Chapter II: Part 2

In Congress, Nov. 1781. "Resolved, That Major General Lafayette have permission to go to France, and to return at such time as may be most agreeable to himself--that he be informed, that, on a view of his conduct throughout the past campaign, and particularly during the period, in which he had the chief command in Virginia, the many new proofs which present themselves of his zealous attachment to the cause he has espoused, and of his judgment, vigilance, gallantry and address in its defence, have greatly added to the high opinion entertained by Congress of his merits and military talents--that he make known to the officers and troops whom he commanded during that period, that the brave and enterprizing services, with which they seconded his zeal and efforts, and which enabled him to defeat the attempts of an enemy, far superior in numbers, have been beheld by Congress, with particular satisfaction and approbation.--That the Secretary of foreign affairs acquaint the Ministers Plenipotentiaries of the United States, that it is the desire of Congress, that they confer with the Marquis Lafayette, and avail of his information, relative to the situation of public affairs in the United States--That the Secretary for foreign affairs, further acquaint the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, that he will conform to the intention of Congress, by consulting with, and employing the assistance of the Marquis Lafayette, in accelerating the supplies which may be afforded by his most Christian Majesty for the United Stakes--That the superintendent of finance, the Secretary for foreign affairs and the board of war, make such communications to the Marquis, touching the affairs of their respective departments, as will best enable him to fulfill the purpose of the preceding resolutions--That the superintendent of finance, take order for discharging the engagements entered into by the Marquis Lafayette, with the merchants of Baltimore, when he borrowed money of them on his own credit, to supply our troops with necessaries."

At the same time, Congress ordered that a conveyance be provided for General Lafayette, in a public vessel, whenever he should choose to embark; and voted to send a letter by him, to the King of France.

The following is the reply of the Marquis, to the president of Congress, who forwarded him the resolves.

"SIR,

"I have been honored with the resolutions which Congress have been pleased to pass in my favor. Testimonies of their esteem and their confidence that are so very flattering to me, could not but excite those exalted sentiments of gratitude, which I am unable sufficiently to express.--My attachment to America, the sense of my obligations, and the new favors conferred upon me, are so many everlasting ties that devote me to her. At all times, and in every part of the world, my heart will be panting for opportunities to be employed in her service. With unspeakable pleasure, I shall transmit the resolve of Congress to the brave and virtuous troops, whom it has been my happiness to command.

"I have the honor to be, &c.

"LAFAYETTE."

When he transmitted the foregoing resolve of Congress, to the troops he had lately commanded, he observed to them, "In the moment the Major General leaves this place, he wishes once more to express his gratitude to the brave corps of light infantry, who, for nine months past, have been the companions of his fortunes. He can never forget, that, with them alone, of regular troops, he had the good fortune to maneuver before an army, which, after all its reductions, was still six times more numerous than the regular force he had under command."

The interest taken in favour of our country by General Lafayette, and the anxiety he felt upon all occasions for the success of our contest with England, are so strongly evinced by his letter to the Hon. Samuel Adams, that we feel bound in justice to the character of this zealous apostle of liberty, to present it to our readers, with the reply of Mr. Adams. It shows, indeed, not only the disposition of Lafayette, in every possible way, to rapport the cause of America; but his great knowledge of human nature, and his regard for the honorable feelings of soldiers.

The letter was written at Morristown, May 30, 1780, soon after the Marquis returned from his visit to France, where he exerted himself with the French Ministers to grant aid and supplies to the United States.

"_Dear Sir_,--Had I known that I would have the pleasure of meeting you at Boston, and holding confidential conversations with you on public and private matters, I should have anticipated the uneasiness I was put under by the obligation of secrecy, or previously obtained the leave of breaking that so strict law in your favor. Now, my dear sir, that Congress have set my tongue at liberty, at least for such men as Mr. Samuel Adams, I will, in referring you to a public letter from the committee of Congress, indulge my private feelings in imparting to you some confidential ideas of mine on our present situation.

"As momentary visits did not entirely fulfill the purpose of freeing America, France thought they would render themselves more useful, if a naval and land force were sent for co-operating with our troops, and by a longer stay on the coast of the Continent, would give to the states, a fair opportunity of employing all their resources. The expectations are very sanguine at Versailles, and ought to be more so, when that letter shall be received, by which you know _Congress engaged to furnish on their part, five and twenty thousand Continental troops, that are to take the field by the beginning of the spring_.

