Chapter IV: Part 4

Here closed all connexion between Lafayette and Bonaparte. The First Consul not only avoided all intercourse with one so sincerely devoted to the cause of liberty; but he treated him with that studied neglect, which was little short of persecution. There was indeed nothing congenial either in the character or principles of these two distinguished men. The one was aiming at power by any means, without regard to the rights or happiness of his fellow men; the other was anxious for the permanent establishment of a mild government in his native country, for the true welfare and liberty of the people; and was willing to make every sacrifice for the attainment of such great objects.

The unfriendly feelings of Bonaparte were extended even to the younger Lafayette. This patriotic youth, with much of the public spirit of his noble father, engaged in the service of his country soon after his return from America. He was an aid of the brave Grouchy, general of division; an active, intelligent, meritorious officer, and distinguished on various occasions. But he received neither advancement nor distinction from the Emperor. It was, on the contrary, the wish of Napoleon, that young Lafayette would send in his resignation, and retire from the army. When this was made known to him, he observed, "that as long as his country was involved in war, he should not disgrace himself by a resignation; and that he should be ashamed to think of it, while his companions were daily exposing themselves to danger. It was true, he was an American citizen, but he was first of all a Frenchman and a loyal Frenchman."

G. W. Lafayette was much esteemed by the officers who knew him, of all ranks; and they frequently solicited his promotion; but the Emperor disregarded alike the merits of the youthful hero and the entreaties of his military friends. He continued in the army until the treaty of Tilsit.

To a man of his great sensibility and warmth of affection, the severest affliction which Lafayette has been called to endure, great and various as have been his sufferings, now awaited him. His amiable, his attached and devoted wife was torn from him, in his retreat, within a few years after his return to France; when he more than ever, perhaps, needed her company and solace, to fortify his mind under the multiplied disappointments from the world.

She had never enjoyed perfect health after her imprisonment at Olmutz. But possessed of uncommon fortitude and imbued with religious sentiments, she was still instrumental in promoting the happiness of her husband and family. Her patience, her equanimity, her sweetness of temper never forsook her. But her constitution was broken, and a sudden paralysis deprived her of her physical strength and almost of speech. At the urgent request of her husband, though with reluctance, she was conveyed to Paris for medical assistance; but it proved in vain. She died in December 1807.

While Madame de Lafayette was in the prison in Paris, though treated with the greatest severity by Robespierre and his party, she had the consolation of sharing in the sympathetic kindness and assistance of many individuals, who were willing to expose themselves to the hatred of her cruel persecutors for her relief. A gentleman from Boston, Joseph Russel, Esq. then a resident in Paris, made great efforts for her liberation; although by this generous interference he hazarded his own life. It was through his friendly assistance, that her son G. W. Lafayette, then about fourteen years of age, was conveyed to the United States, where he remained till the discharge of his parents from the dungeons of Olmutz.

About this period, and soon after the death of his amiable wife, General Lafayette received a severe fracture in one of his legs, by a fall, which occasioned his confinement for nearly twelve months, and was the cause of his present lameness. He had been transacting business with the minister of the marine; and in going from the office to his carriage, a distance of two hundred paces, late in the evening, after a heavy rain and sleet, which had rendered it dangerous walking, he fell suddenly and broke a bone.

For six or seven years, till 1814, when Louis XVIII. returned to France to mount the throne of the Bourbons, Lafayette resided at his chateau of La Grange, an inactive spectator of the political changes which took place. No doubt he had a sufficient apology for this inaction and voluntary retreat from public affairs. He was too honest and too candid, too much an enemy to the anarchy of the jacobin factions, and to the despotism of the Emperor, to support either, or to be received into their confidence. He would probably have been satisfied with the restoration of a Bourbon to the throne, if the throne could be founded in a constitution, admitting the representatives of the people to a share in legislation, and defining the extent and the measure of the executive authority. He was animated by the same principles and sentiments which governed him in the part he acted in 1789 and 1792: and although he might acquiesce in a different government, either under the First Consul, or under Louis XVIII. he could not, consistently, and therefore he chose not to forward their views by his own personal influence and support. He was still calumniated by some agents of the Bourbons, yet he declared, on the return of Bonaparte from Elba, to gain the throne of France, "that in all measures, which should promote or be consistent with the liberties of the people, he would aid the cause of the legitimate heir of the crown." The views of Louis' friends and allies were too arbitrary to lead them to expect his approbation and aid.

