Chapter VI: Part 6

Meantime the project of crowning the Chevalier at Scone amused the minds of the people, and continued to be the subject of diligent preparation by the Earl of Mar. Unhappily a ship laden with money and other aids, had been lost on its passage from France, close to the Tay, for want of a pilot.[132] The difficulties which were augmented by this misfortune, are alluded to in the following extract from one of Lord Mar's letters.

"January 15th, 1715-16.

"Sir,

"I wrote to you yesterday by one that used to come here from Mr.
Hall, which I hope will come safe to your hands. At night I had
yours of the fourteenth, and this night that of the tenth. The caps
do pritty well, and I have orders to thank you for them. I send you
one of his own; if you can get such paper t'is well, and if not, the
other is what he likes best of any that you sent; so let some of
either one or other come when you have an occasion.

"I am sorry Mr. Brewer[133] is ill, for his presence here wou'd be
of great use; and as soon as he is able I wish he wou'd come, which
I am ordered to tel you, and also that you may endeavour to get a
copie of the coronation of King Charles the First and Second, which
certainly are to be had in Edinburgh. Willie Wilson had them, and
perhaps some of his friends may have got copies of them from him,
which may be had.

"I spoke to one some time ago about makeing a crown in pices at
Edinburgh and bringing it over here to be put togither, who, I
believe, talkt to you of it. That man was here some days ago, but
went away before I knew it is wisht that such a thing could yet be
done, which is left to your care.

"In case there be occasion for it here, as I wish there may, bulion
gold is what I'm afraid will be wanting, but it will not take much.
Had not the misfortune I wrote to you of hapn'd to Sir J.
Erskine[134] there had been no want of that. We have got no farther
account of that affair, tho' we have people about it; but if they do
not succeed this night or to-morrow when the spring tide is, it is
lost for ever. There is more by the way tho', and I hope will have
better fate. I have ordered more papers to be sent you, and
certainly you have more of them before now. It is mighty well taken
what that lady (the letters from London say) has ordered, as to
those you sent her, which you are desired to let her have; and I do
not doubt she will do the same as to those concerning E----d.
Adieu."

By the next letter it appears that the good opinion entertained by Lord Mar of the Chevalier was real; since the whole of the epistle has the tone of being a natural effusion of feeling, and is a simple statement of what actually took place, and not the letter of a diplomatist.

"Sir,

"I have seen a letter from Mr. S----g, who had spoke with you on the
subject I formerly wrote to you of, concerning that fo--f--y of the
D----h to a gentleman with us, Mr. S----q's friend, and upon it our
master has thought fit to write the enclosed to him, and orders me
to tell you that you must cause give him an hundred guineas at the
delivery of the letter. The letter is left open for your perusal,
and I wish it may have effect, as perhaps it may. There's no time
to be lost in it, and I'll long to know what passes in it, and what
hopes you have of him. I sent you credit for five hundred pounds,
which I hope you got safe; but if by any accident it should not come
to your hands, Mr. S----q there, is a certain goldsmith that will
advance what there is occasion for this way. I send you enclosed a
letter, which may be of use in an affair I wrote of in my last.

"We have got severall deserters since the K. came and last night
nine came in with their clothes and arms, and says many more will
follow soon, which I wish we may see. They say, too, that the two
regiments of dragoons are marcht from Glasgow for England, and that
two are to go from Stirling to replace them. Were they designing to
march against Scoon, sure they would not do this, nor is it possible
they can do anything in this weather; but if they, notwithstanding,
attempt it, perhaps they may find frost in it.

"As I am writing I have received yours of the thirteenth. I read it
to the K----g, and delivered him the enclosed letter from Mr.
Holmes, which was very well taken, as you will see by the enclosed
return, which you'll take care to forward safely; and pray do me the
favour to make my compliments there.

"Perhaps you'll hear things of the two northern powers[135] that
will look odd to your other friends, as no wonder; but all will come
right again--the time they had taken being out in a few days.
There's one sent some days ago to assist them, so I hope things will
be soon right there, tho' they have done much to spoil them, and
each of them makes an excuse of one another as they have done from
the begining. The K----, you will see by all the enclosed, is not
spareing of his pains. You must fall on the right way of having them
all delivered.

"That to Seaforth he writes upon the great professions he made when
in France; he is such a fellow that I'm afraid it will do little
good.

"I have nothing else material to say just now, but I cannot give
over without telling a thing which I'm sure will please you--that
the longer one knows the King the better he's liked, and the more
good qualities are found in him; that of good-nature is very
eminent, and so much good sense that he might be a first minister to
any king in Europe, had he not been born a king himself. He has
allowed Neil Campbell to go to Edinburgh t'other day on his parole,
he being ill, and it was with so much good nature that was evident
in his doing of it, that it charmed me. I wish you could get notice
how Neil represents it or expresses himself when he gets there; for
I wrote it at length to the gentleman who wrote to me about him.
Adieu.

"If people from S----q be designing to come to us, they should
either do it soon or give us assurances of doing it soon as we are
in view of each other; and these assurances must be such that we can
depend on, for our conduct must in a great measure be regulated by
what we expect that way.

