Chapter III: Section II: From Mary's Arrival in Scotland to the Darnley Marriage

_CONTENTS_

1. Knox's description of Mary's reception, and his opinion of the Queen.

2. Randolph's account of Mary's public entry into Edinburgh.

3. Illustrations of the religious difficulty.
(_a_) Proclamation of the Privy Council.
(_b_) Randolph's account of Mary's first High Mass.
(_c_) Popular Songs against the Pope.

4. Mary on the Treaty of Edinburgh.

5. The conduct of affairs at the beginning of the reign.
(_a_) Cecil's opinion.
(_b_) Randolph's impressions of Murray, Lethington,
and Knox.
(_c_) The Huntly Rebellion as narrated by Randolph.
(_d_) The passing of the sentence on Huntly's embalmed
corpse.

6. Knox's account of the Chatelar affair.

7. Knox's account of the famine of 1563.

8. Knox on the opening of Parliament.

9. One of Knox's interviews with the Queen.

10. Mary's marriage-troubles.
(_a_) References Selected from the diplomatic correspondence
from March 1561 to March 1564.
(_b_) Early suspicions of the Darnley marriage.
(_c_) Melville's experiences in London.
(_d_) Further diplomatic correspondence.

_SORROW, DOLOUR, AND DARKNESS_

The Queen's Arrival in Scotland.

_Laing's Edition of Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 267-271.

_THE FIRST MASS_

The 19th day of August 1561, betwixt seven and eight hours before noon, arrived Mary, Queen of Scotland, then widow, with two galleys out of France. In her company (besides her gentlewomen, called the Maries) were her uncles, the Duc d'Aumale, the Grand Prior, the Marquess d'Elbeuf. There accompanied her also D'Amville, son to the Constable of France, with other gentlemen of inferior condition, besides servants and officers. The very face of the heaven at the time of her arrival did manifestly speak what comfort was brought into this country with her (to wit) sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impiety; for in the memory of man that day of the year was never seen a more dolorous face of the heaven, than was at her arrival, which two days after did so continue: For besides the surface wet, and corruption of the air, the mist was so thick and dark that scarce might any man espy another the length of two pair of butts; the sun was not seen to shine two days before nor two days after. That forewarning, God gave unto us; but alas! the most part were blind.... Fires of joy were set forth at night, and a company of most honest men with instruments of music, and with musicians, gave their salutations at her chamber window: The melody (as she alleged) liked her well; and she willed the same to be continued some nights after with great diligence. The Lords repaired to her from all quarters, and so was nothing understood but mirth and quietness, till the next Sunday, which was the 24th of August, when preparations began to be made for that Idol of the Mass to be said in the Chapel; which pierced the hearts of all. The Godly began to bolden, and then began openly to speak, _Shall that Idol be suffered again to take place within this Realm? It shall not._ The Lord Lindsay (then but Master) with the Gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in the close or yard, _The idolatrous Priests should die the death, according to God's Law_. One that carried in the candle was evil afraid; but then began flesh and blood fully to show itself. There durst no Papist, neither yet any that came out of France, whisper: But the Lord James, the man whom all the Godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the Chapel-door. His best excuse was, that he would stop all Scotsmen to enter in to the Mass; but it was and is sufficiently known, that the door was kept that none should have entry to trouble the Priest, who, after the Mass was ended, was committed to the protection of the Lord John of Coldingham and the Lord Robert of Holyrood House, who then were both Protestants, and had communicate at the Table of the Lord. Betwixt them both was the Priest conveyed to his chamber. And so the Godly departed with grief of heart, and after noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave plain signification, that they could not abide that the land, which God by His power had purged from Idolatry, should in their eyes be polluted again.

_A PROUD MIND AND A CRAFTY WIT_

Knox's Opinion of the Queen.

_Ibid._, p. 286.

John Knox his own judgment, being by some of his familiars demanded what he thought of the Queen, said, "If there be not in her a proud mind, a crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God and His truth, my judgment faileth me."

1561.--2nd September. The Queen's Public Entry into Edinburgh.

_Thomas Randolph to Cecil. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 63.

Upon Tuesday last she made her entry. She dined in the Castle. The first sight that she saw after she came out of the Castle was a boy of six years of age, that came as it were from heaven out of a round globe, that presented unto her a Bible and a Psalter, and the keys of the gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you. Then, for the terrible significations of God upon idolatry, there were burnt Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, in the time of their sacrifice. They were minded to have a priest burned at the altar, at the elevation. The Earl of Huntly stayed {stopped} that pageant, but hath played many as wicked as that since he came hither. He bare that day the sword.

[The following are the lines to which Randolph referred. As only
the first stanza has appeared in print before, the verses are given
in their original form.]

Illustration: HOLYROOD.

_A "NEEDEFULL" GIFT_

A Ballad of Welcome.

Welcome, O Souveraine! Welcome, O natyve Quene!
Welcome to us your subiects great and small!
Welcome, I say, even from the verie splene,[1]
To Edinburgh your syttie principall.
Whereas your people with harts both one and all
Doth here{in} offer to your excellence
Two proper volumes[2] in memoriall
As gyfte most gainand[3] to a godlie prince.

Wherein your Grace may reade to understande
The perfett waye unto the hevennes hie,
And how to Rule your subiects and your land,
And how your kingdom stablished shalbe,
Judgment and wysdome therein shall ye see.
Here shall you find your God his due commande,
And who the contrarie does wilfullie,
How them he threatens with his scurge and wand.

Ane gyfte more precious cold[4] we none present
Nor yet more needefull to your Excellence,
Qwylk[5] is Gode's lawes his words and testament
Trewlie translate with frutefull diligence,
Qwylk to accepte with humble reverence
The Provist present most hartelie you exorte
With the hole subiects due obedience,
Together with the keyes of their porte.

In signe that they[6] and all that they possess
Bodie and good shall ever reddie be
To serve you as their souveraine hie mistress
Both daye and {night} after thair bound dutie:
Besechinge[7] your Grace in this necessitie
Thair {too} shorte tyme and {their} godwill[8] consether[9]
Accepte their harts and take it pacientlie
That may be done, seing all is yours together.

--------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] Spleen.

[2] The volumes were a Bible and a Psalter "coverit with fine
purpour velvet." _Cf._ the _Diurnal of Occurrents_, September 2,
1561, which gives some additional details, and mentions that the
child "delivered also to her hieness three writings, the tenour
whereof is uncertain."