Louis XVIII. had not been long in France, before great discontent was manifested among the citizens at the prospect of his being placed on the throne of his brother. Napoleon and his friends took advantage of this state of things: he left his retreat in the Island of Elba, and returned to Paris. Louis was obliged to retire. Bonaparte, through his brother Joseph, the ex-king of Spain, solicited of Lafayette to accept of a peerage. But he promptly declined; but observed, "that if there should be a convocation of a chamber of representatives," which he strenuously urged, "he would consent to take a part in public affairs, should he be elected." His independence and his want of faith in Napoleon, were preserved, notwithstanding the urgent advances of the latter; and he resolutely refused to go near him till after his final abdication. Yet even at this time, Lafayette thought he might rely on "his cordial opposition to all foreign invasion and influence, and to any family or party which should avail itself of such assistance in order to attack the independence and the liberties of France." Much as he distrusted the views of Bonaparte, and desirous as he was of some explicit guaranty, from him and his supporters, for the liberty of the French people, he would not unite with the Bourbons, who were resolved to place Louis XVIII. firmly on the throne of his ancestors, by any means in their power, and who had collected an army of one million two hundred thousand foreigners to accomplish their object, at the risque of a civil war, and a general slaughter, similar to that with which the unprincipled, revolutionary Jacobins had before afflicted the nation.

Lafayette was now elected a member of the chamber of deputies from his own department, though he had protested against the articles of the constitution of the empire, and of the additional act which conspired against the _sovereignty_ of the people, and the rights of the citizens. This was a strong proof of the sense the people had of his integrity and his patriotism. After the battle of Waterloo, Napoleon returned to Paris, in consternation, and undecided as to the course he would pursue on this signal reverse of fortune. Some of his friends advised him again to abdicate the office of Emperor, which he held by so precarious a tenure; others suggested decisive and bold measures, with a view to fortify himself in power, even in apposition to the will and wishes of the deputies. He attempted to prorogue the chamber of representatives, and have himself proclaimed perpetual dictator. Lafayette was then present in the chamber; and with his usual independence and energy, made the following observations.

"When, for the first time for many years, I raise my voice; which the old friends of liberty will recognise again, I feel constrained to address you, gentlemen, on the imminent danger of the country, which you alone are able to prevent.

"Disastrous reports have been circulated and are now unhappily confirmed. Now is the time to rally round the old tri-coloured standard of 1789, of liberty, of equality, and of public order. It is this alone which we are bound to defend against foreign pretensions and domestic factions. Allow a veteran in this holy cause, who has always been an enemy to the baneful spirit of dissension, to submit the following preliminary resolutions" of which I hope you will admit the necessity.

"_First_. The Chamber of Representatives declare that the independence of the nation is endangered.

"_Second_. The Chamber declare themselves in continued session--That every attempt to prorogue the Chamber shall be considered high treason--That any one guilty of such an attempt shall be deemed a traitor to his country, and be instantly proceeded against as such.

"_Third_. The army of the line and the national guards, who have fought and are still fighting for the independence of France, deserve the gratitude of their Country.

"_Fourth_. The minister of the interior is directed to assemble the general staff, the commandants and majors of the legion of the national guard of Paris, to consult on the means of supplying them with arms, and to render complete this citizen-guard; whose zeal and patriotism having been proved for twenty-six years, offer a sure guaranty of the liberty, the property and the tranquility of the capital, and of the inviolability of the representatives of the nation.

"_Fifth_. The ministers of war, of foreign relations, of the interior and of the police, are invited to attend the assembly immediately."

When the Emperor was informed that Lafayette was in the tribune, and engaged in the discussions on the proposition of constituting him dictator for life, he expressed great alarm and anxiety. He knew the sentiments of Lafayette too well, not to feel assured of his opposition to such a measure. For this consistent and zealous advocate for the rights of the people had always been hostile to a chief magistrate, under any title, who should possess absolute power; and contended for a constitution to limit and define the executive authority. It was then that. Bonaparte exclaimed, "Lafayette in the tribune!" and his great agitation betrayed the belief, that his power was at an end. In this situation, his armies defeated, and the representatives of the people opposed to his wishes of a _perpetual_ dictatorship, he gave formal notice of his purpose to abdicate the imperial authority. Lafayette was at the head of the deputation appointed by the chamber of representatives, to wait on the Emperor, to accept and thank him for his abdication, A few days before this, when the deputies were accused of being capricious and ungrateful, by a friend of Napoleon, Lafayette observed, in reply, "go tell him that we can trust him no longer; we ourselves will undertake the salvation of our country."

Although he opposed the ambitious views of Bonaparte, and boldly and decidedly remonstrated against his intention of again assuming absolute power, yet he moved in the chamber of Representatives, at this time, that the liberty and person of the late Emperor Napoleon should be placed under the protection of the French nation; expecting, probably, that the allied princes of Europe, already in the vicinity of Paris with powerful armies, would take his life, or cause him to be imprisoned.

Lafayette was one of the Commissioners appointed by the Chamber of Deputies to propose to the allied powers a suspension of hostilities. His object was to provide for the liberty of the people and to exact a promise of some limitations and restrictions to the royal authority. But the friends and supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, the hereditary princes of Europe, had a powerful army in the suburbs of Paris, and they refused to make any terms with the most moderate and honorable advocates of popular rights. Though one tyrant was overthrown; another was to be _forced_ upon them: not precisely an usurper indeed; but who, without a constitution for his guide, and surrounded by men of arbitrary principles might be instrumental in their oppression and degradation. When he returned to Paris, he found the invading armies in possession of the city. Napoleon escaped, and _nominal_ tranquility was restored to the capital of France. But it was a tranquility produced by a military force; and not that which is the effect of a wise and energetic government founded in the will of the people. The doors of the assembly were closed against the representatives of the people, by the _gens d'armes_, the agents who restored the Bourbon dynasty. Many of the deputies then assembled at the house of Lafayette; at whose instance they repaired to the President's to record their testimony to this forced and unjust exclusion, and to sign the _proces verbal_.

