Chapter XV: Conclusion (2)

[52] The formula of abjuration from the heresy defined by John XXII’s bulls was: ‘I swear that I believe in my heart and profess that our Lord Jesus Christ and His Apostles while in the mortal life held in common the things which Scripture declares them to have had, and that they had the right of giving, selling and alienating them,’—Eymeric, _Directorium_, p. 486.

[53] For Guglielma see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 90-100.

[54] See Bernard Gui, _Practica_, pp. 340 _et seq._; also Salimbene, _op. cit._, pp. 112 _et seq._; _Directorium_, pp. 286-8.

[55] For Dolcino see _ibid._ and _Practica_, pp. 340-55.

[56] _Inferno_, Canto xxviii.

[57] _Practica_, p. 340.

[58] Inquisitors found difficulty in proceeding against Dolcinists, _ibid._, p. 343. ‘Est autem valde difficile ipsos examinare et veritatem contra eos invenire pro eo maxime quod, quantuscumque juraverint in juditio se veritatem dicturos, nolunt tamen manifeste suam detegere falsitatem, nec suos errores publice confiteri, nec directe respondere ad interrogata, set palliate et per astucias et tergiversationes multas deviant et mendaciis se juvant, et se ipsos contegunt, et ideo multum est ars necessaria contra ipsos et industria inquirentis.’

[59] See Lea, vol. ii, pp. 351-2, 355.

[60] Lea, vol. ii, p. 320. E. Renan, _Averroës et l’Averroïsme_ (Paris, 1861, 2nd ed.), p. 222.

[61] See Lea, vol. i, p. 360; vol. ii, p. 359. For views ascribed to Beghards see Döllinger, _Beiträge_, vol. ii, pp. 378-401 (_passim_). ‘... se esse vel aliquos ex istis perfectos et sic unitos Deo, quod sint realiter et veraciter ipse Deus, quia dicunt se esse illud idem et unum esse quod est ipse Deus absque distinctione.’ See also _Directorium_, pt. ii, question xv, pp. 299-308.

[62] For proceedings against Beguines, modes of interrogation and sentences, etc., see Bernard Gui, _Practica_, pp. 141-4, 277 _et seq._

[63] Frédéricq, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 93. ‘Verum quia in multis mundi partibus sunt plurime mulieres similiter Beghine vulge vocate, quarum alique in propriis, alique in conductis, alique in communibus sibi domibus habitantes vitam ducunt honestam’ ... proceeds to rule that these must on no account be molested.

[64] Lea, vol. ii, pp. 413-14.

[65] For example,

[Sidenote: ? cessiez.]

‘En commencant no pénitence
Soit la Vierge et la Trinité,
Et, tout en parfaicte puissance,
Des cieulx, le hault divin secret,
? cessiez. Sire Dieu, croissiez vo venjeance,
Les fruits des ventres respitez,
Car esté a en grant balance,
Longtemps toute crestienté.

‘Or, avant, entre nous tait frère,
Batons nos charoinges bien fort,
En remembrant la grant misère
Du Dieu et sa piteuse mort,
Qui fut prins de la gent amère
Et vendus et trahis à tort,
Et battu sa char vierge et clère;
En nom de ce, batons plus fort.’

See Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. iii, No. 25, pp. 23-4.

[66] _Ibid._, vol. ii, p. 101. See also No. 61.

[67] _Ibid._, vol. ii, pp. 100-1.

[68] _Ibid._, vol. iii, p. 35. See also p. 31: ‘ ... yperbolice loquendo, qua locutione solet frequenter uti scriptura ad exprimendum eius magnam quantitatem seu multitudinem, congrue dici possit per omnes christianitatis provincias jam esse diffusa.’ From a sermon preached before Clement VI, descanting upon the seriousness and extent of the attraction of the Flagellant mania for the ignorant crowd.

[69] These acrobatic performances were of course of a convulsive nature and were by contemporaries ascribed to demoniac possession. But the idea of dancing and leaping as a form of religious devotion suggests the very charming story, _Our Lady’s Tumbler_, which has been rewritten by Anatole France and is included in _Aucassin et Nicolette and other Mediæval Romances_ in _Everyman’s Library_.

[70] On the Scholastic Philosophy generally, see Taylor, _The Mediæval Mind_, vol. ii, book vii, _passim_; M. de Wulf, _History of Mediæval Philosophy_ (tr. P. Coffey, London, 1909), pp. 240-410 (_passim_); B. Hauréau, _Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique_ (Paris, 1880).

[71] Taylor, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 358-64.

[72] P. Mandonnet, _Siger de Brabant et l’Averroïsme latin au XIIIe Siècle_ (Fribourg, 1899), pp. xxiii-xxvi; C. Douais, _Essai sur l’organisation des études dans l’ordre des Frères-Prêcheurs_ (Paris, 1884), pp. 62 _et seq._

[73] For Arabian Philosophy see the following: T. J. De Boer, _History of Philosophy in Islam_ (tr. E. R. Jones, 1903); De Wulf, _op. cit._, pp. 225-39; Hauréau, _Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique_, vol. ii, pp. 15-53; Carra de Vaux, _Avicenne_ (Paris, 1900), _Gazali_ (Paris, 1902); S. Munk, _Mélanges de la philosophie juive et arabe_ (Paris, 1859), pt. iii, especially pp. 352-83, 418-58.

[74] Alfarabi’s work belonged to the first half of the tenth century.

[75] Avicenna, 980-1036.

[76] Ghazali, 1059-1111.

[77] Ibn Roschd, or Averrhoës, was born in 1126 at Cordova; was entrusted by the Caliph, Abu Jacub Jusuf, with the task of making an analysis of Aristotle; in 1182 became physician at the court; but in 1195 was deprived of his office by the succeeding Caliph, Jacub Almansur, presumably owing to a fit of orthodoxy on the Caliph’s part, and banished from Cordova. He died in Morocco in 1198.

[78] See Renan, _Averroës et l’Averroïsme_, pp. 107 _et seq._

[79] See Renan, _op. cit._, pp. 133-53 (_passim_); J. Owen, _Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance_ (1893), pp. 67-72.

[80] Renan, _op. cit._, pp. 209 _et seq._, p. 291; De Wulf, _op. cit._, p. 248.

[81] By the middle of the thirteenth century the University of Paris was in possession of practically all the Commentaries of Averrhoës, _ibid._ See also Renan, pp. 201-2, ‘Un des phénomènes les plus singuliers de l’histoire littéraire du moyen âge, c’est l’activité du commerce intellectuel et la rapidité avec laquelle les livres se repandaient d’un bout à l’autre de l’Europe.’

[82] Mandonnet, pp. lxix _et seq._

[83] ‘Nec libri Aristotelis de naturali philosophia nec commenta legantur Parisiis publice et secreto, et hoc sub pena excommunicationis inhibemus.’ This, and the subsequent prohibition of 1215 referred of course only to Paris. See _Directorium_ on the errors of Aristotle and his Arabian commentators, pt. ii, question iv, pp. 253-5. See Hauréau, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 83-107. On action of Gregory IX, _ibid._, pp. 108-19.

[84] The tract was written against Averrhoës, not the Averrhoïsts. When, however, it was incorporated in his _Summa Theologica_, Albertus Magnus made mention of the fact that Averrhoïsm had made considerable progress and boasted a number of advocates. Mandonnet, p. lxxiii.

[85] _Ibid._, pp. xcvii-ix.

[86] See _Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita_ (ed. J. S. Brewer, 1859), p. 429. There are several contemporary poems on the troubles in the University of Paris, especially on the part played by William de Saint-Amour, in Rutebeuf, _Œuvres Complètes_ (Paris, 1874), vol. i, pp. 178-213.