[3] Gainful.

[4] Could.

[5] Which.

[6] MS. to them.

[7] Beseeching.

[8] Goodwill.

[9] Consider.
--------------------------------------------------------------------

_A TOLERANT PROCLAMATION_

Illustrations of the Religious Difficulty--Proclamation regarding Religion.

_Register of the Privy Council of Scotland_, August 26, 1561.

Forasmuch as the Queen's Majesty has understood the great inconveniences that may come through the division presently standing in this realm for the difference in matters of religion, that her Majesty is most desirous to see pacified by a good order, to the honour of God and the tranquillity of her realm, and means to take the same by the advice of her Estates as soon as conveniently may be; and that her Majesty's godly resolution therein may be greatly hindered in case any tumult or sedition be raised among the lieges, if any sudden innovation or alteration be pressed or attempted before that the order may be established. Therefore ... her Majesty ordains letters to be directed to charge all and sundry, lieges, ... that none of them take upon hand, privately or openly, to make any alteration or innovation of the state of religion, or attempt anything against the form which her Majesty found public and universally standing at her Majesty's arrival in this her realm, under the pain of death, ... Attour, her Majesty, by the advice of the Lords of her Secret Council, commands and charges all her lieges, that none of them take upon hand to molest or trouble any of her domestic servants or persons whomsoever come forth of France, in her Grace's company, at this time, in word, deed, or countenance ... under the said pain of death....

_AN UNRULY PEOPLE_

1561.--November 1. The Queen's first High Mass.

_Thomas Randolph to Cecil. Wright's Elizabeth_, vol. i. p. 83.

Upon All Hallow Day the Queen had a song mass. That night one of her priests was well beaten for his reward by a servant of the Lord Robert's. We look to have it proclaimed again that no man, under pain of confiscation of goods and lands here, say or come unto her own mass, saving her own household, that came out of France....

It is now called in question whether that the Princess being an idolater may be obeyed in all civil and politic{al} actions. I think marvellously of the wisdom of God that gave this unruly, inconstant, and cumbersome people no more substance than they have, for then would they run wild.

_THE HUNT IS UP_

Popular Songs.

[The stanzas which follow are selected from the popular songs of
the period. They date from a year or two before Mary's arrival in
Scotland, but will serve to illustrate the extreme difficulty
experienced by a Roman Catholic queen in dealing with such a
people.]

_The Gude and Godly Ballates._ Reprint of 1868, p. 153.

The hunt is up, the hunt is up,[10]
It is now perfect day,
Jesus, our King, is gone in hunting,
Who likes to speed, they may.

A cursed fox lay hid in rocks
This long and many a day,
Devouring sheep, while he might creep,
None might him scare away.

It did him good to lap the blood
Of young and tender lambs;
None could he miss, for all was his,
The young ones with their dams.

The hunter is Christ, that huntis in haste,
The hounds are Peter and Paul;
The Pope is the fox, Rome is the rocks,
That rubs us on the gall.

_THE POPE, THAT PAGAN FULL OF PRIDE_

_Ibid._

The Pope, that pagan full of pride,
He has us blinded long;
For where the blind the blind does guide,
No wonder they go wrong;
Like prince and king, he led the ring
Of all iniquity;
"Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
Under the greenwood tree.

But his abomination
The Lord has brought to light;
His Popish pride, and threefold crown,
Almost have lost their might.
His plack pardons are but lardouns[11]
Of new found vanity;
"Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
Under the greenwood tree.

* * * * *

Of late I saw these limmers[12] stand
Like mad men at mischief,
Thinking to get the upper hand,
They look after relief;
But all in vain, go tell them plain
That day will never be;
"Hay trix, tryme go trix,"
Under the greenwood tree.

O Jesus! if they thought great glee
To see God's word down smorit,[13]
The Congregation made to flee,
Hypocrisy restorit;
With masses sung, and bellis rung,
To their idolatry;
Marry, God thank you, we shall gar brank[14] you,
Before that time truly.

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[10] _Original reads_, With huntis up.

[11] Lumps.

[12] Worthless persons.

[13] Smothered.

[14] Put the barnacles on you, as on a restive horse.
-------------------------------------------------------------

_MURRAY, LETHINGTON, AND KNOX_

The Conduct of Affairs in the Early Years of the Reign--Randolph on Mary's Ministers.

_Randolph to Cecil_, October 24, 1561. _Keith's History_, vol. i. pp. 98-99.

I receive of her Grace at all times very good words. I am borne in hand {assured} by such as are nearest about her, as the Lord James and the Laird of Lethington, that they are meant as they are spoken; I see them above all others in credit, and find in them no alteration, though there be that complain that they yield too much unto her appetite; which yet I see not. The Lord James dealeth according to his nature, rudely, homely, and bluntly; the Laird of Lethington more delicately and finely, yet nothing swerveth from the other in mind and effect. She is patient to hear, and beareth much. The Earl Marischal is wary, but speaketh sometimes to good purpose.... Mr. Knox cannot be otherwise persuaded, but many men are deceived in this woman; he feareth yet that _posteriora sunt pejora primis_; his severity keepeth us in marvellous order. I commend better the success of his doings and preachings than the manner thereof, tho' I acknowledged his doctrine to be sound: His prayer is daily for her--"That God will turn her obstinate heart against God and His truth; or, if the Holy Will be otherwise, to strengthen the hearts and hands of His chosen and elect, stoutly to withstand the rage of all tyrants," &c., in words terrible enough.

_PROTESTANT RULE_

_Cecil to Challoner (English Ambassador in Spain). Foreign Calendar_, 1562, June 8, 1562.

In Scotland ... the Earl of Huntly is in no credit with the Queen. The whole governance rests in Lord James, being Earl of Mar, and the Laird of Lethington. The others that have credit are the Earls Marshal, Argyll, Morton, and Glencairn, all Protestants. The Queen quietly tolerates the reformed religion throughout the realm, who is thought to be no more devout towards Rome than for the contentation of her uncles.

[Cecil's suspicion was quite unfounded. Throughout her reign Mary
was always in correspondence with the Pope, to whom she appealed
for money to help her in her efforts for the restoration of
Catholicism in Scotland.]

Mary on the Treaty of Edinburgh.

_Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth_, January 5, 1562. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 134.

