Chapter V: Part 5

Harassed by cabals among the adherents of the Chevalier; unable to account for the continued reserve and absence of that Prince; and weakened greatly both by the secession of the clan of Fraser, who had joined the Insurgents with Mackenzie of Fraserdale, but who now went away, and joined him whom they considered as their real chieftain, the infamous Simon Fraser, of Beaufort, Lord Lovat; the Earl began to listen to those who talked of capitulating with the enemy. He found, indeed, that he was forced to comply with the wishes of the chieftains, some of whom were making private treaties for themselves. It must have been a bitter humiliation to Lord Mar to have sent a message to his former rival in politics, the Duke of Argyle, "to know if he had power to treat with him;" but the measure appears from the following letter to have been unavoidable. It was written after the news of the defeat at Preston had reached Perth. It bespeaks some degree of compassion and consideration for a man whose councils were distracted by dissensions, and who was embarrassed beyond measure by the absence of the Chevalier, to whose arrival he looked anxiously to give some hopes of revival to a sinking cause. The Master of Sinclair, to whom Lord Mar refers as a "devil," and who, since the disaster at Preston was known, "appeared in his own colours," was the eldest son of Henry, eighth Baron Sinclair, a devoted adherent of the House of Stuart, and one of those who had withdrawn from the Convention of 1689 when the resolution to expel James the Second was adopted. John, Master of Sinclair, was afterwards attainted, and never assumed the title of his father, although pardoned in 1726.

"November 27th, 1715.

"Sir,

"I had yours of the twenty-second, the twenty-fifth, and also spoke
with the person you mention in it; I suppose he wou'd see you, as he
returned. The disaster of our friends in England is very unlucky,
both to affairs there and here. Since we knew of it here a _devil_,
who I suspected for some time to be lurking amongst us, has appeared
openly in his own colours. I forsaw this a-comeing some days ago. I
have endeavoured to keep people from breaking amongst themselves,
and was forced to go into the first step of it; but I hope we shall
be able to have the manadgement of it, and prevent its doing any
hurt, but to confounde in time comeing the designs of those who were
the promoters of it. It was by the advise of all your friends what I
have done, so let not our folks be alarmed when they hear of it from
I----g. It is odd where the K----[115] can be all this time, since,
by all appearance and all the accounts we have, he has left France
long ago; but that must quickly appear, and I hope to get things
staved off til it does. But without his comeing what can be done?
Tho' I hope that will not be the case. It is odd that others write
of Col. H----y and Doctor Abor--y, both at Parise, and that they do
not write themselves, tho' I'm told to-day that there's a letter
from them to me at Edinburgh, which I long for. We are told of
troops comeing from Englande, both English and Dutch. I doubt if
they'll ventur to quitt with both, and I would fain hope that none
of them will come soon. God grant that the K---- be safe. If he go
to England, as we are told he designed, I doubt not but he knows of
support there. I confess there's a great deal lost by his long
delay, but that certainly was not in his power to help, else it
wou'd not have been so. If he still come here, I hope we will yet be
able to make a stand for him this winter, but I thought I was
obledged to let him know the true situation before he land, which I
have done to the best of my pow'r, and lodged letters for him in the
places where I thought it most likely he wou'd come, so that he may
not be dissapointed by expecting to find things better than they
are. He has been so long by the way that it wou'd seme he is not
comeing to England, but that he is comeing round about Ireland to
Scotland; and neither he nor D---- O----d[116] be in England. It
wou'd seem that they will not stir there, which would make it a very
hard task here; but I hope Providence will protect him, and yet
settle him on his throne.

"I find it will be sometime before I can stirr from hence, and if
the enemy get not reinforcments, I judge they will not stirr either;
but as soon as they get them they certainly will, and I'm afraid we
shall be oblidged to take the hills, which is a could quarter now.
I wish you knew a great many particulars I have to tell you, but it
is not safe writing them; there are some people with us who it had
been good for the King they had stay'd at home, where they want not
a little to be, and will leave us at last, but we must make the best
of them, tho' there be but ill stuff to make it of as the saying is.
Never had man so plaguie a life as I have had o' late; but I'll do
the best I can to go threw it, and not be unworthy of the trust
reposed in me. My service to Mr. Hall, and I hope he'll make my
compliments to his correspondent at P----se,[117] who he mentions in
his to me; but its odd that I have heard from none there myself ever
sine B----n came, especially since other letters come through. I
must own I have not had many encouragements, but that should be
nothing if I had encouragements for others. Should it please God
that the King's affairs should not succeed, but that people
capitulated, I do not purpose to be a Scots or Englishman if they
would let me, and all that I wou'd ask for myself is liberty to go
abroad, for in that case I wou'd rather live in Siberia than
Britain. If the King does not come soon, I find people will not hold
out long; but if he does, there are honest men enough to stand by
him and not see him perish. Pray let me hear from you as often as
you can, and when you write to Mrs. Miller[118] make my compliments
to her. I wish some of our men here had her spirit. I hope you are
now perfectly recover'd, but pray take care that you fall not ill
again. Adieu.