As he alike disapproved of Louis or Napoleon assuming the power of King or Emperor, without a bill of rights securing the privileges of the people, and a constitution as the rule and measure of executive acts, it was no longer in his power to render service to his country is a public station: nor did the favorites of Louis XVIII. invite him to take part in the administration of government, which they proposed to establish. It may appear surprising, on the first view of the subject, that the friends of a monarch of the reputed mild character of Louis, who must wish the greatest happiness of his subjects, should refuse to such men as Lafayette, all share in the government; and at the same time, take into their employment and confidence, many of the creatures of Bonaparte, who were destitute alike of principle and patriotism. But it is often found to be the fact, that the sincere and honest, who will not flatter, and do not approve all the projects of an ambitious aspirant, or an arbitrary Prince, are less courted, than those who have no settled principles, or one ever ready to support the successful candidate for power.

Except the short and occasional engagements in political concerns, just above related, Lafayette, after his return to France in the year 1800, generally remained at his estate, about thirty miles from Paris. But though retired from the more active scenes of public life, he enjoyed the friendship of several eminent characters in his own country; and was visited by all distinguished Americans, and many British statesmen and scholars, whose business or amusement led them to travel through France. He was always particularly desirous to learn the affairs of America, his adopted country; and was careful to procure all the publications from the United States. Besides literary pursuits, he was occasionally occupied in attending to the cultivation and improvement of his family estate. Such has frequently been the employment and solace of eminent men, when they have retired from high public stations, in which their services and exactions have met the mistaken censure or the neglect of the world. During several of the first years of this retirement, he was blessed with the society of an amiable and affectionate wife. And after her much lamented death, which has been before noticed, he still enjoyed the pleasure of being surrounded by his children and grand children, in whose education and improvement he always took a truly paternal interest.

At the time the federal constitution was in discussion by conventions in the several states, and when it first went into operation, Alexander Hamilton, who was its zealous advocate, corresponded with Lafayette on the subject. The letters have not been published; but it is probable they would be highly interesting to the politician and statesman, and serve fully to develop the views of both these eminent men on the science of civil government. This was about the period of the commencement of the French revolution. The particular extent of the change in the monarchical government of France, contemplated by Lafayette, may appear by this epistolary discussion. If not wholly confidential, it may be expected, that the letters will be given to the American public.

His second daughter, Virginia, married Monsieur de Lasteyrie, a young gentleman of eminent literary attainments; and who distinguished himself, also, as an officer in the French army, during the reign of Napoleon; particularly in the campaign of Jena, Eylau, Friedland, &c. But this brave and meritorious officer shared, with his brother-in-law, G. W. Fayette, the constant neglect and hatred of Bonaparte. G. W. Fayette was married to a daughter of Count de Tracy, one of the party of moderates, or liberals, as often denominated, and sometime a member of the conservative senate. The son and sons-in-law of General Lafayette, reside at the same chateau with their father; which is sufficiently spacious, not only for the respectable accommodation of the four united families, the father, son and two sons-in-law; but for the reception and occasional residence of family or other particular friends, who often pass much time in this hospitable mansion. Monsieur de Maubourg, an old and intimate friend of General Lafayette, with his lady, usually spend the greater part of the year at the chateau of La Grange. The son, and eldest daughter, who married Charles Latour Maubourg, have each several children, who are peculiar objects of affection and interest with their respected grandsire:

The following remarks of Madame de Stael, who personally knew much of General Lafayette, [Footnote: She was also an intimate friend of Madame de Lafayette. They were accused, in the days of suspicion and terror, of being too much engaged in political affairs.] and who was well acquainted with characters and events connected with the French revolution, are deemed worthy of being presented to the reader of these hasty memoirs.

"M. de Lafayette, having fought from his early youth for the cause of America, had early become imbued with the principles of liberty, which form the basis of that government. If he made mistakes with regard to the French revolution, we are to ascribe them all to his admiration of the American institutions, and of Washington, the hero citizen, who guided the first steps of that nation in the career of Independence. Lafayette, young, affluent, of noble family, and beloved at home, relinquished all these advantages at the age of nineteen, to serve beyond the ocean in the cause of that liberty, the love of which has decided every action of his life. Had he had the happiness to be a native of the United States, his conduct would have been that of Washington: the same disinterestedness, the same enthusiasm, the same perseverance in their opinions, distinguished each of these generous friends of humanity. Had General Washington been, like the Marquis de Lafayette, commander of the national guard of Paris, he also might have found it impossible to control the course of circumstances; _he_ also might have seen his efforts baffled by the difficulty of being at once faithful to his engagements to the king, and of establishing at the same time, the liberty of his country.