How prejudicial that Treaty is to such title and interest as by birth and natural descent of your own lineage may fall to us, by very inspection of the Treaty itself ye may easily perceive, and how slenderly a matter of so great consequence is wrapped up in obscure terms. We know how near we are descended of the blood of England, and what devices have been attempted to make us, as it were, a stranger from it. We trust, being so near your cousin, ye would be loth we should receive so manifest an injury as all utterly to be debarred from that title which in possibility may fall unto us.

_THE WAY TO INVERNESS_

1562.--Randolph's Account of the Huntly Rebellion.

_Randolph to Cecil from Old Aberdeen_, August 31, 1562. _Foreign Calendar_, 1562.

The Queen in her progress is come to Old Aberdeen, where the university is.... Her journey is cumbersome, painful, and marvellous long; the weather extreme foul and cold, all victuals marvellous dear; and the corn that is, never like to come to ripeness.

_Randolph to Cecil from Spynie, Morayshire_, September 18.

Within these eight or ten days the Queen arrived at Inverness, the furthest part of her determined journey. She has had just cause for misliking the Earl of Huntly of long time, whose extortions have been so great, and other manifest tokens of disobedience such that it was no longer to be borne. Intending to reform these, she has found in him and his two eldest sons (the Lairds of Gordon and Findlater) open disobedience so far that they have taken arms and kept houses against her.

The first occasion hereof was this. The Laird of Findlater, being commanded to ward in Edinburgh, broke prison; and being afterwards summoned to the Assize at Aberdeen, disobeyed also a new command from the Queen to enter himself prisoner in Stirling Castle. The Queen thinking this to be done by the advice of his father, refused to come to his house, she being looked and provided for. He, unadvisedly conceiving the worst, took the worst way, and supported his sons to manifest rebellion. At her arrival at Inverness on the 9th, she proposed to lodge in the castle, which belongs to her, and the keeping only to the Earl of Huntly, being Sheriff by inheritance of the whole shire, but was refused entrance, and forced to lodge in the town. That night, the castle being summoned, answer was given that without the Lord Gordon's command it should not be delivered.

Next day the country assembled to the assistance of the Queen. The Gordons, finding themselves not so well served by their friends as they looked for (who had above 500 men), rendered the castle, not being twelve or fourteen able persons. The captain was hanged, and his head set up on the castle, others condemned to perpetual prison, and the rest received mercy.

The Queen remained there five days, and now journeys homewards as far as Spynie, a house of the Bishop of Moray.... The Earl of Huntly keeps his house, and would have it thought that his disobedience came through the evil behaviour of his sons. The Queen is highly offended....

_THE QUEEN'S COURAGE_

In all these broils I assure you I never saw her merrier, never dismayed, nor never thought that so much[15] to be in her that I find. She repented nothing, but (when the lords and others at Inverness came in the morning from the watch) that she was not a man, to know what life it was to lie all night in the fields, or to walk on the causeway with a jack and knapsack, a Glasgow buckler, and a broad sword.

... His {Huntly's} house is fair, and best furnished of any ... in the country; his cheer is marvellous great; his mind such as it ought to be towards his Sovereign.

[The last sentence is _a propos_ of a visit made by Argyll and
Randolph to Huntly.]

------------------------------------------------------------------------
[15] So the "Calendar," but Chalmers, in quoting, reads, probably
correctly, "stomach."
------------------------------------------------------------------------

_THE WATER OF SPEY_

_Randolph to Cecil, from Aberdeen_, September 24.

When he {Huntly} understood that the Queen had caused the captain of the Castle of Inverness to be hanged, and committed the others to prison, he thought there was no other way with him but to execute his former determination or be utterly undone. Therefore he assembled such force as he could make, and committed them to the care of his son, John Gordon, purposing to have met the Queen at her return homeward at the water of Spey, a place where good advantage might have been had. The Queen (being advertised of their purpose), by the advice of her Council, assembled, of those they call Highlandmen and other, above 2000, and so increased as she rode that at the passage of the water they were above 3000. As she rode forward diverse reports were brought ... some said that there was not a man to be seen, which was nearest the truth, for when the night before there were in that wood 1000 horse and foot, they had all departed, whereof the Queen had advertisement before she came to the Spey ... what desperate blows would not have been given, when every man should have fought in the sight of so noble a Queen and so many fair ladies ... your honour can easily judge.... That night (being Sunday) the Queen came to a house of the Laird of Banke {Banff?} ... On Tuesday last she arrived at Old Aberdeen, preparing herself against her entry the next day into the new town, where she was honourably received with spectacles, plays, interludes, and others as they could best devise.... They presented her with a cup of silver, double gilt, well wrought, with 500 crowns in it; wine, coals, and wax were sent in, as much as will serve her while she remains here.

"_BE BLITHE AND BLISSFUL, ABERDENE_"

_Ibid. from Aberdeen_, September 30.

Since the Queen's arrival at Aberdeen they have consulted how to reform this country. It was thought best to begin at the head, and that the Earl of Huntly shall either submit himself and deliver up his disobedient son, John Gordon, in whose name all these pageants have been wrought, or utterly to use all force against him for the subverting of his house for ever. For this purpose she remains here a good space, and has levied 120 arquebusiers, and sent to Lothian and Fife for the Master of Lindsay, Grange, and Ormiston. Her purpose is to take the two houses held against her, for which purpose she has a cannon within sixteen miles all ready, and other pieces there are in this town sufficient.

_Ibid. Maitland of Lethington to Cecil from Aberdeen_, October 1.

The Earl of Huntly will plead not guilty, and seems to charge the youth and folly of his children with whatever is amiss. If any fault be his, it may be thought to have proceeded from too great simplicity rather than any craft or malice, especially by so many as have had experience of how he has always been accustomed to deal.

_THE SKIRMISH AT CORRICHIE_

_Ibid. Randolph to Cecil from Aberdeen_, October 28.

Huntly having assembled 700 persons, marched towards Aberdeen to apprehend the Queen and do with the rest at his will. She sent forth a sufficient number against him before he came to the town, so that this day the Earls of Murray, Athol, Morton, and 2000 others marched to the place where he was encamped, about twelve miles from hence {viz. Corrichie}, and environed him, so that after some defence he yielded himself, as did John Gordon and another son named Adam Gordon, seventeen years of age, who are brought into this town alive, but the Earl himself, after he was taken, without either blow or strike, being set on horseback before him that was his taker, suddenly falleth from his horse stark dead, without word, that he ever spake, after that he was upon horseback.