"On the other hand, my dear sir, all Europe have their eyes upon us: They know nothing of us, but by our own reports, and our first exertions which have heightened their esteem, and by the accounts of the enemy, or those of some dissatisfied persons, which were calculated to give them a quite different opinion: so that, to fix their own minds, all the nations are now looking at us; and the consequence of America, in the eyes of the world, as well as its liberty and happiness, must depend upon the ensuing campaign.

"The succour sent by France, I thought to be _very important_ when at Versailles: now that I am on the spot, I know it was _necessary_; and if proper measures are taken, I shall more heartily than ever, enjoy the happiness I had of being somewhat concerned in the operation. But if things stood as they now do, I confess that whether as an American soldier, whether as a private man that said a great deal, and knows Congress have ordered much more to be said on the future exertions of America,--who took a particular delight in praising the patriotic spirit of the United States, I would feel most unhappy and distressed, were I to tell the people that are coming over full of ardour and sanguine hopes, that we have no army to co-operate with them, no provisions to feed the few soldiers that are left, &c. But I hope, my dear sir, it will not be the case; and more particularly depending upon the exertions of your state, _I know Mr. Samuel Adams' influence_ and popularity will be as heretofore employed, in the salvation and glory of America.

"If proper measures are taken for provisions, if the states do _immediately_ fill up the continental battalions by good drafts, which is by far the best way; if all the propositions of the committee are speedily complied with, I have no doubt, but that the present campaign will be a glorious, decisive one, and that we may hope for every thing that is good: if on the contrary, time be lost, consider what unhappy and dishonorable consequences would ensue from our inability to a co-operation.

"Your state began the noble contest, it may be gloriously ended by your state's exertions, and the example they will once more set to the whole continent. The reception I met with at Boston, binds me to it by the strongest ties of a grateful affection. The joy of my heart will be to find myself concerned in an expedition that may afford peculiar advantages to them; and I earnestly hope it will be the case, in the course of this (if proper measures are taken) glorious campaign.

"I flatter myself you will be yet in Boston, and upon this expectation, I very much depend for the success of the combined expeditions. Such a crisis is worth your being wholly engaged in it, as it will be glorious, important; and I may say it now, because necessary for the support of the great cause in which you acted so early and decisive a part. What you mentioned confidentially to me at Boston, I have duly noticed, and shall ever remember with the attention of a friend. For fulfilling the same purpose, I wish we may be under particular obligations to you on this occasion.

"Give me leave, my dear sir, to suggest to you an idea which I have lately thought of: all the continental officers labor under the most shameful want of clothing. When I say shameful, it is not to them, who have no money to buy--no cloth to be bought. You can conceive what may be theirs and our feelings, when they will be with the French general and other officers; and from a general idea of mankind and human honor it is easily seen how much we should exert ourselves to put the officers of the army in a more decent situation.

"I beg, my dear sir, you will present my respects to your family, and believe me most affectionately,

"Yours,

"LAFAYETTE."

"_Boston, June_, 1780:

"My Dear Marquis,

"Yesterday your very obliging letter of the 30th May was brought to me by Mons. Guinard.

"The succour coming from France will be so seasonable and important, that if America is not wanting to herself, she will have it in her power by the blessing of heaven, to gratify the utmost of her wishes. His most Christian Majesty's expectations from us must needs be great; and gratitude to so generous an ally as well as a due attention to our own safety, interest and honor, lay us under the strongest obligations to be in readiness to co-operate with the greatest advantage. I have long been fully sensible of your most cordial and zealous attachment to our great cause; and to your personal representation to his Majesty, in addition to the benevolence of his royal heart, I will take the liberty to attribute his design to afford us such aid and for so long a time as may put it in our power to employ all our resources against the enemy.

"It fortunately happened that the General Assembly of this state was sitting when the letter and inclosures from the committee of Congress came to the President of the Council.--They were immediately laid before the Assembly and I have the pleasure to assure you that the filling our battalions by an immediate draft, furnishing the army with provisions, and every other measure for the fulfilling of the just expectations of your sovereign and of Congress, on this most important occasion, are the objects of their closest attention. I had for several months past been flattering myself with the prospect of aid. It strongly impressed my mind from one circumstance which took place when you was at Philadelphia the last year. But far from certainty, I could only express to some confidential friends here, a distant hope, though as I conceived, not without some good effect: at least it seemed to enliven our spirits and animate us for so great a crisis.