"Pray cause give the enclosed to my brother as soon as it comes to
your handes. I beg you may apprise our friends at London and Parise
of what has been done hear to-day; the sending to Argle at Stirling
a message about articles of treaty, as appears from other papers,
which I tel you I was forced to go into;--that they may not be
surprised at it and think we have given all over, which might have
very bad consequences in both places. Do this by the first post. All
will come right again if the King come soon to Britain."

The answer returned by the Duke of Argyle to Lord Mar's overture was this: that "he had no sufficient powers to treat with the Earl of Mar and his Council as a body, but that he would write to Court about it."

To this reply, which was sent with much courtesy by the Duke, a rejoinder was made, "That when the Duke should let the Earl of Mar and his Council know that he had sufficient power, then they would make their proposition." The proposal was sent up to St. James's, but no further notice was taken of it, nor were the powers of the Duke of Argyle extended to enable him to come to any terms with Lord Mar. But although the negotiation thus died away, the weakness it betrayed among the Jacobite party was highly prejudicial to their cause.

James, during all the recent events, had been engaged in making several attempts to leave St. Maloes. He had gone openly on board ships which were laden with arms and ammunition for his use, but had withdrawn when he found that his embarkation was known. He therefore changed his plans, and crossing to Normandy, resolved to embark at Dunkirk. Having lurked for several days, disguised as a mariner, on the coast of Brittany, he went privately to Dunkirk, where he embarked, attended by the Marquis of Tynemouth, the eldest son of the Duke of Berwick, Lieutenant Cameron, and several other persons, on board a French ship, which, according to some accounts, "was laden with brandy, and furnished with a good pass-port." Thus at length having ventured on the ocean, the Prince set sail towards Norway; but changed his direction, and steered towards Peterhead, in Aberdeenshire. During all this time, the Earl of Mar suffered from the utmost anxiety and perplexity for one who was unworthy of the exertions made for his restoration. This is evident from the following letter, dated November the thirtieth, to Captain Straiton:

"The accounts of that person's[119] way of going on, and the danger
he is in, confound me; but I hope Providence has not preserved him
all this while to destroy him at last. I am doing all I can to make
it safe; and perhaps what we thought our misfortune, (the men going
home after Sheriff Muir,) may prove our happiness, they being where
that person is to come, and I send troops there immediately."

"I knew before I got yours that the Dutch troops were coming
here.[120] Those by sea may come soon, but those by land cannot be
here a long time. They will now power in all the troups from England
on us; but I hope we may hold it this winter in spite of them, tho'
we shall have hard quarters in the Highlands. In case of what Mr.
H----ll writes me prove true, and happen, for fear of accidents
after it does, were it not fitt that you should write to France to
send some ships to cruise up and down the north-west coast to save
the person Mr. H----ll writes of, if things should not prove right?
and our friends in France can either send them from thence or Spain,
round Ireland? I hear of but two little ships of warr on that coast;
and the ships I would have sent may pass as marchant ships tradeing
and putting in by accident therabouts, which they often do. Pray
think of this, and write of it soon to France, as I intend to do
to-night by an express I am sending; and were it not fitt you should
write of it too to some trusty friend at London? But it must be done
with the utmost caution, for fear of disheartning the English. Tho'
the safty of that person is of such consequence that all ways is to
be taken for it, and all accidents guarded against.

"I wrote to you the twenty-seventh, and in it I gave you account of
an affair which happened amongst us, which obliged us to send a
message to the Duke of Argyll. I hope this came safe to your hand.
His answer was very civil, and our return was in the words
following, viz: 'We are obliged to the Duke of Argyll for his
civility; that, since he has no powers to treat with us, we can say
no more now; but if at any time he shall have them, and let us know
it, we shall give our answer.'

"I hope this affair has been so manadgd that all the spirit of
division amongst us is crusht; and pray take care to informe our
friends at London and Parise about it, that it may not alarme them.
I am affraid of its alarmeing the Regent, and keeping him from doing
anything for the King; for which reason I send an express to Lord
Bolingbroke to-night. I suppose it will be ten or twelve dayes at
least before the Duke of Argyll will have a return, and we may know
much before that time. If they agree to a treaty, it is still in our
own power; and if not, I hope people will stand together for their
own sake.

"You speak in your two last as if you were opresst about our
divisions. All I shall trouble you further in relation to
this,--there are odd people amongst us, and those of whom it should
not have been expected; they had instild their spirit so farr into
many, that there was no steming the tide but by going into it, or
else breaking amongst ourselves, and, like them, make a seperat
peace; but now those wise folk are ashamed of themselves, and are
disclaimed by those who they said comissioned them. I do all I can
to make others forgett this behaveour of those people, and I hope we
shall be as unite as ever. If the King come, I am sure we shall; and
if God is not pleased to bless us with his presence, whatever we do
shall be in consert.