_Ibid. Randolph to Cecil from Aberdeen_, November 2.

After Huntly was brought into this town it was consulted what should be done with his corpse. Some thought he should be buried, and nothing else done; others that he should be beheaded; the last was that his bowels should be taken out and the body reserved until Parliament, that there he might be convicted of treason, in which mind they remain. John Gordon confessed all and lays the fault on his father. He is not yet condemned, but doubtless will not escape.

_EXECUTION OF SIR JOHN GORDON_

_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh_, November 18. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 175.

After the defeat of the Earl of Huntly consultation was had what should become of his body; it was resolved that it should be kept till the Parliament, that, according unto the order, judgment might be given against him in the three estates. His son, John Gordon, within three days after was beheaded in Aberdeen, and execution done upon certain others that were taken at the same time.

_Lethington to Cecil from Dundee_, November 14. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 182.

I am sorry that the soil of my native country did ever produce so unnatural a subject as the Earl of Huntly hath proved in the end against his sovereign, being a princess so gentle and benign, and whose behaviour hath been always such towards all her subjects, and every one in particular, that wonder is it that any could be found so ungracious as once to think evil against her.... I have heard it whispered that in this late storm of yours {Elizabeth's illness} a device was intended there to prefer some other in the succession to my mistress, which I cannot think to be true, seeing none is more worthy for all respects, nor hath so good a title. If her religion hath moved anything, seeing her behaviour such toward these that be of the religion within her own realm, yea, and the religion itself, which is a great deal more increased since she came home than it was before, I see no reason why those that be zealous of religion should suspect her.

_A GRUESOME SPECTACLE_

1563.--28th May. The Sentence on the Earl's Body.

_Rutland MSS. at Belvoir, quoted in the Marquess of Huntly's Annals of Aboyne_, pp. 467-468.

The coffin was set upright, as if the Earl stood upon his feet, and upon it a piece of good black cloth with his arms fast pinned. His accusation being read, his proctor answering for him, as if himself had been alive, the inquest was empanelled. The verdict was given that he was found guilty, and judgment given thereupon as by the law is accustomed. Immediately hereupon the good black cloth that hung over the coffin was taken away, and in its place a worse hanged on, the arms torn in pieces in sight of the people, and likewise struck out of the herald's book.

_GENTLE ENTREATMENT OF A STRANGER_

1563.--22nd February. The Death of Chatelar.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. pp. 367-369.

[Chatelar, a musician and poet, had been in the suite of d'Amville,
who accompanied Mary to Scotland. He addressed poems to the Queen,
who received them graciously, and replied to them. He went home
with his master, but returned to Scotland in 1562, and became one
of the Queen's favourite attendants.]

Amongst the minions of the court there was one named Monsieur Chatelar, a Frenchman, that at that time passed all others in credit with the Queen. In dancing of the Purpose (so term they that dance, in the which man and woman talk secretly ...) in this dance, the Queen chose Chatelar, and Chatelar took the Queen. Chatelar had the best dress. All this winter, Chatelar was so familiar in the Queen's cabinet, early and late, that scarcely could any of the nobility have access unto her. The Queen would lie upon Chatelar's shoulder, and sometimes privily she would steal a kiss of his neck. And all this was honest enough; for it was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But the familiarity was so great, that upon a night, he privily did convoy himself under the Queen's bed; but being espied, he was commanded away. The bruit {report} arising, the Queen called the Earl of Murray, and bursting into a womanly affection, charged him, that, as he loved her, he should slay Chatelar, and let him never speak a word. The other at first made promise so to do ... but returned and fell upon his knees before the Queen and said: Madam, I beseech your Grace cause not me to take the blood of this man upon me; your Grace has entreated him so familiarly before, that you have offended all your nobility; and now, if he shall be secretly slain at your own commandment, what shall the world judge of it? I shall bring him to the presence of justice, and let him suffer by law according to his deserving. "Oh," said the Queen, "you will never let him speak." I shall do (said he), madam, what in me lieth to save your honour.

_THE REWARD OF DANCING_

Poor Chatelar was brought back from Kinghorn to St. Andrews, examined, put to an assize, and so beheaded, the 22nd day of February, 1563. He begged license to write to France the cause of his death, which, said he, in his tongue was, _Pour estre trouve en lieu trop suspect_; that is, Because I was found in a place too much suspected. At the place of execution, when he saw that there was no remedy but death, he made a godly confession, and granted that his declining from the truth of God, and following of vanity and impiety, was justly recompensed upon him. But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavens, with these words, _O cruel dame!_ that is, cruel mistress! What that complaint imported, lovers may divine. And so received Chatelar the reward of his dancing, for he lost his head, that his tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen. _Deliver us, O Lord, from the rage of such inordinate rulers._

The Famine of 1563.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. pp. 369-70.

The year of God 1563, there was an universal dearth in Scotland. But in the northland, where, the harvest before, the Queen had travelled, there was an extreme famine, in the which many died in that country. The dearth was great over all, but the famine was principally there. The boll of wheat gave six pounds; the boll of bere, six merks and a half; the boll of meal, four merks; the boll of oats, fifty shillings; an ox to draw in the plough, twenty merks; a wether, thirty shillings. And so all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple and more exceeded their accustomed prices. And so did God, according to the threatening of his law, punish the idolatry of our wicked Queen, and our ingratitude, that suffered her to defile the land with that abomination again, that God so potently had purged, by the power of his word. For the riotous feasting, and excessive banqueting, used in Court and country, wheresoever that wicked woman repaired, provoked God to strike the staff of bread, and to give his malediction upon the fruits of the earth. But, O alas! who looked, or yet looks to this very cause of all our calamities.

_STINKING PRIDE OF WOMEN_

1563.--The Meeting of Parliament.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 381.

Such stinking pride of women, as was seen at that Parliament, was never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days, the Queen rode to the Tolbooth; the first day, she made a painted oration, and there might have been heard amongst her flatterers, "_Vox Dianae_, the Voice of a Goddess (for it could not be Dei) and not of a woman. God save that sweet face. Was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweetly?"

All things misliking the Preacher, they spake boldly against the targetting of their taillies {_i.e._ the adornment of their robes with tassels}, and against the rest of their vanity, which they affirmed should provoke God's vengeance, not only against these foolish women, but against the whole realm.... Articles were presented, for orders to be taken for apparel, and for reformation of other enormities; but all was winked at.