[87] See Mandonnet, p. cx.

[88] Salimbene, _op. cit._, p. 108. ‘Isti boni homines semper de scientia gloriantur, et dicunt quod in ordine eorum fons sapientiae invenitur.’

[89] _Registrum epistolarum fratris Johannis Peckham_ (Rolls series, ed. C. T. Martin, London, 1882-5), vol. iii, p. 842. See also A. Little, _The Grey Friars in Oxford_ (1892), pp. 72-5.

[90] See _Alberti Magni De Quindecim Problematicis_ in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 13-36.

[91] See Mandonnet, p. cxxvi.

[92] In appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 69-83, 83-115 respectively.

[93] In his tract _Contra praecipuos viros in philosophia Albertum et Thomam_. On Siger and St. Thomas, see Hauréau, vol. iii, pp. 131-7.

[94] See, _passim_, De Wulf, _op. cit._, pp. 379-85; Mandonnet, pp. cxxviii-ccvi.

[95] De Wulf, p. 384; Mandonnet, p. ccxxi.

[96] The tractate, _De Erroribus Philosophorum_, is attributed to him. It is printed in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 2-11.

[97] _Ibid._, p. clxxvii.

[98] Mandonnet, p. ccvi.

[99] _Ibid._, p. ccxxvi.

[100] _Ibid._, pp. ccxxviii _et seq._

[101] _Ibid._, pp. cclxiv _et seq._

[102] Mandonnet, pp. cclxx _et seq._ Mandonnet sees a reference to Siger and Boëthius in the words of Peckham: ‘Nam eam (opinionem) credimus non a religiosis personis, sed saecularibus quibusdam duxisse originem, cuius duo praecipui defensores vel forsitan inventores miserabiliter dicuntur conclusisse dies suos in partibus transalpinis, cum tamen non essent de illis partibus oriundi.’—_Registrum_, vol. iii, p. 842.

[103] For the former view, see Baeumker, _Die Impossibilia d. Siger von Brabant_ (Münster, 1898), pp. 97 _et seq._; for latter, see Mandonnet, pp. ccxciii-cccxx.

[104] De Wulf, pp. 441-4.

[105] Lea, vol. iii, pp. 440-1.

[106] See De Wulf, pp. 470-3; Owen, _op. cit._, pp. 57-151, esp. 132-51.

[107] Renan, _op. cit._, pp. 255-9; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 578-89.

[108] De Wulf, pp. 403-6.

[109] Lea, vol. iii, pp. 585-6; _Directorium_, pp. 272-8, 331-2. The text of the bull is given in the latter pages.

[110] Renan, pp. 328 _et seq._; Owen, pp. 115-21; Petrarch, _Liber sine Titulo_, Epist. xviii.

[111] Renan, pp. 301-5.

[112] Lea, vol. iii, p. 565.

[113] _De Tribus Impostoribus_ (ed. Philomneste Junior, _i.e._ G. Brunet, Paris, 1861).

[114] Renan, pp. 295 _et seq._

[115] _Decameron_, Day I, Novel 3.

[116] Renan traced Averrhoïst influence in the Pantheism of the Spiritual Franciscans and the Illuminism of such German mystics as Ortlieb and Eckhart, _op. cit._, pp. 259 _et seq._; whereas the truth is that there was never the slightest sympathy between the Franciscans and Averrhoïsm, and German Illuminism had quite other origins.

[117] J. Bryce, _The Holy Roman Empire_ (1903), p. 109.

[118] See H. B. Workman, _The Dawn of the Reformation_ (1901, 1902), vol. i; _The Age of Wyclif_, p. 71: ‘Some seventy thousand documents in the papal archives bear witness to his world-wide labours. Few subjects escaped his notice—from the habit of the French King of talking in church, the misrule of Edward II of England, or the devices of sorcerers, to the weightier matters of theology and law.’

[119] R. L. Poole, _Illustrations of the History of Mediæval Thought_ (1884), p. 247.

[120] _Ibid._, pp. 256 _et seq._

[121] M. Creighton, _History of the Papacy_ (1903), vol. i, p. 32.

[122] For Avignon, see E. Baluze, _Vitae Paparum Avenionensium_ (1693). See works cited in Workman, _The Dawn of the Reformation_, vol. i, Append. A., p. 291; also Pierre D’Ailly, _De Necessitate Reformationis Ecclesiae_, in _Joannis Gersonii Opera Omnia_ (Antwerp. 1706), vol. ii, pp. 885-902, esp. p. 889. Poole, _op. cit._, p. 248, ‘The universal authority of Rome became confined within the narrow territory of Avignon: the means by which it was exerted became more and more secular, diplomatic, mercantile....’

[123] The extent of the feeling aroused by the schism in Christendom can be illustrated by the fact that contemporary miracle-plays represented Pope and anti-Pope burning in hell (see Workman, _The Dawn of the Reformation_, vol. ii, _The Age of Hus_, p. 41), and by the life-work of a simple uneducated girl, St. Catherine of Siena.

[124] Melchior Goldast, _Monarchia S. Romani Imp._ (Hanover and Frankfort, 1611-14), vol. iii, p. 1360.

[125] Goldast, _op. cit._, vol. ii, _Opera Omnia de Potestate Ecclesiastica & Politica, G. Ockham_, esp. _Dialogus_, pp. 822-30. The chief conclusions of Ockham are summarized on pp. 396-7; also in S. Riezler, _Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers_ (1874), pp. 258-71. But see generally pp. 241-77.

[126] See Poole, _op. cit._, p. 277, note.

[127] _Defensor Pacis_, Lib. I, cap. xviii; in Goldast, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 86-9.

[128] _Ibid._, Lib. II, cap. viii, p. 212.

[129] _Defensor Pacis_, Lib. II, cap. ix, p. 213.

[130] _Ibid._, cap. x, pp. 216-19, esp. p. 217. ‘Nemo quantumcunque peccans contra disciplinas speculativas aut operativas quascunque punitur vel arcetur in hoc seculo praecise inquantum-hujusmodi, sed inquantum peccat contra praeceptum humanae legis.’

[131] _Ibid._, Lib. I, cap. xii, pp. 169-71.

[132] Workman, _op. cit._, vol. i. ‘Wyclif has been called the Morning Star of the Reformation, but the author of the _Defensor Pacis_ might more justly claim the title.’ _Cf._, on modernity of Marsiglio’s thought, B. Labanca, _Marsilio da Padova_ (Padua, 1882), pp. 219 _et seq._

[133] Fitzralph’s treatise, _De Pauperie Salvatoris_, is printed as an appendix to Wycliffe’s _De Dominio Divino_ (Wyclif Society, 1890), pp. 259-476.

[134] For this whole subject, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 590-4.

[135] _Ibid._, pp. 596-9.

[136] See _supra_, pp. 68, 75.

[137] _De Dominio Divino_ (Wyclif Society, 1890), p. 33. ‘Ideo Deus non mediate per regimen vasallorum subserviencium, ut reges ceteri, dominatur, cum immediate et per se facit, sustentat, et gubernat omne quod possidet, juvatque ad perficiendum opera secundum usus alios quos requirit.’

[138] See Poole, _op. cit._, p. 293.

[139] See Workman, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 173-8.

[140] See _Fasciculi Zizaniorum Magistri Johannis Wyclif_ (Rolls series, ed. W. W. Shirley, 1858), pp. 280-1.

[141] Wycliffe’s _De Potestate Pape_ (Wyclif Society, ed. J. Loserth, 1907), p. 84.

[142] _De Civili Dominio_ (Wyclif Society, ed. R. L. Poole, 1885), vol. i, pp. 335-42; also pp. 265-74, ch. xxxvii. See also _Select English Works_ (ed. T. Arnold, 1869-71), vol. iii, pp. 216-17.