"I beg to hear often from you, and particularly what you can learn
of the motion of the enimie and their designs.

"I send a reinforcement to-night to Bruntisland of a hundred men,
and there was fifty in it before.

"Lord Seaforth went north some time ago, and severall of Lord
Huntly's people; so I hope they togither will be able to keep Lord
Sutherland from doing much mischife, and e'er long to reduce him and
all the King's enimies there. We are not yet in so much apprehention
of them as Mr. H----ll seems to be. I am mightily pleased you are so
much recovered, which I know by your hand-writeing; but I can scarce
conceave how you get yourself keept free of our enimies,--may you do
long so, and

"I am sincearly yours, &c. Adieu."

On the first of December, the Earl having still heard no tidings of the Chevalier, and being ignorant of his real movements, again writes in all the uncertainty, and with the circumspection of one who knows not whether his letter will be received. He seems always to have sent duplicates of his letters.

"I am in the utmost pain about the K----,[121] and I have done all
in my power to make him safe, but I hope Providence will protect
him. I sent one for France this morning, and I hope he may sail in a
day or two, but let that not keep you from writeing there too. I
would fain hope that the Regent has altered his measurs, and is
comeing into the K----'s intrest, else I do not see how it had been
possible for him to get thro' France: if so, I have good hopes, and
I wish he may come to us; but if not, and that England do nothing, I
wish he were safe again where he formerly was, for we shall never be
able alone to do his bussiness, and he will be in the utmost danger
after starveing a winter in the Highlands. Lord Huntley is still
very much out of humour and nothing can make him yet believe that
the K----'s a-comeing. He intends to go north, under the pretext of
reduceing Lord Sutherland, and his leaving us at this time I think
might have very bad effects, which makes me do all I can to keep
him. The Master of Sinclair is a very bad instrument about him, and
has been most to blaim of any body for all the differences amongst
us. I am plagued out of my life with them, but must do the best I
can. I expect now to hear every day of the K----'s landing; but
should he be any time of comeing, and the Duke of Argyll get his
powers and send us word of it before he come, our old work will
begin again, and I am sure I shall be deserted by a great many. Some
people seem so farr from being pleased with the news of the K----'s
comeing, that they are visiblie sorry for it; and I wish to God
these people had never been with us for they will be our undoing!
and what a plague brought them out, since they could not hold it out
for so short a time? I shall be blamed, I know, over all Europe for
what I am entirely innocent of. It will be my own ruin beside, but
if that could advance the K----'s affairs I am contented. In time I
shall be justified when my parte in all this affair comes to be
knowen, and I bless God I have witnesses enough who have seen all;
and if accidents do not happen them, my papers will show it to
conviction, for I have been pretty exact in keeping copies and a
journall.

"Since I have wrote so fully to you, I do not write to Mr. H----ll,
for which I hope he'll forgive me.[122]

"I am anxious to know if my brother got my note that was inclosed to
you in that of the twenty-seventh, which was to caution him in a
thing that I was affraid his over great concern for me might make
him do, and which would vex me extreamly if he did.

"I long to hear from you again, as I suppose you will from me; and
as soon as I know of what you'll expect to hear of from me, you
shall. Adieu."

In a few days afterwards Lord Mar had gained more precise intelligence of the Prince's movements; on the delay at St. Maloes he puts the favourable construction of the vessel's having been wind-bound, as will be seen by the following letter. The dissensions in his counsels, aided, as he hints, by the influence which the Master of Sinclair exercised over the Marquis of Huntley, were, still, not among the least of his difficulties.

"December 6th, 1715.

"Sir,

"Last night one of the messengers I had sent to France returned, and
there came with him to Montrose, Mr. Charles Fleeming and General
Eclin; but they are not yet come here, nor some money that came
along with them. I have a letter from the King, the fifteenth of
November, N. S. from St. Malos; severall from Lord Bolingbroke, the
last of which was the twenty-seventh, and he belived the King then
to be saild, and he had been wind bound there three weeks; but he
did not sail, as I understand from the messenger til the eighteenth
inst., he having seen a letter from Col. Hay at St. Maloes, to Mr.
Arbuthnot, two dayes after he sailed. God send him safe to us, for
which I have done all in my power! It is in the hands of Providence,
and I hope God will protect him. It is not to be known where he is
to land, and indeed it cannot be known certainly. Even this has not
quite cured all the whims amongst us. Lord grant a safe landing, and
I hope that will. The Duke of Ormond is gone to England, and I
believe he has some troops with him and arms and ammunition.