_KNOX'S INTERVIEWS WITH THE QUEEN_

1563.--May or June. Knox and the Queen.

_Laing's Knox_, vol. ii. p. 386.

[John Knox had five interviews with the Queen, which are recorded
in his "History." Soon after Mary's arrival in Scotland, she sent
for Knox, and they discussed the religious controversy and Knox's
"Blast against the monstrous Regiment of Women," in which he had
inveighed against female rule. In the spring of 1562, the Queen
sent for Knox, who had preached a sermon from the text, "And now,
understand, O ye kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth."
The Reformer gave a _resume_ of his sermon, and informed the Queen
that he considered her uncles "enemies unto God," and that "for
maintenance of their own pomp and worldly glory, they spare not to
spill the blood of many innocents." The third occasion was about a
year later, at Lochleven, when the thesis was the rights of
subjects to rebel, and ended with the threat, "Now, Madam, if ye
shall deny your duty unto them, who especially crave, that ye
punish malefactors, think ye to receive full obedience of them? I
fear, Madam, ye shall not." The malefactors in question were
recusant Roman Catholics. "Herewith she being somewhat offended,
passed to her supper." The interview was resumed in the morning,
but the conversation was more amicable, Mary asking Knox's help in
reconciling the Earl of Argyle to his wife, who was the Queen's
half-sister. The fourth discussion, quoted below, was _a propos_ of
the proposals for Mary's marriage, which were the main political
theme of the year 1563. Knox had denounced any marriage with a
Roman Catholic. In December of the same year, the Queen and the
Reformer met again, Knox undergoing a judicial examination on a
charge which amounted to incitement to rebel. He defended himself
by a homily upon "the insatiable cruelty of the Papists," and was
found innocent by the Council.]

The Provost of Glencludan, Douglas by surname, of Drumlanark, was the man that gave the charge, that the said John should present himself before the Queen, which he did soon after dinner. The Lord Ochiltree, and divers of the faithful, bare him company to the Abbey; but none passed in to the Queen with him in the cabinet, but John Erskine of Dun, then superintendent of Angus and Mearns.

_WOMANLY WEEPING_

The Queen in a vehement fume began to cry out, that never Prince was used as she was. "I have (said she) borne with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking, both against myself and against my uncles; yea, I have sought your favour by all possible means; I offered unto you presence and audience, whensoever it pleased you to admonish me, and yet I cannot be quit of you; I vow to God I shall be once revenged." And with these words scarce could Marnoch, her secret chamber boy, get napkins to hold her eyes dry, for the tears and the howling, besides womanly weeping, stayed her speech. The said John did patiently abide all the first fume, and at opportunity answered, "True it is, Madam, your Grace and I have been at divers controversies, into the which I never perceived your Grace to be offended at me; but when it shall please God to deliver you from that bondage of darkness and error, wherein ye have been nourished, for the lack of true Doctrine, your Majesty will find the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. Without the Preaching-place (Madam) I think few have occasion to be offended at me, and there (Madam) I am not master of myself, but must obey him who commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth...." "But what have you to do (said she) with my marriage? Or, what are you within the Commonwealth?"

_A MEEK AND GENTLE SPIRIT_

"A subject born within the same (said he) Madam; and albeit I be neither Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, yet hath God made me (how abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable and useful member within the same; yea, Madam, to me it appertaineth no less, to forewarn of such things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it doth to any one of the nobility; for both my vocation and conscience craveth plainness of me; and therefore (Madam) to yourself I say, that which I spake in public, whensoever the nobility of this realm shall be content, and consent, that you be subject to an unlawful husband, they do as much as in them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish the Truth, to betray the freedom of this realm, and perchance shall in the end do small comfort to yourself."

_INORDINATE PASSION_

At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been seen in greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine of Dun, a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside, and entreated what he could to mitigate her anger, and gave unto her many pleasant words, of her beauty, of her excellency; and how that all the princes in Europe would be glad to seek her favours. But all that was to cast oil into the flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any alteration of countenance, for a long time, while that the Queen gave place to her inordinate passion; and in the end he said, "Madam, in God's presence I speak, I never delighted in the weeping of any of God's creatures; yea, I can scarcely well abide the tears of mine own boys, whom my own hands correct, much less can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping; But seeing I have offered unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken the truth, as my vocation craves of me, I must sustain your Majesty's tears, rather than I dare hurt my conscience, or betray the Commonwealth by silence." Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the said John to pass forth of the cabinet, and to abide further of her pleasure in the chamber.

_FY UPON THAT KNAVE, DEATH_

The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of Coldingham came into the cabinet, and so they remained with her near the space of one hour. The said John stood in the chamber, as one whom men had never seen (so were all afraid), except that the Lord Ochiltree bare him company; and therefore he began to make discourse with the ladies, who were there sitting in all their gorgeous apparel; which when he espied, he merrily said: "Fair Ladies, how pleasant were this life of yours, if it should ever abide; and then in the end, that we might pass to Heaven with this gay gear {clothing}! But fy upon that knave Death, that will come whether we will or not; and when he hath laid on his arrest, then foul worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender; and the silly {weak} soul I fear shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with it gold, garnishing, targating {tassels}, pearls, nor precious stones." And by such means procured he the company of women, and so passed the time till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart to his house till new advertisement.

The Queen would have had the sentiment of the Lords of the Articles if that such manner of speaking deserved not punishment. But she was counselled to desist; and so that storm quieted in appearance, but never in the heart.

Mary's Second Marriage.

[The problem of Mary's marriage was one of great difficulty.
Allusions to it occur in diplomatic correspondence immediately
after the death of Francis II., and it was constantly in men's
minds. The Scottish preachers and the Protestant nobles objected to
a union with a Roman Catholic prince (_cf. supra_, p. 40).
Catherine de Medici, who was at the head of affairs in France,
opposed the projected match with Don Carlos of Spain (p. 43).
Elizabeth of England found a difficulty in every proposal, and was
especially afraid of the union of Scotland with a foreign power. As
early as the spring of 1561 Throckmorton warned Elizabeth that, if
she wished to prevent such a union, "she should make a party in
Scotland by entertaining a good number of the best there, that all
Princes, perceiving her to have a great party in that realm, would
not greatly seek upon a country so much at her devotion" (_Foreign_
_Calendar_, March 31, 1561). The following extracts indicate the
course of the controversy, and aim at presenting a connected survey
of the negotiations.]

