye cannot complain justly of the sentence that is given against you, seeing with your own mouth ye confess the foreknowledge and concealing of the King's murther." ... He answered, "That I know to be true indeed, but yet they should have considered the danger that the revealing of it would have brought to me at that time; for I durst not reveal it for fear of my life. For at that time to whom should I have revealed it? To the Queen? She was the doer thereof. I was minded to have told it to the King's self, but I durst not for my life, for I knew him to be a bairn of such nature, that there was nothing told him but he would reveal it to her again." ... Then he said, "After the Earl Bothwell was cleansed by an assize, sundry of the nobility and I subscrived also a bond with the Earl Bothwell, that if any should lay the King's murder to his charge, we should assist him in the contrary. And thereafter I subscrived to the Queen's marriage with the Earl Bothwell, as sundry others of the nobility did, being charged thereto by the Queen's writ and command." Then being inquired in name of the living God, that seeing this murther was one of the most filthy acts that ever was done in Scotland, and the secrets thereof have not yet been declared, who were the chief doers, or whether he was worried, or blown in the air, and therefore pressed to declare if he knew any further secret thereunto; he answered, "As I shall answer to God, I know no more secret in that matter than I have already told."

Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scots.

_Robertson's History of Scotland_, App. XIV., from Harl. Lib. xxxvii. bk. ix. fol. 126.

... It may please your Majesty to remember in the year of God 1566, the said Earl of Morton, with divers other nobility and gentry, were declared rebels to your Majesty.... True it is that I was one of that number, that heavily offended against your Majesty, and passed into France the time of our banishment, at the desire of the rest, to humbly pray your brother the most Christian King, to intercede that our offences might be pardoned.--Your Majesty's mind so inclined to mercy, that, within short space thereafter, I was permitted to repair into Scotland, to deal with Earls Murray, Atholl, Bothwell, Argyll, and Secretary Lethington, in the name and behalf of the said Earl Morton, Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, and remanent accomplices.... At my coming to them ... they declared that the marriage betwix you and your husband had been the occasion already of great evil in that realm ... they had thought it convenient to join themselves in league and band with some other noblemen resolved to obey your Majesty as their natural sovereign, and have nothing to do with your husband's command whatsoever; if the said earl would for himself enter into that band, they could be content to humbly request and travel by all means with your Majesty for his pardon.... They desired that I should return sufficiently instructed in this matter to Stirling, before the baptism of your son, whom God might preserve. This message was faithfully delivered by me at Newcastle in England, where the said earl then remained, in presence of his friends and company, where they all condescended to have no further dealing with your husband, and to enter into the said band. With this deliberation, I returned to Stirling, where ... your Majesty's gracious pardon was granted unto them all.... Immediately after, the said Earl of Morton repaired to Whittinghame, where the Earl Bothwell and Secretary Lethington came to him; what speech passed there amongst them, as God shall be my judge, I knew nothing at that time; but at their departure I was requested by the said Earl Morton to accompany the Earl Bothwell and Secretary to Edinburgh, and to return with such answer as they should obtain of your Majesty, which being given to me by the said persons, as God shall be my judge, was no other than these words, "Show to the Earl Morton that the Queen will hear no speech of that matter appointed unto him." When I craved that the answer might be made more sensible, Secretary Lethington said, that the earl would sufficiently understand it, albeit few or none at that time understand what passed amongst them. It is known to all men, as well by the railing letters passed betwixt the said earl and Lethington, when they became in divers factions, as also a book set forth by the ministers, wherein they affirm that the earl has confessed to them, before his death, that the Earl Bothwell came to Whittinghame to propose the calling away of the King your husband, to the which proposition the said Earl of Morton affirms that he could give no answer unto such time he might know your Majesty's mind, which he never received....