"M. de Lafayette, I must say, has a right to be considered a true republican: none of the vanities of his rank, ever entered his head: power, the effect of which is so great in France, had no ascendancy over him: the desire of pleasing in a drawing room conversation, did not with him influence a single phrase: he sacrificed all his fortune to his opinions, with the most generous indifference. When in the prisons of Olmutz, as when at the height of his influence, he was equally firm in his attachment to his principles. His manner of seeing and acting, is open and direct. Whoever has marked his conduct, may foretell with certainty what he will do on any particular occasion. His political feeling is that of a citizen of the United States; and even his person is more English than French. The hatred, of which M. de Lafayette is the object, has never embittered his temper; and his gentleness of soul is complete: at the same time nothing has ever modified his opinions; and his confidence in the triumph of liberty, is the same as that of a pious man in a future life. These sentiments, so contrary to the selfish calculations of most of the men who have acted a part in France, may appear pitiable in the eyes of some persons--"it is so silly" they think, "to prefer one's country to one's self; not to change one's party when that party is worsted; in short, to consider mankind, not as cards with which to play a winning game, but as the sacred objects of unlimited sacrifices." If this is to form the charge of silliness, would that it were but once merited by our men of talents!

"It is a singular phenomenon, that such a character as that of M. de Lafayette, should have appeared in the foremost rank of the French _noblesse_; but he can neither be censured nor exculpated with impartiality, without being acknowledged to be such as I have described him. It then becomes easy to understand the different contrasts which naturally arose between his disposition and situation. Supporting monarchy more from duty than attachment, he drew involuntarily towards the principles of the democrats, whom he was obliged to resist; and a certain kindness for the advocates of the republican form, was perceptible in him, although his reflection forbade the admission of their system into France. Since the departure of M. de Lafayette for America, now forty years ago, we cannot quote a single action or a single word of his, which was not direct and consistent. Personal interest never blended itself in the least with his public conduct: success would have displayed such sentiments to advantage; but they claim the attention of the historian in spite of circumstances, and in spite of faults, which may serve as a handle to his opponents."

M. Lafayette was returned a member of the chamber of deputies from his own department, in 1819, though his election was opposed by the ministerial party. Some members rejoiced to see again among them, the "friend and disciple of Washington;" while others, the adherents of monarchy, viewed him with distrust and jealousy, as "the veteran general of the revolution." He was not a very active member of this legislative body; for he was convinced it would be in vain to attempt restoring the constitution of 1789. He seldom attended the assembly: but on several questions, when he was present, discovered the same political sentiments which directed his conduct in the early days of the revolution. The minister offered a proposition for establishing a censorship over the public journals, and for arresting persons suspected of being inimical to the restoration of the Bourbons. Lafayette spoke against the proposed law, "as subversive of all order, of all right, and of the natural and just privileges of the citizens." He referred to the evils consequent upon all arbitrary proceedings against persons merely suspected of being unfriendly to the government, and to the probable mischiefs which would arise from a severe restriction upon the liberty of the press. The minister himself acknowledged, that the proposition was not wholly consistent with the national rights of the citizens; but insisted upon its expediency in the present state of the nation. At this time, also, he reminded the ministers of promises, which had been made by the political friends of Louis XVIII. in favor of the liberties of the people. He "conjured them to maintain the liberties of France, within the limits prescribed by the constitution." "To violate it," said he, "is to dissolve the mutual guarantees of the nation and of the throne; it is to give ourselves up to a total primitive freedom from all duties and all laws." This discussion was unusually animated, and Lafayette was very decided in his opposition to the measure. The course pursued by the court was condemned; and some severity of remark was indulged in, as to the designs of ministers. The ministerial party obtained but a small majority in favor of the law; and some fermentation was excited in Paris in relation to this subject. The _liberals_, or the friends of constitutional freedom, were insulted, and the life of Lafayette was openly menaced.

This year, a society was formed among the friends of constitutional freedom, for the relief of those, who were arrested on mere suspicion, or on a charge of violating the restrictions on the press; but who were believed to be unjustly suspected, and who had been found entirely innocent, even in the eye of the law, rigid as were its provisions. This was a numerous society; consisting of fifty four members of the chamber of deputies, and many other opulent and literary citizens; at the head of which we find the name of M. Lafayette.

The distinguished Americans and Englishmen who have visited Lafayette, at his family mansion of La Grange, describe his residence and its inmates as most beautiful and interesting. "It is situated in the fertile district of La Brie, thirty miles from Paris, remote from any common road, and far distant from the bustling world. In the midst of a luxuriant wilderness, rising above prolific orchards and antiquated woods, appears the five towers of La Grange, tinged with the golden rays of the declining sun. The deep moat, the draw bridge; the ivied tower and arched portals, opening into a large square court, has a feudal and picturesque character; and the associations which occur, on entering the residence of a man so heroic, so disinterested, so celebrated, fill the mind with peculiar admiration, and excite the most lively interest." The family party, partaking more of patriarchal than of courtly manners, is composed of individuals mutually attached, and anxious only for mutual improvement and happiness. It represents the younger members, as employed in their studies or engaged in innocent recreations so salutary to the youthful temper and constitution: and the older, as occupied in useful and literary pursuits, or devoted to the more enlivening pleasures of conversation.