_PERFECT NEIGHBOURHOOD_

_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, December 17, 1561. _Keith's History_, vol. ii. p. 124.

When any purpose falleth in of marriage, she saith that she will none other husband but the Queen of England. He is right near about her that hath oftentimes heard her speak it. I desire that it may be in perfect neighbourhood, since it cannot be in perfect marriage.

1563.--August 20. Instructions for Randolph.

_Foreign Calendar._

He shall always rest upon this argument, that neither Elizabeth nor England ... can think any mighty Prince a meet husband for her, to continue the amity that now is with this realm.

_Smith to the English Privy Council, from Paris_, October 13, 1563. _Foreign Calendar._

They {Catherine de Medici and the Constable of France} hold King Philip a suspect neighbour. But they most mislike the Spanish marriage with the Queen of Scots, which they hold to be concluded unto by the said Queen, taking it to be prejudicial to England and consequently to them.

_DUDLEY OR DARNLEY_

[The anxiety about her marriage was supposed to be the cause of an
illness from which Mary suffered, in the end of 1563. On December
13 Randolph wrote to Cecil that she "kept her bed, being somewhat
diseased of overmuch travail she took a night or two before,
dancing to celebrate her nativity. But," he adds, "for two months
the Queen has been divers times in great melancholies. Her grief is
marvellous secret. She is not well, and weeps when there is little
appearance of occasion." Eight days later, he mentions that "the
Queen's illness daily increaseth. Her pain is in her right side....
Some think that the cause of the Queen's sickness is that she
utterly despairs of the marriage of any of those she looked for, as
well that neither they abroad are very hasty, nor her subjects at
home very willing those ways." On the 31st he had an interview with
her "in her chamber, beside ladies and gentlemen, herself in bed."
He told her that Elizabeth "could in no point alter her former
advice, which was that it could not be expedient for her country,
nor fit for herself, to match in any of those houses, when
appearance is that dissension may grow, and enmity to be nourished,
as before time has been." Mary summoned the Earl of Argyll, and
told him that Randolph would have her marry in England. He asked if
"the Queen of England were become a man?" "Who is there in that
country (said she) to whom he {Argyll} would wish her?" He said,
"To whom she could like best." "That would not please the Duke" {of
Chatelherault}, said she. "If it please God, and is good for the
country," said he, "what reck who were displeased?" (_Foreign
Calendar_, December 13, 21, and 31, 1563). Leicester was the
husband suggested by Queen Elizabeth, and, during 1564, it became
evident that either he or Darnley would be the Queen's choice.]

_RETURN OF LENNOX_

_Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh_, March 20, 1564. _Foreign Calendar._

What troubles have risen in this country for religion, your Honour knoweth. All things are now grown into such a liberty, and her Grace taken unto herself such a will to do therein what she list, that of late, contrary to her own ordinances, as great numbers have repaired to her chapel to hear mass, as sometimes come to the common churches to the sermon. To have her mind altered for this freedom, that she desireth to have all men live as they like, she can hardly be brought, and thinketh it too great a subjection for her, being a prince in her own country, to have her will broken therein. The subjects who desire to live in the true fear and worshipping of God, offer rather their lives again to be sacrificed, than that they would suffer such abomination, yea, almost permit herself to enjoy her mass, which is now more plainly and openly spoken against by the preachers, than ever was the Pope of Rome.... Above all the rest, this is it that is feared that will be the breach of all good accord and quietness of this estate, though the rest be borne with, that is, if she match herself with a Papist, by whom she may be fortified to her intent.

_Kirkaldy of Grange to Randolph, from St. Johnston's_ {_Perth_}, April 30, 1564. _Laing's Knox_, vol. vi. p. 539.

The Earl of Lennox will obtain license to come home and speak with the Queen. Her meaning therein is not known, but some suspects she will at length be persuaded to favour his son.

[The Earl of Lennox had entered into negotiations with Henry VIII.,
in 1544, to deliver over to England certain Scottish castles, and
to promote the marriage of Mary to Prince Edward. Sentence of
forfeiture was passed against him by the Scottish Parliament on 1st
October 1545. His treachery had received its reward in the shape of
an alliance with Margaret, daughter of the Earl of Angus and
Margaret Tudor, widow of James IV. (_cf._ Table, App. A.). Their
eldest son was Lord Darnley.]

_KNOX SUSPICIOUS_

_Knox to Randolph, from Edinburgh_, May 3, 1564. _Laing's Knox_, vol. vi., p. 541.

The Earl of Lennox's servant is familiar in Court, and it is supposed that it is not without knowledge, yea, and labour, of your Court. Some in the country look for the lady {Queen Mary} and the young Earl {Darnley} ere it be long. It is whispered to me that licence is all ready procured for their {Lennox and Darnley's} hithercoming. God's providence is inscrutable to man, before the issue of such things as are kept close for a season in his counsel. But, to be plain with you, that journey and progress I like not.

Queen Elizabeth and Sir James Melville.

[Sir James Melville was sent as ambassador from the Queen of Scots
to the Queen of England to advance negotiations for Mary's
marriage, and to discover, if possible, Elizabeth's real meaning.]

September 28, 1564. _Melville's Memoirs_, pp. 115-128. (_Bannatyne Club._)

The next morning Master Lattoun and Master Randolph, late agent for the Queen of England in Scotland, came to my lodging to convoy me to her Majesty, who was, as they said, already in the garden.... I found her Majesty pacing in an alley.

_YONDER LONG LAD_

_MELVILLE'S OPINION OF DARNLEY_

... She inquired if the Queen had sent any answer anent the proposition of a marriage made to her by Master Randolph. I answered, as I was instructed, that the Queen thought little or nothing thereof, but looked for the meeting of some Commissioners upon the borders, with my Lord of Murray and the secretary, Lethington, to confer and treat upon all such matters of greatest importance.... So seeing that your Majesties cannot so soon find the opportunity of meeting, so much desired between yourselves ... the Queen, my mistress ... is in hope that your Majesty will send my Lord of Bedford and my Lord Robert Dudley. She said that it appeared that I made but small account of my Lord Robert, seeing that I named the Earl of Bedford before him; but, or it were long, she should make him a greater earl, and that I should see it done before my returning home; for she esteemed him as her brother and best friend, whom she should have married herself, if ever she had been minded to take a husband.... And to cause the Queen, my mistress, to think the more of him, I was required to stay till I had seen him made Earl of Leicester and Baron of Denbigh, with great solemnity at Westminster, herself helping to put on his ceremonial, he sitting upon his knees before her, keeping a great gravity and discreet behaviour. But she could not refrain from putting her hand in his neck to kittle {tickle} him smilingly, the French Ambassador and I standing beside her. Then she asked me how I liked of him. I said, as he was a worthy subject, he was happy that had encountered a princess that could discern and reward good service. "Yet," she said, "ye like better of yonder long lad," pointing towards my Lord Darnley, who, as nearest prince of the blood, bore the sword of honour that day before her. My answer again was, that no woman of spirit could make choice of such a man, that was liker a woman than a man; for he was very lusty, beardless, and lady-faced. I had no will that she should think that I liked of him, or had any eye or dealing that way: albeit I had a secret charge to deal with his mother, my Lady Lennox, to purchase leave for him to pass in Scotland, where his father was already, that he might see the country and convoy the Earl, his father, back again to England.