"If it were possible for one to be forgetful of our all important cause for a moment, my particular friendship _for you_ would be a prevailing inducement with me, to make my utmost feeble exertions to prevent your disappointment after the great pains you have taken to serve us. I have endeavored, and shall continue those endeavors while I stay here, to brighten the dark side of the picture which your imagination has painted in one part of your letter before me--God forbid that we should be obliged to tell our friends when they arrive, that we have not a sufficient army to co-operate with them, nor provisions to feed the few soldiers that are left. I think I may venture to predict that this state will comply with the requisition upon her to give the utmost respectability to our army on so promising an occasion. I was in the Council Chamber when I received your letter, and took the liberty to read some parts of it to the members present. I will communicate other parts of it to some leading members of the House of Representatives as prudence may dictate, particularly what you mention of the officers' want of clothing.

"I thank you my dear sir for the friendly remembrance you had of the hint I gave you when you was here. Be pleased to pay my most respectful compliments to the Commander in Chief, his family, &c. and be assured of the warm affection of your obliged friend and very humble servant,

"SAMUEL ADAMS."

Marquis De Lafayette.

The Legislature of Massachusetts did immediately, viz, on June 5, 1780, pass a resolve for raising four thousand men as a reinforcement of the continental army. The preamble to the resolve was as follows;--"Whereas a requisition has been made to this court for a reinforcement to the continental army, in order that it may be able to act vigorously the ensuing campaign, and the present situation of affairs requiring the utmost exertions at this period, and affords the most flattering prospect of putting an end to this distressing war, if the army is reinforced at this juncture, and enabled to improve the great advantages offered." To carry this resolve into effect, the Brigadier Generals through the State were directed immediately on receipt of the resolve, to issue orders for calling the companies together, and raising the men required from each town, by voluntary enlistments, or by drafting them, on failure of a full number being otherwise raised. Those thus drafted were to be fined if they refused to march; but, a very generous bounty was granted, to induce men to enlist voluntarily. The Selectmen were required to furnish the men with clothes and traveling expenses; and both the Selectmen and Brigadier Generals were liable to a heavy fine, if they neglected their duty. The patriotic efforts of the Legislature, thus drawn into action, in consequence of the pressing letter of Lafayette, and their own sense of the necessity of the case, were every where met by a corresponding zeal on the part of the people of Massachusetts; and the men were soon raised, and sent on to the headquarters of the continental army, to fill the regular regiments of this State, then in the service.

At the siege of York-Town, where Lord Cornwallis with a large British army was attacked and taken by the Americans, Lafayette was particularly distinguished for activity and courage. And a more minute account of this affair is necessary, in recording the useful and brilliant services of this youthful hero in the cause of America, which her sons wish most gratefully to recollect.--General Washington in person commanded the American army on this occasion, in pursuance of a plan he had adopted, as already mentioned. He proceeded to the camp in the vicinity of York-Town, where Cornwallis was posted, the last of September. He was assisted by Major Generals Lincoln, Steuben, Lafayette. Knox, &c. The French troops, who composed a part of the army engaged in the capture of Cornwallis were under command of Count Rochambeau, who had the character of an intelligent and brave officer. The whole number of troops, both American and French, was estimated at twelve thousand. To them, however, were occasionally added small detachments of the militia from the vicinity. The British troops were computed to be about seven thousand, and their commander had been strengthened in his situation by fortifications, hoping to defend himself till he might receive succors from New-York. The allied army was supported in this expedition by a large French fleet which was in the Chesapeake. This afforded great confidence to the Americans, for they had just then defeated the British fleet in those waters, and thus effectually cut off all communication between Lord Cornwallis and the British army in New-York.

The French admiral had been determined to proceed at this time, to a station in the West Indies, agreeably to orders which he had received from the King his master, some weeks before. He was requested to remain, and co-operate in this expedition, by Count Rochambeau, and by Washington himself; but they could not prevail with him to relinquish his proposed departure for the West Indies; and it was only through the most zealous and repeated solicitations of Lafayette, with a solemn promise that he would justify the measure to the Court of France, that the admiral, Count de Grasse, was induced to continue on the station, by which the capture of the British army was greatly facilitated.