"The venerable head of this happy family, at the age of sixty seven, is in the full possession of every talent and faculty. His memory has all the tenacity of youthful recollection. On his person, time has yet made little visible impression. Not a wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his unbent and noble figure is still as upright, bold and vigorous, as the mind which informs it. Grace, strength and dignity still distinguish the fine person of this extraordinary man; who, though more than forty years before the world, engaged in scenes of strange and eventful conflict, does not yet appear to have reached his grand climactic. Active on his farm, graceful and elegant in his _salon_, it is difficult to trace, in one of the most successful agriculturists, and one of the most perfect fine gentlemen of France, a warrior and a legislator. But the patriot is always discernible. His conversation is enriched with anecdotes of all that is celebrated in character or event, for the last fifty years. His elegant and well chosen collection of books, occupies the highest apartments in one of the towers of the chateau; and, like the study of Montaigne, hangs over the farm yard of the philosophical agriculturist. It frequently happens, said M. Lafayette, to one of his visitors as they were looking from a window on some flocks, which were moving beneath, that my merinos and my hay carts dispute my attention to Hume or Voltaire."

Of the benevolent affections of Lafayette, his whole life affords abundant proofs. He was possessed of the most patriotic and generous feeling. Numerous instances are also related of his kindness to individuals, and of his private benefactions. The children of his tenants, and neighbours were objects of his generosity and complacency. And those who are unjustly oppressed or defrauded, were sure to find in him, an able advocate. The widow of an American officer, of French parentage, who was left destitute at the death of her gallant husband, had a claim for patrimonial estates in France. The legal evidence to substantiate her claim was exceedingly difficult to be procured. The case was made known to Lafayette, and he never ceased his exertions until he recovered the greater part of the estate.

Soon after the arrival of young Lafayette in Boston, 1795, he wrote to General Washington, then President of the United States, informing him of his situation, and requesting advice and counsel from the friend of his father. As the chief magistrate of the nation, it would not have been prudent in Washington, publicly to interfere in his behalf--Lafayette, at this period, was almost equally obnoxious to the rulers of France, as any one of the royal family. He had, indeed, been most _unjustly_ denounced and proscribed by the dominant party; but they pretended he was attached to a monarchy; and a public official act of patronage in the President, towards young Lafayette, would have furnished a pretext for complaint against the government. Washington had already given proof, that he did not approve of the conduct of the French Directory, nor of the proceedings of their minister in America. But though a prudent policy forbid all official attention and aid to the son of Lafayette the generous & noble feelings of Washington induced him to give assurances of personal regard, and of a readiness to afford all proper assistance towards the education and support of this youthful subject of political persecution. He wrote to his friend, Hon. George Cabot, stating the reasons for declining to act officially or publicly in the case; but requesting Mr. C. to assure young Lafayette that he might consider him as a father, a friend and protector. Washington expressed a desire in this letter, that he should become a member of the university in Cambridge, if qualified for admission, where he would be under the inspection and tuition of excellent men; for he was aware that want of employment would lead to dissipation; and that the season of youth was to be diligently improved for the cultivation of the mind. He desired Mr. C. to call on him to meet any expenses which might accrue in his education and support. The French tutor, who attended young Lafayette, chose to have him under his own private instruction; and he did not enter the university. The kindness and generosity of Washington were not the less meritorious in the appeal made to him by the son of his own, and of his country's friend.

Among the many eminent characters by whom General Lafayette was visited in his retirement at La Grange, after his return to France, (in 1800) was CHARLES J. FOX, the celebrated British statesman. The family of Mr. Fox, for several generations, was ranked among the whip party in England, and firm friends of the glorious revolution of 1689; when the House of Stuart was excluded from the throne, and William and Mary acknowledged as the legitimate sovereigns. Mr. Fox was of the same political school with the elder PITT, whose powerful talents were successfully exerted for the glory of Great Britain, in the latter part of the reign of George II. and who was a firm and decided advocate for the rights of the British colonies in 1775. When Lafayette and family were confined in the dungeons at Olmutz, Mr. Fox, with others, then members of the British Parliament, pleaded the cause of these unhappy sufferers, with great eloquence, but without effect. He had been personally acquainted with the celebrated French philanthropist, before this period; and was attached to his character and principles, as a zealous friend of civil liberty. The interview between these two highly distinguished reformers is represented to have been peculiarly interesting. Perhaps, the plans of reform proposed by Mr. Fox, could not have been carried into effect, at that time, without danger to the stability of the British government; but the general character of Fox, gave evidence of the sincerity of his upright purposes; and of the purity of the motives by which Lafayette was actuated, in the course he pursued in France, in 1789, and subsequently, cannot be justly doubted, though the revolution did not result in the political benefits he had anticipated.