[143] See _De Potestate Pape_, pp. 84, 238 _et seq._, 378-9.

[144] _Ibid._, pp. 145-6, 154-5. This idea is either explicitly or implicitly in all Wycliffe’s later teachings.

[145] _Ibid._, pp. 120 _et seq._, 148, 212, 266 _et seq._ The whole book is indeed on this theme. Wycliffe does not scruple to call a bad pope ‘_horribilius monstrum_.’ Cf. _Fasciculi Zizaniorum_, p. 278.

[146] _De Potestate Pape_, p. 272.

[147] _Fasciculi Zizaniorum_, p. 278.

[148] _Ibid._, p. 279; D. Wilkins, _Concilia M. Britanniae et Hiberniae_ (1737). vol. iii, p. 157.

[149] _Works of Thomas Cranmer_ (ed. J. E. Cox, Parker Society), vol. ii, _Misc. Writings_, p. 119.

[150] See Wilkins, vol. iii, p. 350; _Chronicon H. Knighton_ (Rolls series, ed. J. R. Lumby, 1889-95), vol. ii, p. 152.

[151] _Ibid._

[152] See _Fasciculi Zizaniorum_, p. 278, from _Epistola Willelmi Cantuariensis super condemnatione haeresum Wycclyff in synodo_. See also extract from a sermon by Wycliffe on this subject, _ibid._, introd., pp. lxiv-lxv.

[153] There was a tendency to Pantheism in Wycliffe. See Workman, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 137 n.

[154] _De Eucharistia_ (Wyclif Society, 1892), p. 109, cap. iv.

[155] _Ibid._, pp. 189-232, cap. viii.

[156] _Ibid._, cap. i, pp. 15-16. ‘Nichil enim horribilius quam quod quilibet sacerdos celebrans facit vel consecrat cotidie corpus Christi.’

[157] _Ibid._, cap. iv, p. 109.

[158] _Ibid._, Introd., p. liii; cap. iv, pp. 110-11.

[159] _Fasciculi Zizaniorum_, p. 278.

[160] See Foxe’s _Acts and Monuments_, iv and v.

[161] Workman, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 229. ‘Of the scholastic Lollards it may be written that logic makes no martyrs.’ _Cf._ pp. 213-90.

[162] See popular ballads in J. S. Brewer, _Monumenta Franciscana_ (1858), pp. 591-608.

[163] Knighton, _op. cit._, vol. ii, pp. 184-7.

[164] _De Haeretico Comburendo_ being frequently enforced from 1401.

[165] See Count Lützow, _The Life and Times of Master John Hus_ (1909), pp. 17-62; J. Loserth, _Wyclif and Hus_ (trans. M. J. Evans, 1884); A. H. Wratislaw, _Native Literature of Bohemia in the Fourteenth Century_ (1878), esp. book ii, pp. 181-291.

[166] See Lützow, _op. cit._, pp. 47-62.

[167] _Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus_ (ed. F. Palacky, Prague, 1869), pp. 347-9, 355-63. See Lützow, _op. cit._, pp. 106-9. Wenzel’s reasoned answer to the objections made by the Germans may have been Hus’s work. For the contest at the University, see also H. Rashdall, _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, vol. ii, pp. 212-32.

[168] Lützow, _op. cit._, pp. 130-3, 159-60; Palacky, _Documenta_, pp. 464-6; _The Letters of John Hus_ (ed. Workman and Pope, 1904), pp. 422-5.

[169] Due to the marriage of Wenzel’s sister, Anne, to Richard II.

[170] Palacky, _Documenta_, pp. 289, 292.

[171] _Ibid._, p. 293.

[172] _Ibid._, p. 287; _Letters of Hus_, p. 217. Hus does not seem to have regarded the Utraquist question as of great consequence. See Creighton, _Papacy_, vol. ii, p. 86.

[173] See J. B. Schwab, _J. Gerson_ (Würzburg, 1858), pp. 482-9; also Creighton, vol. i, appendix 2, pp. 365-8.

[174] D’Ailly in Gerson’s _Works_, vol. ii, pp. 949 _et seq._

[175] Gerson, _ibid._, p. 72.

[176] _Ibid._, p. 178. See also, generally, Gerson’s ‘De Unitate Ecclesiastica,’ _Works_, vol. ii, pp. 113-14; Niem, Theodoricus de, _De Schismate_ (1890). For full list of tracts, see _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. iii, pp. 867-8.

[177] See Creighton’s _Papacy_, vol. i, p. 143.

[178] F. Gregorovius, _Hist. of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages_ (trans. A. Hamilton, 1894-1902), vol. vi, p. 606; J. N. Figgis, _From Gerson to Grotius_ (1907), p. 35.

[179] See Gerson’s exhortation to the Archbishop of Prague to extirpate the heresy in Bohemia, Palacky, _Documenta_, pp. 523-6.

[180] _Letters of Hus_, pp. 146-9, 149-51. These are letters written by Hus at the time of his setting out for Constance. One of them, he instructs, is only to be opened in the event of his death.

[181] See Gerson, _Works_, vol. ii, p. 572; H. v. der Hardt, _Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense concilium_ (Frankfort, 1697-1742), vol. iv, p. 521; Palacky, _Documenta_, p. 284; Lea, vol. ii, pp. 467-8. ‘The explanation of the controversy over the violation of the safe-conduct is perfectly simple. Germany, and especially Bohemia, knew so little about the Inquisition and the systematic persecution of heresy that surprise and indignation were excited by the application to the case of Hus of the recognized principles of the canon law. The Council could not have done otherwise than it did without surrendering those principles.’

[182] _Letters of Hus_, p. 216.

[183] Lützow, p. 249.

[184] Palacky, _Documenta_, pp. 308, 310. Like Wycliffe before and Luther after him, Hus would acknowledge no other authority than Scripture. The Council wanted him to acknowledge the authority of the Church and of itself as the Church’s representative.

[185] _Letters of Hus_, p. 226.

[186] _Ibid._, p. 217.

[187] _Ibid._, p. 224.

[188] _Letters of Hus_, p. 239. See also his letter addressed to all the people of Bohemia, pp. 230-3; also pp. 275-6, and Palacky, _Documenta_, p. 323. See Creighton, _Papacy_, vol. ii, p. 51: ‘ ... It is the glory of Hus that he first deliberately asserted the right of the individual conscience against ecclesiastical authority, and sealed his assertion by his own life-blood.’

[189] See, however, J. Mackinnon, _A History of Modern Liberty_ (1906), vol. i, p. 162: ‘The defiance of the Council was the prelude of the modern Reformation. It was a distinct intimation not merely of a solitary reformer like Wiclif or Hus, but of a body of men who claimed to speak in the name of a whole people, that they would not submit to traditional authority _per se_. It was a plea for fair discussion of matters of controversy, and a protest against the principle of stifling inquiry and dissent by such authority. Otherwise the reason and intelligence of the inquirer will revolt in the name of conscience, justice and religion.’

[190] J. Glanvill, _A Blow at Sadducism_ (1688), p. 5. _Cf._ pp. 32-3: ‘But to reserve all the clear circumstances of Fact, which we find in well attested and confirmed Relations of this kind into the power of deceivable imagination, is to make fancy the greater Prodigy; and to suppose, that it can do stranger feats than are believed of any other kind of function. And to think that Pins and Nails, for instance, can by the power of imagination be conveyed within the skin; or that imagination should deceive so many as have been witnesses in objects of sense, in all the circumstances of discovery; this, I say, is to be infinitely more credulous than the assertors of sorcery and Demoniack Contracts. And by the same reason it may be believed that all the Battels and strange events of the world, which our selves have not seen, are but dreams and fond imaginations.’