Under all these favourable circumstances, it is not unreasonable to suppose, that the allied army cherished a strong confidence of success in their enterprize. Washington had planned this expedition with great intelligence and foresight; for he had been resolved to attempt some decisive and effectual blow against the enemy. He had, however, to engage a body of well disciplined and regular troops under an officer of great experience and bravery; and all his own resources, together with the courage and activity of the officers under his command were necessary to ensure success. The American chief lost no time in preparing for a vigorous attack upon the British. They were soon obliged to abandon their redoubts and advanced posts, and to retire within the town. The light infantry, under General Lafayette, and a party of the French troops, were ordered to advance, and to take possession of the places they had abandoned, that they might cover those of the besieging army who were engaged in throwing up breast works. These advanced parties were much annoyed by a heavy cannonade from the besieged; and Colonel Scammel, the officer of the day, while viewing the ground recently left by the British, was surprised by a party of their cavalry; and, after he surrendered, received a mortal wound, which terminated his life in a few days. Scammel was a brave and accomplished officer, and eminent as a disciplinarian. He was a native of Massachusetts, a gentleman of public education, of elegant manners, and most honorable character. He was greatly lamented by Washington, and by all the officers of the American army.--Those who had been particularly associated with him, long cherished the highest respect for his memory.

Redoubts were thrown up by our advanced parties, for several successive nights; and on the evening of the 7th of October, a large detachment under General Lincoln were ordered out, to open entrenchments near the lines of the British. Lafayette had an important command also in the enterprise. The great interest felt for him by the Americans was shown by a request of the Surgeon General, "that if the Marquis should be wounded, he might receive immediate attention."

The duties of our troops, at this time, were very arduous; but they were most vigilant and active; and by the 9th several batteries were prepared to open upon the town, in which the British General was besieged. General Washington himself put the match to the first gun, and a furious cannonade immediately followed, which was a serious salutation to Cornwallis.

From the 10th to the 15th the siege was prosecuted with great vigor; an incessant fire was kept up by the allied armies; and the enemy were not backward in returning it. The Americans made further approaches to the town and threw up other batteries in a second parallel. Many of our men were killed and wounded in these operations. The enemy had two redoubts, several hundred yards in front of their principal works, which greatly impeded the approaches of the Americans. It became important to obtain possession of them by assault. The one on the left of the enemy's garrison was given to General Lafayette, with a brigade of light infantry of American troops. The other redoubt was attacked by a detachment of French troops under commanded of Baron de Viominel. The assailants, both on the right and left, exhibited the greatest ardor and bravery. Powerful resistance was made by the enemy; but was soon overcome by our gallant troops, inspirited by their still more gallant officers; though with the loss of many of our men. Two field officers were wounded in this affair; one of whom was Major Gibbs from Massachusetts, who then belonged to the guard of the commander in chief. The advanced corps of the detachment on the left, under General Lafayette, was led on to the assault by the intrepid Colonel Hamilton, who during this campaign had command of a regiment of light infantry. Our troops entered the redoubt with charged bayonets, but without firing a gun. The Marquis was indefatigable in pushing forward his men, and was constantly in situations of great peril. Some of the American soldiers were ready to take the lives of the captured after they had possession of the fort, in revenge for the barbarous conduct of the British towards many of our men, and especially for the mortal wound inflicted upon the brave and amiable Scammel, after he had surrendered. General Washington with Lincoln, Knox, and their aids were in the vicinity of this action, in very exposed situations. The Americans under Lafayette, carried the redoubt which they attacked, before the French made their assault upon the other. The latter also, suffered a greater loss of men than the former. When the fort was taken by the troops under the Marquis, he sent his aid, through the fire of the whole British line, to give notice to Baron Viominel, "that he was in his redoubt, and to enquire where the Baron was." The Baron returned for answer, "that he was not yet in his, but should be in five minutes."

General Washington expressed his sense of this brilliant affair in his orders of the 15th, Head Quarters, before York-Town. "The Marquis Lafayette's division will mount the trenches tomorrow. The commander in chief congratulates the allied army on the success of the enterprise, last evening, against the two important redoubts on the left of the enemy's works. He requests the Baron Viominel who commanded the French grenadiers, and the Marquis Lafayette, who commanded the American Light Infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments for the excellence of their dispositions, and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion. And he begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer and to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for the admirable firmness with which they supported them, under the fire of the enemy, without returning a shot. The General reflects with the highest pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the two nations must hereafter have in each other: assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter; no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."

If the Marquis de Lafayette was animated by an ardent love of civil liberty, when he first came to America, his attachment to its principles must have become more firm and settled, if not more intense, after an acquaintance of five years, with the patriots and heroes of our revolution. He had become acquainted with our institutions, and with the principles of our government; and was probably led to believe that systems equally free might be maintained in other countries. He was so enamoured, not only with the theory, but with the practical effects, of republicanism, that he felt it a duty to recommend systems of government more consonant to the rights of mankind. We know not, if he justly appreciated the importance of the general diffusion of knowledge among all classes of people, to ensure such a happy state of society. It was probably owing to this consideration, however, that he did not immediately attempt the reformation of the political system under which his own nation had long been oppressed. That Louis XVI. was mild, humane, and anxious for the good of his subjects, we are not disposed to doubt. But the ancient regime was unquestionably despotic; and in the hands of ambitious or selfish ministers, liable to be an instrument of injustice and oppression. And those who have long been accustomed to govern, without being accountable for their conduct, will not easily be induced to relinquish power, from any considerations of abstract right, or a belief that others will be more just.