When Mr. Fox was in Paris, some time in 1802, Lafayette hastened from his retired residence, at La Grange, to call on him. The writer, who gives an account of this meeting, observes, "that a stranger of an interesting and graceful figure, came gently in," where he and Mr. Fox were sitting, at the hotel in Paris, "advanced rapidly; and, embracing Mr. Fox, showed a countenance full of joy, while tears rolled down his cheeks; Mr. Fox testified equal emotion. It was M. de Lafayette, the virtuous and unshaken friend of liberty. He had come from the country to see Mr. Fox, and to invite him to his house. In a few moments their sentiments were interchanged. The review of the past was taken in a moment; and they soon appeared to be affectionate friends, who having parted for a few days, were now reunited. Lafayette viewed the new state of things with regret; not from any personal dislike of the first consul, but from a rooted and principled conviction, that arbitrary power is injurious to the happiness of mankind.

"In his retirement, and filled with gloomy prospects of the republic, he lived in the most private and simple manner. In the bosom of an amiable and affectionate family, he found every consolation. He frequented no place of amusement; and, with a very limited fortune, exhibited the bright example of a public man, content with a little, free from all envious and angry feelings: and willing to live in dignified silence, when he had not the power or influence to do good."

The visit of Mr. Fox and his friend to La Grange, is thus described--"The towers and wood of the chateau appeared in peaceful repose, as we drove near; and when we gained a full view of the building, I felt great emotion; it was the residence of a great and good man--a patriot and friend of mankind, whose life had been consecrated to virtue and liberty; the family came to the hall to meet us, happy in themselves, and rejoicing to see the illustrious friend of Lafayette! I cannot forget that moment--no silly affectation, no airs of idle ceremony were seen at the residence of him, who had gloriously struggled for America, and had done all he could for France.

"M. de Lafayette and Madame received Mr. and Mrs. Fox with the heartiest welcome. The family consisted of two daughters, and a son and his wife, all young and elegant; all living with M. de Lafayette, as a brother and friend. His graceful and manly form, his benevolent countenance, his frank and warm manners, which made him almost adored by his family, and a placid contentedness, nearly allied to cheerfulness; altogether had an irresistible effect, in gaining the affections and esteem of those admitted to his more intimate society.

"Madame de Lafayette, of the noble family of Noailes, was a superior and admirable woman, possessing the high polish of the ancient nobility, eloquent and animated. Fondly attached to M. de Lafayette and her family, she regretted nothing of past splendor; she possessed an affectionate husband, and was happy in retirement. The son was a pleasing young man, and his wife engaging and interesting; the daughters were charming women, entirely free from the insipid languor or wretched affectation, which in young ladies of fashion so much destroys originality of character, and makes us find, in one of the fashionables, the prototype and pattern of thousands. In a word, this amiable and happy family seemed united by one bond of affection, and to desire nothing beyond the circle of their own tranquil mansion.

"The chateau and estate of La Grange, which Madame, who was an heiress, had brought with her, was all that remained of his fortune. He had lost every thing besides in the madness of revolutionary confiscation; and had not yet been able to procure restitution or compensation. To add to the interest of the scene, General Fitzpatrick who had known Lafayette in America, and had vainly attempted, in the British house of Commons, to rouse the ministry to a sense of humanity and justice for him, joined the party at La Grange, at this time. That accomplished man was an addition to our society, and was received most affectionately by the family of Lafayette. I have often contemplated with great pleasure, Mr. Fox, General Fitzpatrick and M. de Lafayette walking in the long shady grove near the chateau, speaking of past times, the war in America, and the revolution in France. The rare sight of three such characters was grateful to any one who felt friendly to the cause of civil liberty, and valued men for their services to humanity, rather than for successful ambition.

"Lafayette spoke a good deal of America; and we learnt from him something of his various and useful services for that country, at the court of Louis, as well as of his personal efforts, during the struggle for independence. His political career in France had not the same happy result, as in America; but it should be considered, that his situation in the former was arduous beyond measure. A friend to limited monarchy, and to the legitimate rights of the people, at a time when the support of one was deemed hostility to the other, he found it impossible, consistent with his principles, to follow the mania of the nation. A king of integrity and firmness, with Lafayette as his counselor, might have been safe, even in the tumultuous times preceding the seizure of civil power by sanguinary demagogues. But Louis, it is feared, wanted both these qualities; certainly the latter. Lafayette failed, therefore, in his patriotic views; not as Bonaparte is said to have insinuated, because he aimed at what was impracticable; but because those whose interest it was to second his views, did not support him. A ruined throne and desolate country subsequently attested the purity of his principles, and the soundness of his judgment."