"I hear from Fife to-day that there landed at Leith on Sunday last
four hundred of the Dutch troops. I hope that's all that are comeing
by sea. I have the King's Declaration, which is to be reprinted
here, and shall be dispers'd in a few days. The less that it be
spoke that the King is to land soon, I believe the better, until he
actually does, for that but make the Government more alert. Were he
but once landed, I have reason to belive that there will be a new
face of affairs seen abroad as well as at home in the King's favour,
which is all I dare yet adventure to trust of it to paper; but I
hope in God were the King once with us all will be well.

"There are more officers comeing to us from abroad different wayes,
so it's likely they may be dropping in every day. The Duke of
Berwick stays behind for a very good reason, and is to follow. The
King has been pleased to confer new honours on me, but I do not
think it fitt to take it on me til he comes, and if it pleases not
God he come to us safe, I am indifferent what becomes of all I ever
had, and this may go with the rest. It is goodness in him, and more
than I askt or deserve. I will long to hear from you; and tho' I
desire you not to let the news I write you be much talkt of, yet I
suppose it will be no secret, for I am obliged to communicate what I
get to so many that it cannot possible be keept, and yet I cannot
help this. Tho' Lord Huntley said little to me to-day upon my
shewing him my letters, yet I know it from good hands he is not a
bitt in better humour and that he will now positively go north;
which I suppose he'll write of to me to-morrow, for 'tis seldom now
he'll either see me or let me see him, tho' I take all the ways I
can to please and humour him, but all will not do: however, I hope
will not have many followers. Master of Sinclair is gone this day to
see his father upon a sharp letter he had from him yesterday about
his behaviour. Some others are ashamed of the part they acted, but
if the King come not soon all of them will relapse again. The clans
stand firm, and I hope will to the last.

"Pray try to get notice of what private letters from London say upon
our proposeing terms, and let me know as soon as you can. Adieu."

It is curious to trace the revival of the Earl's hopes, and the increase of his confidence. The following letter contains, among other circumstances, a reference to the supposed attempt of the Earl of Stair, in France, to assassinate James.

"December 10th, 1715.

"Sir,

"Yesterday I had yours of the fourth and fifth, for which I thank
you. I wrote to you on the eighth, which I hope you got safe, and
in it I told you of one of the messengers I had sent to France being
returned, and with him General Eclin and Mr. Charles Fleming, and
some money: since that Doctor Abercromby is returned and Lord Edward
Drummond is come with him and brought some more money. They come off
the same day with the others, and landed the same day at Aberdeen
the others did at Montrose. They only brought duplicates of the
dispatches I had by the others, and a letter to me from the Q----
with a pacquet from her to the K----, by which you may be sure he is
sail'd, and we hourly expect to hear of his landing. Since those
people came, those amongst us who had been uneasy, are now comeing
to be in good humour again, particularly Lord Huntley; and I have
agreed to his going north with some of his horse to get all his
people there together to suppress those about Inverness, and also to
have them in readiness against the K. comes. Pray God send him safe
and soon, and then I do not despair of things going right still. Our
whole prisoners almost, I mean the private men, are like to take on
since they heard of the K----g's being certainly a-comeing; and
since they saw the two enclosed papers, they say that were he once
come, there will be news of their armie and all those prisoners.
Even those who do not lift with us, pray openly for the K----, and
that God may keep him out of the hands of his enimies.

"The two enclosed are sent about to a great many places: it is
better to delay dispersing the K----'s declaration til he arrive,
since I hope that is near.

"I admear we hear no certain accounts of the Duke of Ormond, for the
fifteenth inst. the K---- and Q---- too write to me that he was
saild a second time for England.

"Pray God it may be well with him, and if he do not, then I wish he
may come here with all my heart.

"We have heard nothing as yet of the Duke of Argyle's return from
London, and I imagine we shall hear nothing from him upon it, when
he does get it and I hope he shall never be askt for it more by us.
The Duke of Atholl will himself send his men against Crafourd.

"I believe I forgot to tell you in my last that Colonel Hay mist
very narrowly being murdered in France, takeing him for the K----
(being in one of his cheases), by Lord Stair's gang, and in their
pockets Lord Stair's orders were found to go to such a place, and
there obey what orders they should receive from Count Douglass[123]
(Lightly), let them be never so desperate. This is something so
horrid that I want words to express it. I tell it you just as those
from France tell me. The fellow was imprisoned by the government
there and reclaimed by Lord Stair. Lord Clairmont was actually
reclaimed by the Regent before they come away; so his being brought
to England after, may work something. I have just now a packet of
news sent me by A. M., for which I thank you. Notwithstanding this
great new General's being come, I see not how they can do anything
at Stirling till the Dutch join them, and that cannot be yet for
some time; pray Heavens the K---- come before them! I know by other
accounts as well as yours, from abroad, that they are not above four
thousand complete and some of these are lost. Our Highlanders have
got in their heads a mighty contempt for them, which may do good.
This goes by the Hole,[124] from when your packet yesterday was sent
me. I have nothing further to add now, but I hope soon to send you
agreable news. Pray give my service to I. H. and desire him to make
my compliments to his landlady and tel her, I hope she is now right
with her son, which I am exceeding glad of. Adieu."