We will here present a letter of Lafayette, directed to Sir H. Clinton; to show his regard to truth, and to his own reputation suffering in some measure by a statement which had been publicly made by that military officer.

"Paris, April 29, 1783.--Sir, Upon a perusal of your printed correspondence, I must beg leave to trouble you with an observation; not that I have claims to set forth, or relations to criticise. A sentence in your letter of ---- is the only one I intend to mention. "Having said to Lord Cornwallis, that he may be opposed by about 2000 continentals; and, as Lafayette observes, a body of ill-armed militia," you are pleased to add, "as spiritless as the militia of the southern provinces, and without any service;" which reads as if it was a part of my letter. How far your description is undeserving, I think experience has proved; and that it came from me, no American will believe. But your correspondence is so public that with full reliance on your candour and politeness I have taken the liberty to transcribe the passage, and to return it to you, Sir, as its true author. At the same time permit me to assure you, &c.

"LAFAYETTE."

The reply of Sir H. Clinton.

"_London, May_ 29, 1783.

"Sir, In consequence of the letter you have done me the honor to write me, I have read over the publication in question; and I confess the remark alluded to, from the manner in which it is introduced, appears to make a part of your letter. You have, certainly, Sir, a right to this acknowledgment, and permit me, at the same time, to add the assurances, &c.

"H. CLINTON."

In the summer of 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette once more visited America. He came to witness the prosperity and improvements of the country; and to enjoy the society of those brave and honorable men, with whom he had been associated in fighting the battles of liberty. Associates in danger form an attachment for each other, which time does not usually destroy. And when they have long struggled together for just and generous purposes, the attachment must be strong and permanent indeed. The heroic actors in our glorious revolution were linked together by the most disinterested ties. They will never forget each other's services and virtues: And we trust, their children will never cease to venerate their characters, or to acknowledge their exalted merit.

When General Lafayette visited the United States in 1784, he was received with an affectionate welcome, little less enthusiastic and splendid, than that with which he has been lately greeted on landing again on our shores, after a lapse of forty years. He then also arrived at the port of New-York; and in October following made a visit to Boston, where he had so many particular friends ready to receive him with the most cordial greetings. He was met at Watertown by the officers of the (then) late continental army, and addressed by his ardent friend, General Knox, in behalf of the whole body, and a public dinner was provided for him on the occasion. The feelings excited by the visit of their beloved fellow officer, will be best described by giving the address; which was as follows:

"We, the late officers of the Massachusetts line of the continental army, embrace the first moment of your arrival, to welcome you with all the sincerity and ardour of fraternal affection: an affection commenced in the dark hour of our conflict, elevated and perfected through the successive vicissitudes of the war.

"We beg leave to observe, that we have had repeated occasions to witness the display of your military talents, and of joining in the approbation and applause which our beloved Commander in Chief so often expressed of your conduct. We are deeply impressed, with a sense of the various and important services you have rendered our country; and it will be the pride of some patriotic and enlightened historian to enumerate your actions in the field, and to illustrate your incessant efforts to promote the happiness of the United States.

"We shall ever retain a lively gratitude for the interposition of your august sovereign and nation, at a time when America was oppressed by a formidable enemy. By his influence and the powerful assistance afforded by his land and naval forces, the war has been happily terminated, and the independence of the United States firmly established, at a period much earlier than the most sanguine patriot could have expected.

"A mind like yours ennobled by a generous attachment to the rights of mankind, must enjoy the highest pleasure in viewing the people, to whose cause you so zealously devoted yourself; in full possession of that peace, liberty and safety, which were the great objects of their pursuit.

"Animated by virtue and the auspices of your own fame, may you go on to add to the splendor of your character, and heighten the glory of your country, by placing the name of Lafayette on the same list with Conde, Turenne and her other immortal heroes.

"In behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line.

"H. KNOX."

Reply of the Marquis.

"From the instant of our parting, Gentlemen, I have been eagerly looking forward to this period. How far my pleasure is completed by your kind welcome, I leave, my beloved friends, to your own hearts to determine.