[191] W. E. H. Lecky, _Rationalism in Europe_ (1904), vol. i, p. 18.

[192] See W. E. H. Lecky, _Rationalism in Europe_ (1904), vol. i, pp. 34-5.

[193] See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 422-9.

[194] See _ibid._, p. 434.

[195] Sprenger, _Malleus Maleficarum_ (Frankfort ed., 1582), vol. i, pp. 488-9: ‘Et eodem modo de adorantibus Daemonē & sacrificantibus ei quia si hoc faciunt, credentes Divinitatem esse in Daemonibus, vel credentes quod cultus latriae sit ei exhibendus, vel quod omnino ex exhibitione talis cultus, assequantur quod requirunt a Diabolo, non obstāte Dei prohibitione, seu etiam permissione, tales essent haeretici. Sed si ista faciunt non ita sentientes de Daemone; sed ut aliquo pacto cum Daemone facilius per ista exequantur ab ipso quod intendunt, tales non sunt haeretici natura rei, licet gravissime peccent.’

[196] A. Albertini, _De Agnoscendis assertionibus Catholicis_ in Zilettus, _Tractatus Universi Juris_, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 65-6. _Cf._ J. Simancas, _De Catholicis Institutionibus_ in Zilettus, _ibid._, p. 144 (Tit. xxi).

[197] Lea, vol. iii, p. 454: ‘Inquisitors ... began to insert a clause renouncing sorcery in all abjurations administered to repentant heretics, so that in case they should become addicted to it they could be promptly burned for relapse.’

[198] For Peter of Abano, see _supra_, pp. 69, 70, and Lea, vol. iii, p. 440; for Gilles de Rais, _ibid._, pp. 468-89.

[199] Ordinarily inquisitorial trials were secret. Another abnormal feature in this case was the presence of a prosecutor; the third was that the court was really a joint one, being in part the bishop and inquisitors sitting together as a tribunal of the Holy Office to hear the charge of heresy, in part the bishop sitting as president of the ordinary episcopal court, the inquisitors not included, to hear the charge of unnatural lust with which the Inquisition was not competent to deal.

[200] _Cf._ Lea, vol. iii, p. 486: ‘The morning saw the extraordinary spectacle of the clergy, followed by the whole population of Nantes, who had been clamouring for his death, marching through the streets and singing and praying for his salvation.’

[201] Lecky, _Rationalism in Europe_, vol. i, pp. 47-53.

[202] See _Bart. Spin. in Ponzinibium de lamiis Apologia prima_ in _Malleorum quorundam Maleficarum tam veterum quam recentiorum authorum tomi duo_ (Frankfort, 1582), vol. ii, pp. 623 _et seq._

[203] _Ibid._, vol. i, pp. 1-8 in Sprenger’s _Malleus Maleficarum_.

[204] For a critique of Sprenger’s work, see J. Michelet, _La Sorcière_ in _Œuvres Complètes_ (Paris, 1893-9), pp. 481-96.

[205] Sprenger, vol. i, p. 94; also Michelet, _op. cit._, p. 321.

[206] Albertini, _op. cit._, in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 85; also Sprenger, etc., vol. ii, pp. 262-4, and, generally, pp. 250 _et seq._, _De modo quo localiter transferuntur de loco ad locum_.

[207] Frédéricq, _Documents_, vol. i, p. 371. ‘Et illecq leur remontra comment ils avoient esté en ladite vaulderie, et fait tout ce que dessus ai dit, et mesme que aulcunes d’icelles, qui estoient la presentes, avoient esté cognues carnellement du diable d’enfer, l’une en forme de lièvre, l’autre en forme de renard, l’autre en forme de thor, l’aultre en forme d’homme et autant en forme de quelques bestes’—from _Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq_.

[208] Sprenger, pp. 40 _et seq._, p. 773. See also in vol. ii. of _Malleorum ... tomi duo, Tractatus utilis et necessarius per viam Dialogi, de Pythonicis mulieribus_, pp. 56-7.

[209] Sprenger, etc., pp. 458-9 in Bartholomew de Spina’s _De Strigibus_.

[210] _Ibid._, pp. 459-60.

[211] Sprenger, p. 546.

[212] de Spina, pp. 544-5.

[213] Sprenger, pp. 103-25, 267 _et seq._; also in vol. ii of _Malleorum ... tomi duo, De Pythonicis mulieribus_, pp. 42-3.

[214] Sprenger, pp. 152 _et seq._ and 354.

[215] _Ibid._, pp. 152 _et seq._, 341 _et seq._; de Spina, in vol. ii, p. 502.

[216] Sprenger, pp. 141 _et seq._, 296-301, 360 _et seq._; _De Pythonicis mulieribus_, in vol. ii, pp. 65 _et seq._

[217] Sprenger, p. 310; _De Pythonicis mulieribus_, in vol. ii, p. 75.

[218] See Sprenger, p. 581. _Cf._ Lea, vol. iii, p. 508.

[219] A very effective play based upon this idea is that of H. Wiers-Jenssen, of which the English version is _The Witch_, by John Masefield.

[220] It was so decided by Gregory XI, when the right of the French inquisition in the matter was challenged. Papal commissions issued to inquisitors early in the fifteenth century specifically enumerate sorcery and witchcraft among offences with which they are to deal.

[221] See Sprenger, pp. 492-3. Innocent VIII gave a great impetus to persecution of witches in 1485 by his bull, _Summis desiderantes_, in which all the malignant powers of the witch were enumerated. It was this bull that gave authority to Jacob Sprenger, the author of _Malleus Maleficarum_. It was supplemented by others of a similar character issued by Julius II and Alexander VI.

[222] Sprenger, pp. 172-82.

[223] See Lecky, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 3; Michelet, _op. cit._, p. 10.

[224] _Malleorum—tomi duo_, vol. ii, p. 520.

[225] Sprenger, p. 214. _Inquisitoribus Maleficae non possunt nocere._ ‘In oppido nempe Ravenspurg, cum a consulibus Maleficae incinerandae interrogarentur, cur nobis inquisitoribus aliqua maleficia, sicut aliis hominibus, non intulissent, Responderunt: Licet pluries hoc facere attentassent, non tamen potuerunt. Et de causa inquirentibus, respondebant se nescire, nisi quod a Daemonibus informatae fuissent.’ Nevertheless, _ibid._, p. 559, inquisitors should be careful not to allow themselves to be touched by wizards and witches.

[226] Sprenger, p. 549.

[227] _Ibid._, pp. 552-3.

[228] _Ibid._, p. 557. The adjuration was by the bitter tears of Christ shed on the Cross for the sins of the world, by the tears shed by the glorious Virgin Mary, by those shed by all the saints and elect of God on earth.

[229] Such enmity had to be really mortal and well authenticated; for the inquisitorial point of view was that of necessity a witch always would excite a great deal of enmity. Allegations of enmity must, therefore, always be carefully sifted. See Sprenger, pp. 542 _et seq._

[230] For the whole remarkable story, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 519-34.

[231] James, i, 3.

[232] 2 Peter, ii, 1.

[233] 2 Corinth., xi, 13.

[234] Galat., i, 8. See also _ibid._, iii, 1, 3.

[235] 2 Thessal., iii, 15. _Cf._ Galat., iii, 1, 3.

[236] Polycarp, _Epist._ § 7, in _The Apostolic Fathers_ (ed. J. B. Lightfoot, 1891), pp. 171, 179.

[237] ‘Ad officium haereticos compelli, non illici dignum est. Duritia vincenda, non suadenda.’ Tertullian, _Opera omnia_ (ed. Migne, _Patrologia latina_), vol. ii, col. 125.