_YE MAY NOT SUFFER A COMMANDER_

Now the said Queen was determined to treat with the Queen, my sovereign, first anent her marriage with the Earl of Leicester, and for that effect promised to send commissioners unto the borders. In the meantime I was favourably and familiarly used; for during nine days that I remained at Court, her Majesty pleased to confer with me every day, and sometimes thrice upon a day, to wit, afore noon, after noon, and after supper. Sometimes she would say, that since she could not meet with the Queen, her good sister herself, to confer familiarly with her, that she should open a good part of her inward mind unto me, that I might show it again unto the Queen; and said that she was not so offended at the Queen's angry letter as for that she seemed to disdain so far the marriage with my Lord of Leicester, which she had caused Master Randolph propose unto her. I said that it might be he had teached something thereof to my Lord of Murray and Lethington, but that he had not proposed the matter directly unto herself; and that as well her Majesty, as they that were her most familiar counsellors, could conjecture nothing thereupon but delays and drifting of time, anent the declaring of her to be the second person {_i.e._, the next in succession to the throne of England} which would try at the meeting of commissioners above specified. She said again that the trial and declaration thereof would be hasted forward, according to the Queen's good behaviour, and applying to her {Elizabeth's} pleasure and advice in her marriage; and seeing the matter concerning the said declaration was so weighty, she had ordained some of the best lawyers in England diligently to search out who had the best right, which she would wish should be her dear sister rather than any other. I said I was assured that her Majesty {Mary} was both out of doubt hereof, and would rather she should be declared than any other.... She said that she was never minded to marry, except she were compelled by the Queen, her sister's, hard behaviour towards her, in doing by {beyond} her counsel, as said is. I said: "Madam, ye need not tell me that; I know your stately stomach; ye think if ye were married, ye would be but Queen of England, and now ye are King and Queen both; ye may not suffer a commander."

_A COURTIER'S REPLIES_

She appeared to be so affectioned to the Queen her good sister, that she had a great desire to see her: and because their desired meeting could not be hastily brought to pass, she delighted oft to look upon her picture, and took me in to her bed chamber, and opened a little lettroun {cabinet} wherein were divers little pictures wrapped within paper, and written upon the paper, their names with her own hand. Upon the first that she took up was written, "My lord's picture." I held the candle and pressed to see my lord's {Leicester's} picture. Albeit she was loth to let me see it, at length I by importunity obtained the sight thereof, and asked the same to carry home with me unto the Queen, which she refused, alleging she had but that one of his. I said again, that she had the principal; for he was at the furthest part of the chamber speaking with the secretary Cecil. Then she took out the Queen's picture and kissed it; and I kissed her hand for the great love I saw she bore to the Queen.... ... Her {Elizabeth's} hair was redder than yellow, curled apparently of nature. Then she entered to discern what colour of hair was reported best, and inquired whether the Queen's or her's was best, and which of them two was fairest. I said, the fairness of them both was not their worst faults. But she was earnest with me to declare which of them I thought fairest. I said, she was the fairest Queen in England, and ours the fairest Queen in Scotland. Yet she was earnest. I said they were both the fairest ladies of their courts, and that the Queen of England was whiter, but our Queen very lovesome. She inquired which of them was of highest stature. I said, our Queen. Then she said the Queen was over high, and that herself was neither over high or over low. Then she asked what sort of exercises she used. I said, that I was dispatched out of Scotland, that the Queen was but new come back from the highland hunting; and when she had leisure from the affairs of her company, she read upon good books, the histories of divers countries, and sometimes would play upon lute and virginals. She sperit {asked} if she played well. I said, reasonably for a Queen.

_A CONSEQUENCE OF FRENCH TRAINING_

_NO PLAIN DEALING OR UPRIGHT MEANING_

The same day after dinner, my Lord of Hunsden {Huntingdon} drew me up to a quiet gallery that I might hear some music, but he said he durst not avow it, where I might hear the Queen play upon the virginals. But after I had hearkened a while, I took by the tapestry that hung before the door of the chamber, and seeing her back was toward the door, I entered within the chamber and stood still at the door post, and heard her play excellently well; but she left off so soon as she turned her about and saw me, and came forwards seeming to strike me with her left hand, and to think shame; alleging that she used not to play before men, but when she was solitary her alone, to eschew melancholy; and askit how I came there. I said, as I was walking with my Lord of Hunsden, as we passed by the chamber door, I heard such melody, which ravished and drew me within the chamber I wist not how; excusing my fault of homeliness, as being brought up in the Court of France, and was now willing to suffer what kind of punishment would please her lay upon me for my offence. Then she sat down low upon a cushion, and I upon my knee beside her; but she gave me a cushion with her own hand to lay under my knee, which I refused, but she compelled me; and called for my lady Stafford out of the next chamber, for she was alone there. Then she asked whether the Queen or she played best. In that I gave her the praise.... She inquired at me whether she or the Queen danced best. I said, the Queen danced not so high or disposedly as she did. Then again she wished that she might see the Queen at some convenient place of meeting. I offered to convey her secretly in {to} Scotland by post, clothed like a page disguised, that she might see the Queen: as King James the 5 passed in France disguised, with his own ambassador, to see the Duc of Vendome's sister that should have been his wife; and how that her chamber should be kept, as though she were sick, in the meantime, and none to be privy thereto but my Lady Stafford, and one of the grooms of her chamber. She said, Alas! if she might do it: and seemed to like well such kind of language, and used all the means she could to cause me persuade the Queen of the great love that she bore unto her.... My Lord of Leicester began to purge himself of so proud a pretence as to marry so great a Queen, esteeming himself not worthy to deicht her shone {clean her shoes}; alleging the invention of that proposition to have proceeded of Master Cecil his secret enemy. "For if I should," said he, "have seemed to desire that marriage, I should have lost the favour of both the Queens," praying me till excuse him unto the Queen.... At my homecoming I found the Queen's Majesty still in Edinburgh ... she inquired whether I thought that Queen meant truly towards her as well inwardly in her heart as she appeared to do outwardly by her speech. I said, in my judgment, that there was neither plain dealing nor upright meaning, but great dissimulation, emulation and fear that her princely qualities should over soon chase her out, and displace her from the kingdom; as having already hindered her {Mary's} marriage with the Archduke Charles of Austria, and now offering unto her my Lord of Leicester, whom she would be as loth as then to want. Then the Queen gave me her hand, that she should never marry the new-made earl; albeit shortly while after, my Lord of Murray and Bedford met beside Berwick to treat upon the marriage with Leicester.... The Queen of England began to fear and suspect that the said marriage might perchance take effect. And therefore my Lord Darnley obtained the rather, license to come into Scotland, who was a lusty youth, in hope that he should prevail being present before Leicester that was absent. Which license was obtained of the means of the secretary Cecil; not that he was minded that any of the marriages should take effect, but with such shifts and practices to hold the Queen unmarried so long as he could.