"While your affection and confidence ever made me happy, let me gratefully acknowledge, that, for the marks of our beloved General's approbation, I felt myself wholly obliged to the gallant troops I commanded. Could my conduct, in any degree justify your partiality, it will be the pride of my heart to think the American camp was my school, every one of you my brothers, and that I was adopted as a disciple and son, by our immortal Commander in Chief.

"In the interposition of my Sovereign and nation, I enjoyed more than I could express; every French citizen felt with a patriotic King in this happy alliance; and from those troops who shared in our dangers, you meet with a peculiar regard and attachment.

"During my absence, gentlemen, my heart has been constantly with you. As an army, we are separated. But forever, I hope, shall unite in a brotherly affection: and now that a glorious peace has terminated your labours, I rejoice to find your attachment to those principles for which you have conquered, ranks you among the most virtuous citizens of the Commonwealth.

"LAFAYETTE."

At the public dinner given by the officers of the late army to this distinguished friend of American Independence, were also invited the Governor and Council, and many others of high rank and distinction. It may be gratifying to some who peruse this volume to know the sentiments offered as toasts on the joyful occasion. The following are selected:

The United States--His most Christian Majesty.

General Washington--The Cincinnati.

The asserters and supporters of the rights of mankind through the world.

May America never forget in prosperity those what were her fast friends in adversity.

May our country be as famed for justice and honor as she is for valour and success.

The Legislature of the State being in session, ordered, that the Marquis de Lafayette be invited by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives together with the Supreme Executive to meet the two Houses of Assembly in the Senate room "to congratulate him on his safe arrival in the United States, after the final establishment of peace, to which his friendly influence in Europe had largely contributed." The Marquis attended accordingly, when the Governor congratulated him in terms of the highest respect and affection; to which the Marquis made a polite and suitable reply. But Lafayette was too much beloved and his eminent services in our cause too highly appreciated by the people of the patriotic town of Boston, not to meet with a more general welcome. A dinner was given him at Faneuil-Hall by the citizens; at which were present the Governor and Council, President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Clergy and other distinguished gentlemen, and seventy five officers of the late continental army. When General Washington's name was given for a toast, the Marquis rose from his seat, and with a tear starting in his eye, began the act of applause, which was continued and repeated again and again by the whole company.

In other places, the Marquis also met a cordial and distinguished reception. His ardent attachment to America and his great services in her cause, were still fresh in the recollection of all. It was known, that he had advocated our independence in Europe, and exerted his influence with his generous Prince to aid in its support. It was remembered, "that in the moment of our greatest misfortunes, he espoused the cause of America," that his military talents and the ardour of his virtuous mind had been devoted to our interest: and "while gratitude should be accounted a virtue, the name of Lafayette," it was said, "would not cease to be dear to Americans."

When about to leave the United States and return to France, Dec. 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette addressed a note to Congress, and expressed a desire to take a respectful leave of that body, before his final departure. A committee was appointed on this request of the Marquis, of which the Hon. Mr. Jay was chairman, and whose report was as follows--"That the merit and services of General Lafayette render it proper that such opportunity of taking leave of Congress be afforded, as may strongly manifest their esteem and regard for him."--Whereupon it was resolved, "That a Committee to consist of a member from each states be appointed to receive the Marquis, and in the name of Congress to take leave of him--that they be instructed to assure him, that Congress continue to entertain the same high sense of his abilities and zeal to promote the welfare of America, both here and in Europe, which they have frequently expressed and manifested on former occasions, and which the recent marks of his attention to their commercial and other interests have perfectly confirmed. That as his uniform and unceasing attachment to this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the United States regard him with particular affection, and will not cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern his honor and prosperity, and that their best and kindest wishes will always attend him."

It was also resolved by Congress, at the same time; "That a letter be written to his most Christian Majesty, and signed by the President of Congress, expressive of the high sense which the United States entertain of the real talents and meritorious services of the Marquis de Lafayette, and recommending him to the particular favor and patronage of his Majesty."

The committee received the Marquis in Congress Hall, and took leave of him in the name of that honorable body, agreeably to the instructions given there. They communicated to him the resolves before mentioned; to which he replied--

"While it pleases the Congress of the United States so kindly to receive me, I want words to express the feelings of a heart, which delights in their present situation and in the public marks of their esteem.

"Since I joined the standard of liberty to this wished for hour of my personal congratulations, I have seen such glorious deeds performed and virtues displayed, by the sons of America, that in the instant of my first concern for them, I had anticipated but a part of the love and regard which devote me to this rising empire.