[238] Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._, lib. v, cap. 20 (ed. Migne), vol. i, p. 615.

[239] Tertullian, _Opera omnia_, vol. i, col. 699. _Liber ad Scapulam_, cap. 2.

[240] See De Cauzons, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 150.

[241] _Ibid._, p. 154.

[242] See Philippe à Limborch, _History of the Inquisition_ (trans. S. Chandler, London, 1731), vol. i, p. 8; L. Tanon, _Histoire des Tribunaux de l’Inquisition en France_ (Paris, 1893), pp. 127-33; De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 163-8; _Cod. Theod._, i, xvi, leges 3, 8, 12, 30, 33, 34, 35; C. Moeller in _Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique_ (Louvain, 1913), vol. xiv, pp. 728-9, _Les bûchers et les autos-da-fé depuis le moyen âge_.

[243] _The Homilies of St. John Chrysostom_ (Oxford ed., Pusey), Homily xlvi, on Matt. xiii, pp. 630 _et seq._

[244] Letter 82 to Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, in _Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers_ (ed. P. Schaff), 2nd series, vol. vi, pp. 170 _et seq._ See Limborch (Chandler’s ed.), pp. 29-30. It has been averred that St. Jerome was in favour of the death penalty, on the score of _Epist. 109 ad Ripar_. See Lea, vol. i, pp. 214-15, and rejoinder of H. Maillet, _L’Église et la répression sanglante de l’hérésie_ (1909), p. 15.

[245] 48th Epistle to Vincentius.

[246] 50th Epistle to Boniface.

[247] Epistle 185, n. 26. Also Epistle 93, n. 10.

[248] See Lea, vol. i, p. 213; Maillet, p. 17, and De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 186-8.

[249] See Lea, vol. i, p. 215; Maillet, pp. 17 _et seq._; Vacandard, pp. 27-30. ‘Nor were they [the bishops] content with merely accepting it [the aid of the secular arm]. They declared that the State had not only the right to help the Church in suppressing heresy, but that she was in duty bound to do so.’ See also De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 189 n., and P. Frédéricq, _Les récents historiens catholiques de l’inquisition en France_, in _Revue historique_ (vol. cix, Jan.-April, 1912), p. 314.

[250] This suggestion is made by J. Havet in his _L’Hérésie et le Bras séculier au Moyen Age_ in _Œuvres_ (Paris, 1896), vol. ii, p. 131.

[251] See _ibid._, p. 138.

[252] Vacandard, _op. cit._, p. 33.

[253] Havet, pp. 129-34.

[254] _I.e._ in the _langue d’oïl_ of France, in Flanders, Germany, Burgundy.

[255] De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 235.

[256] See Havet, p. 135.

[257] See De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 233-4.

[258] Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, pp. 6-7, No. 3, gives Wazon’s letter. See also Frédéricq in _Revue historique_, already cited, p. 320; also Maillet, _op. cit._, p. 34. On the strength of this instance he declares: ‘Nous voyons assez souvent les évêques s’opposer aux exécutions’; whereas this episcopal protest is unique.

[259] Havet, _op. cit._, p. 133. See Maillet on the whole subject in _op. cit._, chapter ii. He argues that Theoduin had no particular punishment in view and that, therefore, one cannot say he approved the execution of heretics. But as the Bishop must have known very well the sort of punishment customarily inflicted by the State at this time, the argument is not very sound.

[260] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 260.

[261] J. D. Mansi, _Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio_ (Paris, 1901-13), vol. xxi, p. 718, and Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 31.

[262] See De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 271-2; Tanon, p. 454.

[263] Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 34; Maillet, p. 55; Frédéricq, in criticism of Maillet in _Revue historique_, p. 321.

[264] Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 39; Mansi, vol. xxi, p. 1177; Havet, pp. 151-2.

[265] Mansi, vol. xxii, p. 231; Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 47.

[266] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 269.

[267] Stubbs, _Select Charters of English Constitutional History_ (Oxford, 1890), pp. 145-6, § 21 of the Assize.

[268] See De Cauzons, vol. 1, p. 277.

[269] J. A. Llorente, _Histoire critique de l’Inquisition d’Espagne_ (Fr. trans. from the Spanish, Paris, 1818), vol. i, p. 30; Eymeric, _Directorium_, p. 298.

[270] Ludovico à Paramo, _De Origine et Progressu Officii Sanctae Inquisitionis eiusque dignitate et utilitate_ (Madrid, 1598), p. 90; Havet, p. 167; De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 283. This is the first secular law of the Middle Ages prescribing the penalty of the stake. But it only refers to Waldenses in a particular country, and the stake is only to be had recourse to in the event of banishment (the penalty primarily enjoined) being incomplete. The legislation of general significance is that of the Emperor Frederick II, between 1220 and 1239.

[271] For particulars of a rather interesting case see Lea, vol. i, pp. 111-12. The charge of heresy was mainly based on the obduracy of a young girl in repelling the licentious advances of a young canon of Rheims.

[272] Mansi, vol. xx, p. 476; Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 56.

[273] See Havet, p. 154.

[274] Vacandard, p. 56.

[275] This is the argument of Maillet, _op. cit._, p. 49.

[276] See Frédéricq, _Revue historique_, p. 320.

[277] A. Luchaire, _Innocent III; la croisade des Albigeois_ (Paris, 1905), pp. 58-9.

[278] _Ibid._, pp. 17, 27.

[279] _Ibid._, pp. 7-8; Tanon, p. 21.

[280] Luchaire, _op. cit._, p. 103.

[281] J. C. L. Sismondi, _History of the Crusades against the Albigenses_ (Eng. trans.), p. 53.

[282] Lea, vol. i, p. 154. See, however, Lord Acton in his review of Lea’s work in _The History of Freedom of Thought and other Essays_ (1909), p. 567. The chronicler, Caesarius Heisterbach, does not relate a fact, but tells a story, which may or may not be fact.

[283] The _potestas inquirendi_ handed down from Christ to St. Peter has been annexed to the episcopal dignity. See Ludovico à Paramo, _op. cit._, book ii, p. 89.

[284] C. Douais, _L’Inquisition; ses origines, sa procédure_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 45-6.

[285] Sometimes a new heresy was not at once recognized as one at all. Gregory VII was indulgent to Berengar of Tours and Alexander III congratulated Peter Waldo. See Luchaire, _op. cit._, p. 38.

[286] See De Cauzons, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 333.

[287] Simancas, _op. cit._, Tit. xxv, p. 150, ‘De Episcopis.’

[288] See Lea, vol. i, p. 310; De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 378-80. See also A. Esmein, _Histoire de la Procédure Criminelle en France, et spécialement de la Procédure inquisitoire_ (Paris, 1882), pp. 66-78; in English version, _A History of Continental Criminal Procedure_, Continental Legal History Series, vol. v (Boston, 1913), pp. 3-11, 78-94.

[289] Mansi, _op. cit._, vol. xxii, pp. 476-8.

[290] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 393.

[291] At first sight it may appear as though the completeness of the success of the Albigensian Crusade rendered further action unnecessary. This would appear to be the implication in Douais’ _L’Inquisition_, pp. 45-6. As a matter of fact it was rather a case of following up an initial advantage.

[292] Mansi, vol. xxii, p. 785.

[293] _Ibid._, vol. xxiii, p. 24, § xiv. ‘_Ut sint in omnibus parochiis, qui de haeresi & manifestis criminibus inquirant._’

[294] _Ibid._ p. 194, § i.

[295] Mansi, vol. xxii, pp. 989-90.

[296] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 395; P. Fournier, _Les Officialités au Moyen Age_ (Paris, 1880), pp. 266-9.