At length, on the twenty-second of December, James landed at Peterhead, after a voyage of seven days. His arrival dispelled many doubts of his personal courage, since, after all his deliberations, he adopted by no means the least hazardous course by traversing the British ocean, which was beset by British men-of-war. He had sailed from Dunkirk in the small vessel in which he had embarked, and which was followed by two other vessels, containing his domestics, and stores for the use of his army. His immediate attendants were disguised as French officers, and his retinue as seamen. It had been the Chevalier's original intention to have landed in the Frith of Tay; but observing a sail which he suspected to be unfriendly, he altered his course, and landed at Peterhead, where the property of the Earl Marischal was situated. The ship in which the Chevalier sailed was, however, near enough to the shore to be able, by signals, to make signs to his friends of his approach. At Perth the intelligence was received with the utmost joy, and produced a most favourable effect, even among the prisoners of war, which Lord Mar describes in the following letter. Up to the twenty-eighth of the month he had not seen the Prince:

"The 28th December.

"Yours of the twenty-second I have got just now by the Hole, and I
sent one that way to you yesterday from our friend here, in which
you have the joyfull news of the King's safe arival, which I hope in
God will effectually sement what you recomend to us. Our friend went
yesterday morning to meett his master, who I hope will be here with
us again Friday; I pray God turn the hearts of his enemies, both for
the sake of him and their poor country! It will be a monstruous
crime never to be forgiven, if they now draw their swords against
him, since he has been pleased to give them a most gratious
indemnity for all that is past, without exception. All will now soon
be dispersed in the North that opose him. Sutherland's men are
deserting him, and the Frasers are all gone home. I make no doubt
but that we are masters of Inverness, and so consequently the whole
North before this time. I make no doubt but that the King's presence
will forward everything: it has already had great effects here: and
those that were for separate measurs have reason to be ashamed, and
I hope they will make amends by their future behaveor. We have sent
over some of the declarations, and ane other paket of them is gone
this night. Now is the time for every body to bestir themselves, and
that all resort here to their master. I ame persuaded you'l not be
idle. Those that made a pretext of the King's not being landed, are
now left unexcusable; and if those kind of folks now sit still and
look any more on, they ought to be worse treated than our worst
enemies. I beg of you to send us what accounts you can learn on your
side, and what they are now to do upon this news. I hope in God we
shall now be soon ready to give them a meeting! It will be of
consequence for us to hear often from your side, and we have little
other accounts than from you. I have sent yours by ane express this
day to our friend, and I hope to hear from you soon in return to the
last that went on Munday. The K---- lay on Saturday night at the
Earl of Marischall's house; he had a very good and safe passage,
and has given them fair slip, for I supose they did never rekon on
his comeing the near way. I hear there is a great resort to him,
since he landed, of all ranks.

"The Duke of Athol[125] sent a pairty of two hundered of his men
yesterday morning, under the comand of his brother Lord Edward, and
his son Lord James, to Dunkeld to have surprised our garison there,
which consisted of about one hundred men of the clans; but it seems
the garison had notice of it some hours before they came, and gave
them such a warm reception, that they retired in great haste with
the loss of two men killed by our out-sentinels and five or sixe
wounded. I belive his Grace's men had no good will to the work, and
were brought their against their inclinations. They had nott then
gott the account there of the King's arival, els I belive they had
not atempted it. I wish our garison were now at Brunt Island, but I
hope that loss soon be made up. I hope you'll omitte no occasion in
letting us hear from you. Adieu.

"The above is writte to H. S.,[126] but it will serve you both to
forward it to him. I got the money and the cloas safe. I expect to
hear from you soon. I have yours of the twenty-third. I have sent
over a paket to be dispersed, and some ane other way. Your letters
are longer be the way than they need so order it. Fall on some
proper way to gett the enclosed delivered by some person, but be not
seen in it yourself. If ane answer can be got, send it."

The Chevalier slept in the town of Peterhead on the first night of his landing, but on the second he was received at Newburgh, a seat of the Earl Marischal; and the adherents who welcomed him as their Prince, had there an opportunity of forming a judgment of one whom they had hitherto known only by the flattering representations of those who had visited the young adventurer, at his little Court in Lorraine.

In person, James is reported by the Master of Sinclair to have been "tall and thin, seeming to incline to be lean rather than to fill as he grows in years." His countenance, to judge by the most authentic portraits[127] of this Prince, had none of the meditative character of that of Charles the First, whom the Chevalier was popularly said to resemble: neither had it the sweetness which is expressed by every feature of that unhappy Monarch, nor had his countenance the pensiveness which wins upon the beholder who gazes upon the portraits of Charles. The eyes of the Chevalier were light-hazel, his face was pale and long, and in the fullness of the lips he resembled his mother, Mary of Modena. To this physiognomy, on which it is said a smile was rarely seen to play, were added, according to the account of a contemporary, from whose narrative we will borrow a further description, "a speech grave, and not very clearly expressive of his thoughts, nor over much to the purpose; his words were few, and his behaviour and temper seemed always composed.