"During our revolution, I obtained an unlimited, indulgent confidence, which I am equally proud and happy to acknowledge; it dates with the time, when an inexperienced youth, I could only claim my respected friend's paternal adoption. It has been most benevolently continued throughout every circumstance of the cabinet and the field; and in personal friendships I have often found a support against public difficulties. While on this solemn occasion, I mention my obligations to Congress, the States, and the people at large, permit me to remember my dear military companions, to whose services their country is so much indebted.

"Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, and for the part she, with a beloved king, acted in the cause of mankind, I enjoy an alliance so well riveted by mutual affection, by interest and even local situation. Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but enlarge the prospect: and the private intercourse will every day increase, which independent and advantageous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is justly understood.

"In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to observe the prevailing disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve public faith, regulate trade; and, in a proper guard over continental magazines and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May this immense temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind! And may these happy United States attain that complete splendor and prosperity, which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and for ages to come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders.

"However unwilling to trespass on your time, I must yet present you with my grateful thanks for the late favours of Congress; and never can they oblige me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every part of the world, and to the latest day of my life, to gratify the attachment, which will ever rank me among the most zealous and respectful servants of the United States."

On the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to his native country in 1785, he spent some time in the bosom of his amiable family. With an affectionate wife, of cultivated mind and accomplished manners, with a circle of literary friends, and enjoying a high reputation for his heroic services in America, he must have possessed all the ingredients of human happiness. He received the smiles of the King and Court; was caressed by the gay and chivalrous; and had the esteem and friendship of the first literary characters in France. He was fond of agricultural pursuits; and as his estates were extensive, he devoted a considerable portion of his time to the cultivation and improvement of his lands. During this time his hospitable attentions were shown to American travelers, who were always sure of his friendly reception.

The legislature of Virginia, in 1786, conferred upon Lafayette, an honorable tribute of regard, in recollection of his very important services in defence of American Independence; and particularly of his brave and successful efforts during the campaign of 1781, against Cornwallis. This was a resolution to place his bust in their capitol. Mr. Jefferson, then in France, was authorized to have the like work of honor fixed in Paris, with consent of the municipal authority of that city and accordingly, another bust of Lafayette; was placed, by approbation of the King and of the Provot of Paris, in one of the galleries of the city hall.

In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II. the greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the opportunity of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of military discipline. Soon after his return to France, we find him uniting his influence and efforts with the celebrated philosopher, Malesherbes, who was zealously engaged in favour of the French protestants. At this time, also, he joined a society in Paris, whose object was the gradual emancipation of the unfortunate Africans: so generous and active are the principles of liberty, that they never cease to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds of benevolence and humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the assembly of the States General, by the nobility of Auvergne, his native province; and at this time he shared largely in the popular favour. But, although subsequently found among the most zealous for a new constitution, by which the power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with the other members of the order of nobles, and contended for their distinct authority.

At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in procuring a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first to raise his voice for the suppression of "_lettres de cachet_." This convocation of the States General, composed of separate chambers or orders, had not been long in session, when great difficulties arose in consequence of various plans, and the conflicting opinions of different factions, (for factions were now beginning to appear;) and it was proposed to call a "National Assembly." It does not appear, that this was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though, from his avowed sentiments respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be doubted, that he approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of this celebrated assembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a radical change in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy the whole power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the friend and advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration of the condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more mild, than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the personal safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably to his views of political liberty.

He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached to the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate of a great nation.--But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments was utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent to the limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers, and which were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people, whose representatives should share in the administration of the government. And many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its incipient stage, on the other hand, had such ambitious views, or visionary projects, that nothing would satisfy them, but an entire relinquishment of power long claimed and exercised by the Kings of this ancient nation.

In 1789, the new constitution was proposed by the National Assembly, by which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs of the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings of a more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who professed republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's rights were unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated, or who entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the just authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette offered the declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for the sanction of the assembly: And though he was accused by the anti-revolutionists, as the author of all the excesses and cruelties which followed, for this proposition, it may justly be said in his behalf, that it contained no other axioms, than are admitted, by all impartial writers, as essential in free governments. The King and his courtiers condemned them; and jacobins and demagogues afterwards abused them, in their wild notions of republicanism, or their selfish projects of personal aggrandizement.

Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only by bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican institutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression and tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than was frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence as the only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably, betrayed him into some practical errors, and led him to utter expressions, which were capable of being pressed into the service of jacobins and anarchists. We only contend, that he had no selfish views to accomplish--and that he was really friendly to the welfare and honor of his Prince, as well as to the liberty and happiness of the French people.