[297] Ludovico à Paramo, pp. 27, 31, 49.

[298] Luchaire, _op. cit._, p. 71. ‘En 1204, il enleva aux évêques, pour la donner aux légats, la juridiction ordinaire en matière d’hérésie, première esquisse du procédé d’où sortira l’Inquisition.’ To which M. Douais rightly retorts: ‘Il n’est pas exact de dire que le Pape enleva aux évêques la juridiction ordinaire en matière d’hérésie. Il ne leur enleva rien.’ _L’Inquisition_, p. 67. See, however, De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 414. ‘Sans enlever donc aux évêques le droit de juger les hérétiques, les rescrits romains constituaient, à côté de leur tribunal, un pouvoir, pouvant juger lui aussi, avec des juges d’une juridiction plus étendue que le leur, ayant le droit d’exiger des chefs des diocèses l’obéissance à leur autorité. Il suffisait d’assurer à ce tribunal nouveau les moyens d’exécuter ses sentences et de le rendre permanent, pour avoir l’Inquisition.’

[299] For claim that Dominic was the first inquisitor, see Ludovico à Paramo, pp. 95-6; Douais, _L’Inquisition_, pp. 25-6; De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 421 n. Dominic was certainly more than a missionary preacher; he examined and condemned heretics. See Acton, _op. cit._, p. 554.

[300] It has been said, truly, that it is neither the crime, nor the procedure, nor the penalty that makes the inquisitor in the strict sense; but his character as a permanent _judge-delegate_ for the cause of heresy. Douais, _L’Inquisition_, pp. 37-8.

[301] For text of commission to Conrad, see Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, p. 71, No. 72. ‘ ... diligenter et vigilanter inquiras heretica pravitate infectos in partibus memoratis, ut per illos, ad quos pertinet, zizania valeat de agro Domini extirpari.’ Douais on this comments (_op. cit._, p. 53 n.), ‘Si Conrad eut été inquisiteur, c’est à lui que ce soin eût d’abord incombé comme juge.’ The argument is invalid. The appeal to the assistance of the secular arm is normal and certainly does not prove Conrad not to have been an inquisitor. See Lea, vol. ii, p. 319, ‘This was in effect an informal commission as inquisitor-general for Germany’; and De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 449.

[302] For text of the bull, _Ille humani generis_, see Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 74-5; Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 83, pp. 82-3. The Friars are urged to demolish the heretics who ‘sicut cancer serperent in occulto, & velut vulpes latentes niterentur vineam Domini Sabaoth demoliri.’

[303] Lea, vol. i, p. 328. _Cf._ Tanon, _op. cit._, p. 175, who considers that Lea does not attach sufficient importance to these bulls.

[304] The first bull delegating inquisitorial powers to the Brothers Minor in collective fashion is apparently one issued by Innocent IV, Jan. 13, 1246. See Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 122.

[305] See De Cauzons, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 446 n. ‘La transformation des Inquisitions épiscopaux en juges pontificaux, a été la vraie fondation de l’Inquisition; telle qu’elle est connue et louée par certains, abhorrée par d’autres. Or, cette transformation s’est faite progressivement, par tâtonnements autour des années 1230-1233, non par édit général, plutôt par rescrits spéciaux. Les dominicains ont été l’occasion d’un bon nombre de ces rescrits, mais non de tous.’

[306] See Lea, vol. i, p. 330.

[307] _Ibid._, p. 339.

[308] _Ibid._

[309] Tanon, _op. cit._, pp. 177-80.

[310] _Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi_, Huillard-Bréholles (Paris, 1852-61), vol. ii, pt. i, pp. 4-6; _Monumenta Germaniae historica_, G. A. Pertz (Hanover and Berlin), vol. iv, pp. 242-5; Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, pp. 70-1, No. 71.

[311] See Maillet, _op. cit._, ch. ii; Frédéricq in _Revue historique_, p. 310. This edict was drawn up five days before the coronation ceremony by the Curia and sent to receive the imperial signature, so that it might be published in the Emperor’s name in St. Peter’s. For Frederick’s promise to assist the Pope against heresy, see Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, p. 70, No. 70.

[312] Huillard-Bréholles, vol. ii, pp. 421-3; G. A. Pertz, vol. iv, p. 252. ‘Presenti edictuli constitutione nostra in tota Lombardia inviolabiliter de cetero valitura duximus sanciendum ut quicumque per civitatis antistitem vel diocesanum in qua degit post condignam examinationem fuerit de haeresi manifeste convictus et hereticus judicatus, per potestatem, consilium et catholicos viros civitatis et diocesis earumdem ad requisitionem antistitis illico capiatur, auctoritate nostra ignis judicio concremandus, ut vel ultricibus flammis pereat, aut si miserabili vite ad coercitionem aliorum degerint reservandum, eum lingue plectro deprivent, quo non est veritas contra ecclesiasticam fidem invehi et nomen Domini blasphemari.’

[313] Huillard-Bréholles, vol. i, pp. 5-8; Pertz, vol. ii, p. 242; Mansi, vol. xxiv. pp. 586-8.

[314] Havet, _op. cit._, pp. 169-70.

[315] For arguments ascribing the responsibility to Frederick, see Havet (_passim_) and J. Ficker, _Die Gesetzliche Einführung der Todesstrafe für Ketzerei_ in _Mittheilungen des Instituts für oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung_ (1880), pp. 177-226, 430-1. See also C. Moeller in _Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique_ (Louvain, vol. xiv, 1913); _Les Bûchers et les Autos-da-fé de l’Inquisition depuis le Moyen Age_ (pp. 720-51), esp. pp. 725-6; Maillet, _op. cit._, p. 87, and De Cauzons, _op. cit._, vol. i, pp. 293-7: ‘La théorie qui met sur le dos de Frédéric II la responsabilité des mesures de répression sanglante, du bûcher en particulier, est née de tendances apologétiques mal comprises, car vouloir concilier l’Inquisition avec nos idées modernes est une chimère.’ Also Tanon, _op. cit._, p. 462. These laws ‘n’en sont pas moins eu une grande importance pour le temps où elles ont été rendues, en présence des difficultés que l’Église rencontrait, en Italie aussi bien qu’en France, de la part des autorités laïques, pour assurer la répression de l’hérésie, en donnant à cette répression la sanction nouvelle de l’autorité impériale elles devaient aider puissamment l’Église à vaincre ces résistances.’

[316] See Maillet, _op. cit._, in ch. ii; Douais, _L’Inquisition_, ch. 5, esp. pp. 141-2; also De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 296-7 n., and Moeller, _op. cit._, pp. 727-8.

[317] Lea, vol. i, pp. 227-8. ‘We can imagine the smile of amused surprise with which Gregory IX or Gregory XI would have listened to the dialectics with which the Comte Joseph de Maistre proves that it is an error to suppose, and much more to assert, that Catholic priests can in any manner be instrumental in compassing the death of a fellow creature.’

[318] Havet, p. 174; Douais, _L’Inquisition_, p. 122.

[319] Havet, p. 176; Acton, _op. cit._, p. 555.

[320] Acton, _op. cit._, p. 557. ‘The five years of his abode in Rome changed the face of the Church.... Very soon after Saint Raymond appeared at the Papal court, the use of the stake became law, and the inquisitorial machinery had been devised and the management given to the priors of the order. When he departed he left behind him instructions for the treatment of heresy, which the Pope adopted and sent out whenever they were wanted.... Until he came, in spite of much violence and many laws, the popes had imagined no permanent security against religious error, and were not formally committed to death by burning. Gregory himself, excelling all the priesthood in vigour and experience, had for four years laboured, vaguely and in vain, with the transmitted implements. Of a sudden, in these successive measures, he finds his way, and builds up the institution which is to last for centuries. That this mighty change in the conditions of religious thought and life, and in the functions of the order was supported by Dominicans, is probable. And it is reasonable to suppose that it was the work of the foremost Dominican then living, who at that very moment had risen to power and predominance at Rome.’