General Lafayette is of the _Catholic_ religion, which has been long established, and is still generally professed, in France. But he discovers nothing of that exclusive and intolerant spirit which has distinguished the church of Rome, more especially in ages past. He took an active part in favor of the proposition, in 1789, for securing the rights of conscience and the privileges of worship to the protestants of France, according to, their own particular belief. It was not to be supposed that one of his enlightened views, and knowledge of human nature, would be a bigot in religion; or would attach undue importance to the external forms and the mere ceremonies of worship. He is not, however, to be classed with many learned men in Roman Catholic countries, in modern times, who merely _profess_ the papal system because it is the religion of the state, while they are real infidels; or skeptical as to the essential doctrines of christianity. It is not improbable that his intercourse with liberal and candid yet pious men is America, in his early years, served to produce in his mind charitable sentiments toward those who were educated in a system differing somewhat from that which he had been taught to revere, in its ceremonies and even in some of its dogmas. He was several years intimately acquainted with Washington, Lincoln and other military characters, who were men of sincere, though of unostentatious piety; as well as with many of the clergy of our country, whom he could not but esteem and respect; and the natural effect of such intercourse would be a liberality of opinion on religious subjects. It is, indeed, a consideration, creditable, in some measure, to those who admit it, and tending also to prove that christianity is calculated and designed to be an universal religion, that intelligent men of different countries and sects unite in receiving all the essential and practical doctrines of revelation. In a word, "that God is no respecter of persons; but that in every nation he who _feareth_ him and _worketh righteousness_ is accepted of him."

Having followed Lafayette through many years of an active and eventful life, and having witnessed his course in various critical and responsible situations, we may be prepared to form a correct estimate of his talents, his wisdom and his virtues. It is far from our wishes to pronounce an unqualified or exaggerated panegyric on his character. But for the honor of our species and in justice to this eminent philanthropist, it is proper that his heroic and generous actions, and his firmness and perseverance of purpose in the cause of civil liberty and of the rights of mankind, should be duly appreciated. And when we reflect upon the ardour and constancy of his efforts in favour of American Independence; upon his personal sacrifices and exposure to danger in our behalf, in the field, and his solicitations as our advocate at the court of Louis; upon his warm attachment to Washington, and to the other patriots and heroes of our glorious revolution; upon his attempts afterwards to improve the government of his own country and to place some check upon the despotic power of a selfish, calculating ministry; upon his uniform resolute, and fearless opposition to the wild projects of factious men, who obtained ephemeral influence in France, but whose conduct was equally hostile to the rights and welfare of the people as that of the agents of an absolute monarch; upon his steady and firm support of the constitution, formed by the deputies of the people, and designed to guarantee their liberties; upon his desire to support the dignity of the monarch, in unison with the rights of the citizens, and his wishes to afford security to the person of Louis; and upon his efforts to restore related and constitutional liberty, at the time the present king returned to France, and when Napoleon was aiming at unlimited power as perpetual dictator, are we not obliged to acknowledge, that few men; very few, indeed, have done so much for the social happiness of their fellows; that very few deserve the gratitude and applause, which may be justly claimed for this very eminent asserter of the rights of man. Success is too often made the criterion of human merit. It is matter of great congratulation, that our revolutionary struggle was successful; and it is believed, that Lafayette, by his influence in France, and his personal exertions here, contributed very much to its happy termination. In his own country, afterwards, he was not so fortunate in attaining and securing the object at which he aimed. But to the accurate and deep observer of character and events, it will probably be apparent, that no one, however resolute, could have established a government in France in 1790, upon the just recognition of the rights of man, and the exercise of power, (even limited power) in the reigning Prince. That Lafayette was upright and disinterested in his purpose, perhaps, no candid impartial man will deny; that any one could have produced a more fortunate issue, is at least very doubtful. He did not want decision, or energy. He often acted with great promptness, and gave proof of ready mental resources. He was also brave, and fearless of personal danger. Other men might have conducted with more energy; but it would have been at the hazard of a thousand lives and in violation of constitutional principles. That Lafayette was not more efficient, or more despotic, when he commanded the national guards, and the populace of Paris went to Versailles and insulted the royal family; or when the Jacobin faction, in June 1792, were ready to denounce him and to prostrate the constitution, did not argue want of energy but the influence of principle and a salutary love of order.

When it is recollected what important and disinterested services the Marquis de Lafayette had performed for America, in the most critical periods of our revolutionary war, and how active and uniform he had been, through all the changes and excesses in his own country for upwards of thirty years, it cannot be thought unreasonable, that the citizens of the United States held his character in high estimation, and were desirous of greeting him once more, on their own territory, which he had assisted by his zeal and valour to defend. In his letters to his friends here, and in the interviews, which he had with American gentleman at his own hospitable mansion, he frequently expressed a wish and an intention of again visiting this favored land of liberty. He cherished precious recollections of the times, long since past, when he joined with many brave and honorable spirits in the sacred cause of freedom. To the patriots and heroes who achieved our independence, he had a most sincere and cordial attachment; and his military associates who survived, and their children, who had often heard of his heroic and generous deeds, were eager on their part to welcome him to their country and their affections; and to show to him and to the world, that they entertained a high sense of his sacrifices and efforts in securing to them the privileges and blessings they so richly enjoy.