This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and afterwards, when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to the National Assembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in adhering to constitutional principles; and, though generally censured by the royalists as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and opposed by the factions, with the pretence of his being still attached to the ancient regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the people for some time, and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and regard of the King, then any other who had favored the revolution. The court found him, at least, candid and sincere; and he often exposed himself to imminent danger in their defence. As proof of the former, he was chosen Vice President of the national assembly, in the absence of the aged President, July 1789; and appointed to the command of the citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and to restore tranquility to the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in consequence of the want of bread among the lower classes. As evidence of the latter, the King often consulted him in cases of difficulties and danger; and entrusted his person and family to his custody, when threatened by a lawless mob, though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the great question of royal authority.

When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia, (afterwards denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly organized according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of great confusion and tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most patriotic motives. Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of citizens then assembled, "Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if necessary, to the preservation of that precious liberty which had been entrusted to him." It was then too, at the moment of his "brightest popularity," that he exhorted those who pressed around him, "to love the friends of the people; but, at the same time, to maintain an entire submission to the laws, and to cherish a zeal for liberty."

He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this immense military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have safely followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to Versailles, where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate supply of bread. The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still greater tumult. He declined marching the military, until he had the express consent and order of the National Assembly. And on his arrival, he immediately joined with the king's body guard, in suppressing the riotous proceedings of the promiscuous multitude, who had previously reached the place, and were committing depredations even in the royal palace. This was a scene of great confusion and alarm; and violence and bloodshed ensued. The enemies of Lafayette pretended, that he might have prevented the mischief, by timely and decisive measures. But impartial witnesses testified, "that, from the first moment of the alarm, he had even exceeded his usual activity." He appeared in every quarter. "Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers, "I have pledged my word and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to him shall receive injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy of being your commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to Paris; and on consulting with the Marquis, who gave assurances of protection and respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his family, and was received with great acclamations of _vive Le Roi_.

Lafayette still retained his great popularity and influence. The Court party had perfect confidence in his integrity and honor, though they did not approve of his revolutionary principles. And the friends of the constitution found in him one of their most zealous and able supporters. These, however, soon become divided into clubs and parties; some of whom were aiming at more power for the representatives of the people, and for divesting Louis of every thing but the name of King. To this description of politicians, Lafayette, and others who constituted the majority of the National Assembly at this time, were opposed. They considered the King as still the fountain of all executive authority, and were willing that he should also have a _veto_ upon their legislative proceedings--His person, they declared, was inviolable, and his crown hereditary. Put the more violent revolutionists, who soon became known by the distinctive appellation of _Jacobins_, formed themselves into a club; where extravagant measures were proposed and then presented to the assembly; and frequently were adopted, through intrigue and threats, when a majority of the members were dissatisfied with them.

Attached to the constitution, a friend to justice and order, and an advocate for the dignity and authority of the monarch, as limited and defined by the constitution, Lafayette was among the most open and decided in counteracting the views of the Duc de Orleans, Mirabeau, Petion, Brissot, Robespeirre, and others of the jacobin faction, who aimed at further changes to fulfill their own selfish and ambitious designs. Orleans was an unprincipled and dangerous nobleman; of royal blood and cousin to Louis: But his object was to bring about an entire revolution, and place himself on the throne of France. He, therefore, hated and feared Lafayette; who, he knew, was too honest to further his plans, and too powerful to allow him to succeed: Orleans became obnoxious and was persuaded to leave the kingdom. But he soon returned; and promoted or approved the shocking excesses which were afterwards committed.

During the years 1790 and 1791 great agitations existed in Paris, on various occasions, through the changing opinions of political leaders, and the collisions of individuals, who were rivals for power. The grand confederation took place in July 1790, when the constitution received the sanction of all classes; and when Lafayette, at the head of the national guards, attracted as much notice and possessed as great influence as the king himself. His popularity seemed unbounded; nor did he commit any act of cruelty or injustice to injure his high reputation. He could not, in all instances, command the military or restrain the mob; but he had the merit of using his greatest efforts to preserve order, and to maintain the authority of the laws. When the King proposed to visit St. Cloud, he was opposed by the populace and the Jacobin clubs, under the pretence that he intended to leave the kingdom. Lafayette attempted to disperse them and to remove all obstructions to the intended visit of Louis. The troops were disobedient to his orders, and refused to favor the King's journey. Mortified by their insubordination, Lafayette resigned his command, but afterwards resumed it, through the solicitations of the National Assembly, and of the guards themselves, who regretted their disobedience of his orders.