[321] See De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 301-3.

[322] Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, pp. 78-80, No. 80, _Capitula Senatoris Annibaldi et populi Romani edicta contra Patarenos_. See Gregorovius, _City of Rome_, vol. vi, pt. 1, pp. 156-61. Heretics were at this time numerous in the States of the Church, Viterbo, Perugia and Orvieto; also in Lombardy. Some of these, the Arnoldists at any rate, were also Ghibellines. ‘The Inquisition now became another instrument in the hands of the Pope for the subjection of the people.’

[323] Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 586 _et seq._

[324] Council of Rheims, 1148, Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 31; Montpellier, 1162, _ibid._, No. 35; Lateran, 1179, _ibid._, No. 47.

[325] Verona, 1184, Frédéricq, _Corpus_, No. 56; Montpellier, 1195, _ibid._, No. 58; Fourth Lateran, 1215, _ibid._, No. 68. See also Mansi, vol. xxii, pp. 987-8; Eymeric, _Directorium_, pt. ii, question 46, p. 378.

[326] In Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 569 _et seq._

[327] § 1.

[328] §§ 3, 5, 12-15.

[329] §§ 24, 25, 31.

[330] § 37.

[331] _Summa_, 2, 2, qu. 11, arts. 3 and 4. ‘Multo enim gravius corrumpere fidem, per quam est animae vita, quam falsare pecuniam, per quam temporali vitae subvenitur. Unde si falsarii pecuniae vel alii malefactores statim per saeculares principes juste morti traduntur, multo magis haeretici statim ex quo de haeresi convincuntur, possunt non solum excommunicari, sed et juste occidi.’ Vacandard (p. 176) answers: ‘Such reasoning is not very convincing. Why should not the life-imprisonment of the heretic safeguard the faithful as well as his death? Will you answer that this penalty is too trivial to prevent the faithful from falling into heresy? If that be so, why not at once condemn all heretics to death, even when repentant? That would terrorize the wavering ones all the more. But St. Thomas evidently was not thinking of the logical consequences of his reasoning. His one aim was to defend the criminal code in vogue at the time. That is his only excuse. For we must admit that rarely has his reasoning been so faulty and so weak as in his thesis upon the coercive power of the Church and the punishment of heresy.’ St. Thomas’s logic is sounder than his apologist’s, if his humanity is less! It is not St. Thomas’s logic that is at fault, but the standpoint of mediæval Christianity, which it is vain to seek to harmonize with modern humanitarianism.

[332] St. John, xv, 6. Vacandard, p. 177. ‘To regard our Saviour as the precursor or rather the author of the criminal code of the Inquisition evidences, one must admit, a very peculiar temper of mind.’ So judged, again by modern humanitarianism.

[333] Tanon, pp. 52-3. To be carefully distinguished from Arnaud of Citeaux, Archbishop of Narbonne, the former papal legate in Languedoc.

[334] Vaissete & Devic, _op. cit._, vol. iv, p. 118. ‘Clamor validus et insinuatio luctuosa fidelium subditorum, processus suos inquisitionis negotio a captionibus, quaestionibus, et excogitatis tormentis incipiens personas quas pro libito asserit haeretica labe notatas, abnegare Christum ... vi vel motu tormentorum fateri compellit.’

[335] See Douais, _Documents_, vol. ii, pp. 303-27, for particulars of this commission.

[336] The bull, _Multorum querela_, incorporated in the decrees of this Council. See Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 170.

[337] _Practica_, p. 188.

[338] Tanon, p. 116.

[339] See Tanon, p. 119. Also the case of the Sieur de Partenay, the most powerful noble of Poitou. Lea, vol. ii, p. 124.

[340] Lea, vol. ii, p. 130.

[341] Lea, vol. ii, pp. 130-2.

[342] _Ibid._, p. 140.

[343] Lea, vol. ii. p. 341.

[344] Lea, vol. ii, p. 221. For Peter Martyr, see Ludovico à Paramo, pp. 108-9.

[345] Lea, vol. ii, p. 236.

[346] Lea, vol. ii. p. 236. Notably Honorius III in 1286, who, in consideration of the fidelity of the people of Tuscany, relieved them of the penalties of heresy, save in the case of the relapsed, so that the children of heretics could enjoy the property confiscated from their parents.

[347] _Ibid._, p. 251.

[348] Ludovico à Paramo attributes the tranquillity of Spain to the beneficent influence of the Inquisition, _op. cit._, p. 290.

[349] Llorente, vol. i, pp. 66-97.

[350] Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 553-8.

[351] See eulogy of Eymeric in Ludovico à Paramo, p. 110.

[352] See Lea, vol. ii, pp. 290-315. For Bohemia, see pp. 427-505.

[353] _Practica_, pp. 232-3, ‘Diligens ac fervens zelo veritatis fidei et salubris animarum ad detestationem et extirpationem heretice pravitatis.... Inquisitor sit constans: persistat inter pericula et adversa usque ad mortem, pro justitia fidei agonizans, ut non temerarie praesumat per audaciam que periculose precipiat.’ _Cf._ Eymeric, _Directorium_, p. 575, ‘Inquisitor debet esse conversatione honestus, prudentia circumspectus, constantia firmus, sacra doctrina fidei eminenter eruditus et virtutibus circumfultus.’ See also Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, Nos. 215, 243.

[354] _Ibid._, pp. 594, 602; Ludovico à Paramo, p. 106.

[355] Limborch, _Historia Inquisitionis_, p. 124, cap. ix; _Directorium_, pp. 631-2.

[356] See Lea, vol. i, p. 379.

[357] See Vacandard, _op. cit._, p. 139.

[358] Douais, _L’Inquisition_, p. 246; De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 134.

[359] Vacandard, p. 142; Lea, vol. i, pp. 388-9.

[360] In sentences the name of the bishop preceded that of the inquisitor. Bernard Gui, _Practica_, p. 93.

[361] Arnaldo Albertini, _Tractatus de Agnoscendis Assertionibus Catholicis et haereticis_, in F. Zilettus, _op. cit._, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 52 _et seq._

[362] See Tanon, p. 218.

[363] Vacandard, p. 162.

[364] Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 96-7, 104, 122.

[365] Moeller, _op. cit._, p. 740. ‘The spirit of the inquisitors is another matter. There is room for distrust of their propensity to discover heresies everywhere. Their _amour propre_ was engaged to discover it under the most puzzling appearances.’

[366] See J. à Royas, _De Haereticis_, in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 212-24 (_passim_); Albertini, _op. cit._, p. 53; Ludovico à Paramo, p. 544. See both Royas and Albertini _passim_ on the general question of how to recognize a heretic, also Simancas in tit. xxxi.

[367] Simancas, p. 155.

[368] Eymeric, _Directorium_, p. 343. ‘Haeretici affirmativi dicti sunt, qui habent eorum quae sunt fidei, errorem in mente, et verbo vel facto ostendunt, se modis praedictis habere pertinaciam in voluntate.’—‘Negativi vero haeretici dicti sunt, qui coram judice fidei per testes legitimos de aliqua haeresi, vel errore, quos nolunt vel non possunt repellere, rite sive juste convicti sunt, sed non confessi, immo in negativa constanter perseverant; verbo fidem catholicam profitentur et detestantur etiam verbo haereticam pravitatem.’ _Cf._ p. 561.