"What he was in his diversions we know not; here was no room for such things. It was no time for mirth. Neither can I say I ever saw him smile. Those who speak so positively of his being like King James the Seventh, must excuse me for saying that it seems to say they either never saw this person or never saw King James the Seventh; and yet I must not conceal that when we saw the man whom they called our King, we found ourselves not at all animated by his presence; and if he was disappointed in us, we were tenfold more so in him. We saw nothing in him that looked like spirit. He never appeared with cheerfulness and vigour to animate us: our men began to despise him; some asked if he could speak. His countenance looked extremely heavy. He cared not to come abroad among us soldiers, or to see us handle our arms to do our exercise. Some said the circumstances he found us in dejected him. I am sure the figure he made dejected us; and had he sent us but five thousand men of good troops, and never himself come, we had done other things than we have done. At the approach of that crisis when he was to defend his pretensions, and either lose his life or gain a Crown, I think, as his affairs were situated, no man can say that his appearing grave and composed was a token of his want of thought, but rather of a significant anxiety grounded on the prospect of his inevitable ruin, which he could not be so void of sense as not to see plainly before him,--at least, when he came to see how inconsistent his measures were--how unsteady the resolution of his guides, and how impossible it was to make them agree with one another."[128]

* * * * *

It was at Glammis Castle, the seat of the Earl of Strathmore, that the Earl of Mar drew up a flattering account of the Prince, which he caused to be printed and diligently circulated.[129] The whole is here given, as affording an insight into all that was going on:--

"I have had three of yours since I left Perth, but I wonder I have
no letters from London. I mett the King at Fetteresso on Tuesday
se'night, where we stayed til Friday; from thence we came to
Brichan, then to Kinnaird, and yesterday here. The King designed to
have gone to Dundee to-day, but ther's such a fall of snow that he
is forced to put it off til to-morrow, if it be practicable then;
and from thence he designs to go to Scoon. There was no haste in his
being there sooner, for nothing can be done in this season, else he
had not been so long by the way. People every where as we have come
along, are excessively fond to see him and express that duty they
ought. Without any compliment to him, and to do him nothing but
justice, set aside his being a prince, he is realie the finest
gentelman I ever knew. He has a very good presence, and resembles
King Charles a great dele. His presence, tho', is not the best of
him; he has fine partes, and dispatches all his buissiness himself
with the greatest exactness. I never saw any body write so finely.
He is afable to a great degree w^{t}out looseing that majestie that
he ought to have, and has the sweetest temper in the world. In a
word, he is even fitted to make us a happie people, were his
subjects worthie of him. To have him peaceablie settled on his thron
is what these kingdomes do not deserve; but he deserves it so much,
that I hope ther's a good fate attending him. I am sure ther's
nothing wanting to make the rest of his subjects as fond of him as
we are, but thus knowing as we now have the happiness to do. And it
will be odd if his presence amongst us, after his running so many
hazards to compass it, do not turn the hearts of even the most
obstinat. It is not fit to tel all the particulars, but I assure
you, since he arived, he has left nothing undone that well could be
to gain every body, and I hope God will touch their hearts. His
Majestie is very sensible of the service you have done him and he
desires you may continue, for which he hopes he may yet be able to
reward you. He wrote to France as soon's he landed, and sent it with
the shipe he came in, which we hope got safe there long ago. It is
not often that we can have opportunity of writeing or sending there,
and the Queen and others will be mighty impatient to hear
frequently; therefore his Majestie expects you should write there
frequently, and give them all the accounts you can. I have reason to
hope we shall very quickly see a new face on affairs abroad in the
King's favour, which is all I dare comitt to paper. The Government
will nott certainly send all the strength against us they can, but
e'er long, perhaps, they may have ocasion for their troups else
where.

"I belive one wou'd speak to you lately of a kind of comisary of the
Dutch, that may be spoke to, which by no means ought to be
neglected, and he being on your side the watter, it is left to you,
and you must not stick at offering such a reward as he himself can
desire, which I shall see made good: there should no time be lost in
this, and I'll be glad to know soon if there be any hopes that way.

"Tho' the way of sending letters betwixt us be now much more
difficult than ever, yet you must write as often as you possiblie
can get any probable way of sending of them safe; and pray give us
all the accounts you can. I have ordred some of the King's
declarations for England to be sent you, and when they come to your
hands you wou'd get some way of sending them to London and other
places of England. Send the enclosed for my wife under a cover, as
you used to do; by my not hearing from her, I am affraid my last has
not come to her hands. When any comes from her for me, pray take
care that you send them a safe way. We long to know what effects the
news of the King's arivall had at London, Stirling, and Edinburgh. I
suppose you still hear from Kate Bruce. I do not understand what she
means by going to the country, which she mentions in her letter to
you.