_THE NEW-MADE EARL_

_Randolph to Cecil from Edinburgh. Foreign Calendar._ December 15, 1564.

This parliament, being only assembled for restoring Lennox, began upon Monday, and ended the Saturday after. The third day the Queen came to the house, when she had an oration of her affection towards her subjects and the weal of her country, which moved her to show her favour towards Lennox, to restore him to his country, the rather for the suit of the Queen of England, whose desire to her was of no small moment, which words were duly rehearsed....

_MURRAY, LETHINGTON, AND CECIL_

[The next development in the situation took the form of a
correspondence between Murray and Lethington, and Cecil, on
December 4, 1564. Randolph wrote to Cecil "that Murray and
Lethington had concluded that amity with England is fittest," and
added, "No man will be more acceptable to the people than the Lord
Robert. There has been more thought of Lord Darnley before his
father's coming than is at present. The mother more feared a great
deal than beloved." The two Scottish lords had already written to
Cecil, who replied on the 16th, informing them that Elizabeth would
never consent to their request, the establishment of Mary's "title
to be declared by Parliament in the second place to the Queen," but
"promising that she will cause inquisition to be made of their
Sovereign's right; and as far as shall stand with justice and her
own surety, she will abase such titles as shall be proved unjust
and prejudicial to her sister's interest;" and giving them warning.
"Let there not be found any intention to compass ... a kingdom and
a crown, which, if it be sought for, may be sooner lost than got,
and not being craved may be as soon offered as reason can require."
To this Murray and Lethington replied on the 24th, asking what
Cecil meant by the words "as shall stand with justice and her own
surety," for they "never meant anything prejudicial to the surety
of Queen Elizabeth;" stating that if Elizabeth "will nowise
establish the succession of her crown," the Leicester project must
fall to the ground; and urging Cecil to secrecy, for if it were
discovered that they had "meddled without her Majesty's knowledge,
the opening thereof" would be the ruin of them both. (Foreign
Calendar, 14th, 16th, and 24th December 1564.) This episode is of
importance in connection with Mary's subsequent attitude to the
Darnley marriage.]

_QUEEN MARY'S MERRY CONCEITS_

Queen Mary and Randolph.

_Randolph to Queen Elizabeth, from Edinburgh_, February 5, 1565. _Chalmers's Queen Mary_, vol. ii. pp. 123-127.

"_IT LIETH IN YOUR MISTRESS'S WILL_"

Her grace lodged in a merchant's house; her train were very few; and there was small repair from any part. Her will was, that for the time that I did tarry, I should dine and sup with her. Your Majesty was oftentimes dranken unto, by her, at dinners and suppers. Having, in this sort, continued with her grace, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, I thought it time to take occasion to utter unto her grace, that which last I received in command, from your Majesty, by Mr. Secretary's letter, which was to know her grace's resolution touching those matters propounded, at Berwick, by my Lord of Bedford, and me, to my Lord of Murray and Lord of Lethington. I had no sooner spoken these words, but she saith, "I see now well that you are weary of this company and treatment. I sent for you to be merry and to see how like a Bourgeois-wife I live, with my little troop; and you will interrupt our pastime, with your great and grave matters. I pray you, Sir, if you be weary here, return home to Edinburgh, and keep your gravity and great ambassage until the Queen come thither; for I assure you, you shall not get her here, nor I know not myself where she is become. You see neither cloth of estate, nor such appearances, that you may think that there is a Queen here; nor I would not that you should think that I am she, at St. Andrews, that I was at Edinburgh." I said that I was very sorry for that, for that at Edinburgh, she said that she did love my mistress, the Queen's majesty, better than any other, and now I marvelled how her mind was altered. It pleased her at this to be very merry, and called me by more names than were given me in my christendom. At these merry conceits much good sport was made. "But well, Sir," saith she, "that which then I spoke in words shall be confirmed in writing.... You know how willing I am to follow her advice ... and yet I can find in her no resolution nor determination. For nothing, I cannot be bound unto her ... and therefore, this I say, and trust me I mean it, if your mistress will, as she hath said, use me as her natural born sister or daughter, I will take myself either as one or the other as she please, and will show no less readiness to oblige her, and honour her, than my mother, or eldest sister; but, if she will repute me always but as her neighbour Queen of Scots, how willing soever I be to live in amity and to maintain peace, yet she must not look for that at my hands, that otherwise I would, or she desireth." ... I requested her Grace, humbly ... to let her mind be known, how well she liked of the suit of my Lord Robert, Earl of Leicester, that might be able somewhat to say or write touching that matter, unto your Majesty. "My mind towards him is such as it ought to be of a very noble man, as I hear say by very many, and such one as the Queen, your mistress, my good sister, doth so well like to be her husband, if he were not her subject, ought not to mislike me to be mine. Marry, what I shall do, it lieth in your mistress's will, who shall wholly guide me and rule me." I made myself not well to understand these words, because I would have the better hold of them. She repeated the self same words again.