[369] Lea, vol. i, pp. 433-4. ‘That a man against whom nothing substantial was proved should be punished merely because he was suspected of guilt may seem to modern eyes a scant measure of justice; but to the inquisitor it appeared a wrong to God and man that any one should escape against whose orthodoxy there rested a shadow of doubt. Like much else taught by the Inquisition, this found its way into general criminal laws, which it perverted for centuries.’

[370] Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 133-5. See Tanon, p. 334.

[371] See Douais, _L’Inquisition_, Appendix, p. 276, Raymond of Peñaforte’s ruling.

[372] See Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 360. Council of Narbonne, 1235. ‘Quinam existimandi fautores haereticorum.’ A sin in the eyes of the Church; and, it should be added, highly improper and dangerous conduct probably in the eyes of the average man in those days.

[373] Albertini in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 82.

[374] Ludovico à Paramo, _op. cit._, pp. 37, 45.

[375] _Cf._ De Cauzons, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 203.

[376] See Fournier, _op. cit._, pp. 235-7, 262-73. See also Esmein, _op. cit._, pp. 66-134 (_passim_), English version, pp. 8-16, 78-94.

[377] _Practica_, p. 182.

[378] Fournier, _op. cit._, p. 265; Tanon, pp. 272-6.

[379] Fournier, pp. 266-7.

[380] For forms of citation, see Bernard Gui, _Practica_, pp. 3 _et seq._; Tanon, pp. 339 _et seq._

[381] Fournier, p. 273. The inquisitor, or his delegate. _Supra_, p. 180.

[382] Bernard Gui, _Practica_, pp. 235 _et seq._; Eymeric, pp. 465 _et seq._ _Cautelae inquisitorum contra haereticorum cavillationes et fraudes._

[383] B. Hauréau, _Bernard Délicieux et l’inquisition albigeoise_ (Paris, 1877), p. 89.

[384] _Cf._ Tanon, p. 357.

[385] On the ‘shock’ of accusation, see Langlois, _op. cit._, p. 56. On methods of interrogatories generally, see Molinier, _op. cit._, pp. 328 _et seq._

[386] See Tanon, pp. 388-9.

[387] _Ibid._, pp. 390 _et seq._; Limborch (Eng. tr.), vol. i, p. 179.

[388] Bernard Gui’s _Practica_, pp. 189-90, 243. ‘Non ... expedit quod omnes interrogationes scribantur, sed tantum ille que magis tangunt substantiam vel naturam facti.’ _Cf._ Ludovico à Paramo, p. 523.

[389] See Molinier, pp. 155, 327.

[390] See Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 103-8, 121-2, 202; Lea, vol. i, pp. 441-2.

[391] Eymeric, _Directorium_, p. 662.

[392] _Ibid._, p. 663, Peña’s comment, No. 119. ‘Familiares & domesticos non admitti in hoc crimine ad defendendum reum, & ratio non inepta haec potest, nam quemadmodum nemo unquam carnem suam odio habuit, eodem modo nemo putandus est consanguineos suos odio habere, tum etiam quia cum ex hoc crimine infamia in filios descendat, si filii ad testimonium dicendum pro parentibus admitterentur, facile ut infamiam vitarent, mentirentur.’

[393] On the question of the confessional, see De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 214-7; Douais, _L’Inquisition_, p. 279, in treatise ascribed to Raymond of Peñaforte; Lea, vol. i, p. 437 and note. For decree of Council of Tarragona, see Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 555-6. See also E. Martène and U. Durand, _Thesaurus novus Anecdotorum_ (Paris, 1717), vol. v, p. 1802. _Doctrina de Modo Procedendi contra Haereticos_, the section _Qualiter sacerdos debet inquirere in confessione de facto haeresis._ ‘Item, injungitur sacerdotibus quod in poenitentiis diligenter inquirant de haereticis & Insabbatis, credentibus, & fautoribus eorumdem, & si quid invenerint, fideliter conscribant, & mox cum illo vel cum illis qui hoc confessi fuerint, episcopo, vel ejus vicario, quid super hoc invenerint manifestent. Si vero confessus noluerit consentire, ut quod dictum est reveletur episcopo vel ejus vicario, Ipse nihilominus sacerdos requirat consilium non specificando personam a peritis & Deum timentibus, qualiter sit ulterius procedendum.’

[394] _Directorium_, p. 480.

[395] See Tanon, p. 401.

[396] Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 838.

[397] De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 188.

[398] See Ludovico à Paramo, p. 550; Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 138-40.

[399] See Douais, _Documents_, vol. ii, p. 136. ‘Arnaldus Pagesii, de Mossoleux, comparuit apud Carcassonam coram domino episcopo Carcassone; et requisitus si vult se deffendere de hiis qui in inquisitione inventa sunt contra eum, respondit quod nullus pro vero potest aliquid dicere de ipso. Requisitus si velit ea de scriptis recipere, dixit quod non; et aliter non vult se deffendere. _Item_, requisitus si habet inimicos, dixit quod sic, Ber. Gausbert et Martinum Montanerii, sed nullam legitimam causam inimicitiarum assignavit; et alios inimicos noluit nominare.’ Cf. _ibid._, p. 178. See also Lea, vol. i, pp. 578-9, appendix.

[400] Tanon, p. 402.

[401] _Ibid._, p. 362.

[402] Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 573, § 23. ‘Teneatur praeterea Potestas, seu rector, omnes haereticos quos captos habuerit, cogere, citra membri diminutionem & mortis periculum, tanquam vere latrones & homicidas animarum, & fures sacramentorum Dei & fidei Christianae, errores suos expresse fateri, & accusare alios haereticos quos sciunt, & bona eorum, & credentes & receptatores, & defensores eorum, sicut coguntur fures & latrones bonorum temporalium accusare suos complices, & fateri maleficia quae fecerunt.’ _Cf._ David of Augsburg, quoted by Douais, _L’Inquisition_, pp. 171-2 note.

[403] By the time of the Spanish Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella torture had come to be accepted as a most praiseworthy and Christian institution. _Cf._ Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 204.

[404] Potthast, _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_ (Berlin, 1874 _et seq._), No. 18057.

[405] _Ibid._, No. 18390.

[406] Tanon, p. 379.

[407] See _supra_, p. 161.

[408] Lea, vol. i, pp. 423-4, with reference to the infrequent mention of torture in inquisitorial registers. ‘Apparently it was felt that to record its use would in some way invalidate the force of the testimony.’ _Cf._ Tanon, p. 377. ‘Cette particularité (silence) n’est pas spéciale aux registres de l’Inquisition. La plupart des registres criminels des juridictions laïques, pour les époques auxquelles la “question” était d’une application constante, la présentent pareillement. La question était un incident de procédure qui donnait lieu d’abord à un interlocutoire, puis à un procès-verbal spécial, dont la transcription dans les registres n’était nullement nécessaire. Le greffier qui rédigeait la sentence, lorsqu’il relatait les aveux de l’accusé, était beaucoup moins préoccupé de constater les moyens de contrainte à l’aide desquels ils avaient été obtenus que la réitération de ces mêmes aveux, réputés alors volontiers, hors de la chambre de torture.’

[409] Eymeric, _Directorium_, p. 640; Peña’s comment, 110, p. 643.

[410] _Ibid._, comment 39, p. 520. ‘Cum reus fuit leviter et molliter tortus, repeti potest in tormentis, ita ut sufficienter torqueatur, ... et haec non tam dicitur repetitio torturae quam continuatio.’

[411] Frédéricq, _Corpus_, vol. i, No. 318.

[412] Eymeric, Peña’s comment, p. 521.

[413] _Ibid._, p. 519.

[414] _Ibid._, pp. 480, 592, 614.

[415] See Tanon, p. 433. Out of 200 cases before the Carcassonne tribunal there was only one acquittal.