"I see in one of the prints that Lawrance is come off from London,
so by this time he must certainly be in Scotland; pray let me know
what you hear of him. If he be come, I suppose he'll understand
himself so well as our prisoner, that he will immediately give
himself up to us again.

"The King wears paper caps under his wige, which I know you also do;
they cannot be had at Perth, so I wish you could send some on, for
his own are near out.

"We are in want of paper for printing; is there no way to send us
some from your side?

"Pray, send my wife one of the Scots and one of the English
declarations at the same time my letter goes, but under another
cover. Adieu.

"Since writeing I have yours of the thirty-first and first, for
which I thank you, and am just going to read them to my master."

Little dependance can be placed on the entire accuracy of either of these varying descriptions,--the one penned by a disappointed, and perhaps wavering, adherent, the other by a man whose personal interests were irrevocably involved with those of James. We must trust to other sources to enable us to form a due estimate of the merits of this ill-starred Prince.

James Stuart was at this time in his twenty-seventh year. From his very cradle he had been, as it might seem to the superstitious, marked by fate for a destiny peculiarly severe. His real birth was long disputed, without the shadow of a reason, except what was suggested by a base court intrigue. This slur upon his legitimacy, which was afterwards virtually wiped away by the British Parliament, was nevertheless the greatest obstacle to his accession, there being nothing so difficult to obliterate as a popular impression of that nature.

Educated within the narrow precincts of the exiled court, James owed the good that was within him to a disposition naturally humane, placable, and just, as well as to the communion with a mother, the fidelity of whose attachment to her exiled consort bespoke a finer quality of mind than that which Nature had bestowed on the object of her devotion. By this mother James must doubtless have been embued with a desire for recovering those dominions and that power for which Mary of Modena, like Henrietta Maria, sighed in vain, as the inheritance of her son; but the stimulus was applied to a disposition with which a private life was far more consonant than the cares of sovereignty. Rising as he does to respectability, when we contrast the good nature and mild good sense of the Chevalier with the bigotry of James the Second,--or view his career, blameless with some exceptions, in contrast with the licentiousness of Charles the Second, there were still no high hopes to be entertained of the young Prince; his character had little energy, and consequently little interest: he was affable, just, free from bigotry although firm in his faith, and capable of great application to business; but he wanted ardour. From his negative qualities, the pitying world were disposed to judge him favourably. "He began the world," says Lockhart, "with the general esteem of mankind; but he sank year by year in public estimation: his Court subsequently displayed the worst features of the Stuart propensities, an intense love of prerogative; and his mind, never strong, became weaker and weaker under the dominion of favourites."

The ship in which James had sailed returned to France immediately to give the news of his safe arrival, and at the same time Lieutenant Cameron, the son of Cameron of Lochiel, was dispatched to Perth to apprise the Earl of Mar of the event. Upon the spur of the moment the Earl, accompanied by the Earl Marischal and General Hamilton, and attended by twenty or thirty persons of quality, on horseback, set out with a guard of horse to attend him whom they considered as their rightful Sovereign. The cavalcade met the Chevalier at Fetteresso, the principal seat of the Earl Marischal. "Here," says Reay, "the Chevalier dressed, and discovered himself," and they all kissed his hand, and owned him as their King, causing him to be proclaimed at the gates of the house. At Fetteresso the Prince was detained during some days by that inconvenient malady the ague. Meantime, the declaration which he had prepared, and which was dated from Commercy, was disseminated, and was dropped in some loyal towns by his adherents in the night-time, there being danger in promulgating it openly.[130]

On the second of January, 1715-16, the Chevalier proceeded to Brechin, and thence to Kinnaird; and on Thursday to Glammis Castle, the seat of the Earl of Strathmore. On the sixth of January he made his public entry into Dundee on horseback, at an early hour. Three hundred followers attended him, and the Earl of Mar rode on his right hand, the Earl Marischal on his left. At the suggestion of his friends, the Prince shewed himself in the market-place of Dundee for nearly an hour and a half, the people kissing his hands. The following extract from a letter among the Mar Papers affords a more minute and graphic account of the Chevalier's demeanour than is to be found in the usual histories of the day.