The feelings of General Lafayette will appear by the letters he wrote to his friends in this country, when he was expecting to make his long-intended visit. The following is an extract from one addressed to an old revolutionary friend, who had previously written to Lafayette. "I am deeply affected by your kindly remembrance. No one among the survivors, who sharedin our glorious cause and military fraternity, can be attached more than I am, to the memory of our departed brethren, and to the ties which bind together the surviving American companions in arm. Since our youthful revolutionary times, many vicissitudes have passed over our heads. But in every situation, I have enjoyed, with great delight, the recollection of our struggle so glorious and so pure; of our Columbian country, so excellent and promising; of our brotherly army, so gallant, so virtuous and so united. How happy for us to see the present prosperous result of the contest, which our toils and our blood have shared the honor to support."

In January 1824, when it was known, that General Lafayette proposed to take passage for the United States, the Representatives of the nation, in Congress assembled, requested the President "to offer him a public ship for his accommodation; [he declined this offer, and chose to embark in a private vessel;] and to assure him, in the name of the people of this great Republic, that they cherished for him a grateful and affectionate attachment."

The Legislature of Massachusetts also, at its session in June last, adopted a resolve, "requesting the Governor to make such arrangements, as would secure to this distinguished friend of our country, an honorable reception, on the part of this State, and authorising him to draw any sum from the public treasury to meet the expenses arising thereupon."

The Society of Cincinnati of Massachusetts, at their anniversary meeting on the fourth of July, it being then expected that General Lafayette would soon visit the United States, unanimously passed the following vote. "It being reported, that General Lafayette, an original member of the Society of Cincinnati, intends visiting the United States in the course of the present year, voted, that a Committee be appointed to consider what measures it will be proper for this Society to adopt on the arrival of this our distinguished brother; whose meritorious and disinterested services to our country, in the war of the revolution, cannot be too highly appreciated, and whose whole life has been devoted to the vindication of the rights of man." A committee was then appointed for the purpose, of which Hon. John Brooks (late Governor) was the chairman.

Letters were written to General Lafayette, before he left France by several distinguished individuals, and by the Mayor of New-York and of Boston, in the name and behalf of those corporations, expressing a strong desire, that he would visit America, as it was reported he intended, and informing him of the universal and sincere disposition of the citizens, to present him a tribute of esteem and gratitude.

In a letter dated at Paris, May 26, in reply to the invitation of the citizens of Boston, communicated to him by the Mayor, in their name, under date of March 20th, 1824, he observed, "that amidst the new and high marks of benevolence which the people of the United States and their Representatives had lately deigned to confer upon him, he was proud and happy to recognize those particular sentiments of the citizens of Boston, which had blessed and delighted the first years of his public career, the grateful sense of which had ever been to him a most valued reward and support." "I joyfully anticipate the day," he added, "not very remote, thank God, when I may revisit the cradle of American, and in future, I hope, of _universal_ liberty. Your so honorable and gratifying invitation would have been directly complied with, in the case to which you are pleased to allude. [Footnote: This was the particular request that he would land at Boston, if he did not come in a public ship, and feel obliged to arrive at Washington.] But while I profoundly feel the honor intended by the offer of a national ship, I hope I shall incur no blame, by the determination I have taken, to embark as soon as it is in my power, on board a private vessel. Whatever port I first attain, I shall with the same eagerness hasten to Boston, and present its beloved and revered inhabitants, as I have now the honor to offer it to the City Council and to yourself, the homage of my affectionate gratitude and devoted respect."

When this letter of Lafayette was communicated to the Common Council of the city, a large and respectable committee was chosen "to make suitable arrangements for his reception, should he first arrive at the port of Boston; and that on his visiting this city, should he disembark at some other place in the United States, the committee provide for his accommodation, during his residence here; and to adopt all such measures as they might deem proper, to extend to him the hospitality of the city, and to exhibit the feelings of gratitude, which the whole body of citizens entertain for the splendid services, ardent patriotism and private worth of the illustrious visitor."

Hon. Mr. Lloyd, Senator from this State in the Congress of the United States, and particularly attached to Lafayette from family alliances, on hearing of his intended visit to America, also addressed a friendly note to him, at an early day, requesting the honor of receiving him at his hospitable mansion. But the city authorities were desirous, that General Lafayette, who might be justly considered the guest of the people and of the nation, should be accommodated by the city in a more public manner: and Mr. Lloyd, with his usual courtesy and regard to public opinion, resigned his particular claims, although he was among the first and most eminent of the citizens of Boston, to show peculiar and distinguished attention to the favorite of the American people.

In his answer to the letter of Mr. Lloyd, he says, "in whatever part of the United States I shall find myself, on reaching the beloved shore of America, I shall lose no, time in my eagerness to revisit the city of Boston, and answer the flattering invitation I have received. You do justice to the delight I shall feel, at the sight of the felicity and prosperity, which is the reward of a virtuous revolution, founded on the principles of true liberty and self-government."

* * * * *

VISIT OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE

TO THE

UNITED STATES--IN 1824

His arrival was anticipated with great interest and impatience. Preparations were in contemplation, particularly in New-York and Boston, several weeks before he arrived, to receive him with such public marks of veneration and joy, as were justly due to one so distinguished by an ardent love of liberty, and by meritorious exertions for the welfare of our country.