"I hear the Pretender went this day from Glams to Dundee, and comes
to Scoon to-morrow; and I am shourly informed that your old friend
Willie Callender went to Glams on Wensday and kissed the Pretender's
hand, of whom he makes great speeches, and says he is one of the
finest gentlemen ever he saw in his life. Its weell that his landing
is keept up from the army, for he has gained so much the good will
of all ranks of people in this country that have seen him, that if
it was made publick it's thought it might have ill effects among
them. He is very affable and oblidging to all, and great crowds of
the common people flok to him. When he toke horse this morning from
Glams, there was about a thousand country people at the gate, who
they say, gave him many blessings: he has tuched several of the
ivil, as he did some this morning. He is of a very pleasant temper,
and has intirely gained the hearts of all thro' the places he has
passed. He aplyes himself very closs to business, and they say might
very weell be a Secretarie of State. He has declared Lord Marischall
one of his bedchamber. The toun of Aberdeen made him ane address, as
did all the other touns as he passed; and I hear he is, at the
request of the episcopal clergy in this country, to apoint a day of
thanksgiving for his safe arival, and likeways a proclamation, to
which will be referred his declaration, with something new, which
shall be sent to you with first ocasion. There came a battalion of
Bredalbins men to Perth on Tuesday, and ane other of Sir Donald
M^{c}Donalds this day; and they are now daily getting in more men.

"This is all the intelligence I can give you, and I hope to hear
from you again soon, and lett me know what certain number are now
come over, and what more designed. Deliver the enclosed and tell him
these papers could not be gott him just now, but shall per next. I
ame affraid poor W. Maxewell wild be dead before you get this, of a
fever and a flux: he is given over this two days. Write soon."

After the display at Dundee, the Chevalier rode to the house of Stewart of Grandutly, in the neighbourhood, where he dined and passed the day. On the following day he proceeded along the Carse of Gowrie to Castle Lyon, a seat of the Earl of Strathmore, where he dined, and went thence to Fingask, the seat of Sir David Threipland. On the eighth of January he took up his abode in the royal palace of Scoon, where he intended to remain until after his coronation.

For this event preparations were actually made by the Earl of Mar, whose sanguine spirit appears to have been somewhat revived by the presence of the Chevalier. The addition of a new dignity to his own ancestral honours had marked the favour and confidence of James. Before the arrival of the Chevalier in Scotland, the Earl of Mar had been informed that a patent of dukedom was made out for him; on which he thus expressed himself in a letter, written before the Chevalier's landing, full of gratitude and professions.[131]

"Your Majesty has done me more honour than I deserve. The new dignity you have been pleased to confer on me is what I was not looking for; and coming from your Majesty's hands is what gives it the value. The patent is not yet come, but tho' it had, I think I ought not to make use of it till your Majesty's arrival."

The Earl of Mar had now had an opportunity of throwing himself at the feet of the King, which, as he expressed, "is the thing in the world he had longed most for." But still, the difficulties in his path seemed to be rendered more insurmountable than ever by the arrival of James.

In the first place, the landing of the Chevalier evidently sealed the doom of those gallant and unfortunate noblemen who had been taken prisoners at Preston; and rendered all hopes of mercy futile. The sixteenth of January, which witnessed the forming of the Chevalier's council at Perth, was the day on which the unfortunate Derwentwater, Nithisdale, Kenmure, Wintoun, and Widdrington, petitioned for two days' delay to prepare for their trials. Their doom was hurried on in the general panic; and in the addresses from both Houses of Parliament to King George, it was declared by the members of those assemblies "that the landing of the Pretender in this kingdom had greatly encreased their indignation against him and his adherents."

It is impossible that the Earl of Mar could have heard, without deep commiseration, and perhaps remorse, of the peril in which those ill-fated adherents of James were placed, although he may not have anticipated the full severity of the law. In one of his subsequent letters he remarks: "By the news I see the Parliament is to have no mercie on our Preston folks: but I hope God will send them salvation in time." One of his greatest sources of anxiety had been respecting the movements of the Duke of Ormond, upon whose making a diversion in favour of James, in England, Mar had counted. The news that Ormond, after having been seen on the coast of England, had returned, disheartened, was brought by the Chevalier, who heard of it at St. Maloes. The only chance of success, the last hope, were centered in this resource. The failure of this expectation was fatal, as Lord Mar conceived, to the cause, and on it he grounded his own subsequent withdrawal from England.

The entrance of the Chevalier into Perth, on the ninth of January, was attended with far less enthusiasm than the previous portion of his progress. His reception was comparatively cold. On asking to see their "little kings" (the chieftains) with their armies, the Highlanders, diminished in numbers by the secession of the Marquis of Huntley and the absence of Lord Seaforth and others, were marched before him. James could not help admiring their bearing; but the small amount of troops in the camp filled him with a dejection which he could not conceal. When, a few days afterwards, the unfortunate Prince addressed his council for the first time, he said, with mournful truth, these words. "For me it will be no new thing if I am unfortunate: my whole life, even from my cradle, has been a constant series of misfortunes." This sentiment of ill-presage was re-echoed in the address of the Episcopal clergymen.

"Your Majesty has been trained up," said these divines, at Fetteresso, "in the School of the Cross, in which the Divine grace inspires the mind with true wisdom and virtue, and guards it against those false blandishments by which prosperity corrupts the heart." And as this school has sent forth the most illustrious princes,--Moses, Joseph, and David, it was hoped that a similar benefit would accrue to the character of the Prince whom the Episcopal Clergy thus welcomed to their country.