"It were highly necessary that methods and measures were concerted
for the right way of doing this, which you should let such of them
as you know are so trusted know, and it is absolutely necessary that
they either send one to me about this, or let me know it certainly
some other way, that we may not be drawing different ways when we
are designing the same thing.

"We have no return of the last message which was sent to the good
man of the house you wrote of, and t'is above eight days ago. I
believe he designs right, tho' t'is odd."

The enthusiasm which was at first displayed towards the Chevalier was soon cooled, not only by his grave and discouraging aspect, but by his fearless and impolitic display of his religious faith. He never allowed any Protestant even to say grace for him, but employed his own confessor "to repeat the Pater nosters and Ave Marias:" and he also shewed an invincible objection to the usual coronation oath,--a circumstance which deferred the ceremony of coronation,--Bishop Mosse declaring that he would not consent to crown him unless that oath were taken. This sincerity of disposition--for it cannot be called by a more severe name--especially diminished the affections of the Chevalier's female episcopal friends, who had excited their male relations to bear arms in his favour. But the circumstance which weighed the most heavily against James, was the order which he published, on hearing that the Duke of Argyle was making preparations to march against him, for burning the towns and villages, and destroying the corn and forage, between Dumblane and Perth. This act of destruction, from the effects of which the desolate village of Auchterarder has never recovered, was determined on, in order that the enemy might be incommoded as much as possible upon their march; it added to the miseries of a people already impoverished by the taxes and contributions which the Jacobites had levied. It appears, however, from a letter of James's, since discovered, or perhaps, only suppressed at the time, to have been an act which he bitterly regretted, and the order for which he signed most unwillingly. He was desirous of making every reparation in his power for the ravages which were committed in his name.[136]

On the ninth of January a council of war was held by the Duke of Argyle at Stirling, where, by a singular coincidence, the council sat in the same room in which James the Second, then Duke of York, had, in 1680, been entertained by the Earl of Argyle, to whom he had proposed the repeal of the sanguinary laws against Papists. The refusal of Argyle to concur in that measure, the consequences of his conduct, and his subsequent death, are circumstances which, doubtless, arose to the remembrance of his descendant, as he discussed, in that apartment, the march towards Perth.

The country between Stirling and Perth was covered with a deep snow; the weather was one continual storm; it was therefore impossible for the army of Argyle to proceed until the roads were cleared,--a process which required some time to effect. It is asserted, nevertheless, by an historian, that upon Colonel Ghest being sent with two hundred dragoons to reconnoitre the road leading to Perth, that the greatest panic prevailed in that town: immediate preparations were made for defence, and nothing was to be seen except planting of guns, marking out breastworks and trenches, and digging up stones, and laying them with sand to prevent the effects of a bombardment.[137] The Earl of Mar, nevertheless, does not appear, if we may accredit his own words, to have even then despaired of a favourable issue. The following letter betrays no fear, but speaks of some minor inconvenience, which is far from being of a melancholy description. The difficulty of procuring the right sort of ribbon for the decoration of the Garter, is altogether a new feature among the adversities of royal personages. It seems strange that James should not have provided himself, before quitting France, with all that was necessary to preserve the external semblance of majesty.

"January 20th, 1715-16.

"Sir,

"I wrote to you the eighteenth, and sent severall others enclosed,
which I hope will come safe to you. The inclosed, markt D. F., is
from the King to Davie Floid at London, which he desires you may
take care to gett conveid to him safly and soon, it being of
consequence. The other is for my wife, which I beg you may forward
as usewall.

"We are told that ther's some foot come to Dumblain, and that ther's
more expected there. And they still talk as if they designed to
march their whole armie against us nixt week. Perhaps they intend
it, but with this weather I see not how 'tis in their power. If they
do tho', upon their expecting we are to abandon Perth upon their
aproach, as I'm told they believe, they will find themselves
mistaken, for all here are resolved to stand it to the last, and
perhaps we will not wait their comeing the lenth, but meet them by
the way. We might have left it indeed, some time ago; but that time
is past, and the King's being with us alters the case in every
respect. After all, I cannot get myself to belive that they will
actually come to us in haste, and if they do they may mistake their
reckning. Sure I am, it were impossible for us to march to them in
this snow, and our folks are as good at that as they. The snow puts
me in mind of the children of Israel's pillar of smoke and pillar of
fire; and to say truth, ther's something in the weather very odd
and singular; I never saw such.

"My cloathes are almost all worn out, haveing left some at the
battle: I know not if you could get me any made and sent from
Edinburgh; but if you could, I should be glad of it. Ther's one Bird
was my tayler and I belive has my measur, or some old cloathes of
mine, that he could make them by. Perhaps he's a whig tho', and will
not do it. I would have them deep blew, laced with gold, but not on
the seams. I have but one starr and no riban, but 'tis no great
matter for that, a better man than I is in the same case; he has
only one scrub, one which he got made since he came, and no right
riban. I believe ther's neither of that kind of blew nor green riban
to be got at Edinburgh; but if you could get some tolorablie like
it, you send some of both. Wine is like to be a more sensible want.
We got a little Burgundy for the King, but it is out; and tho' we
know of a little more, I'm affraid we shall scarce get it brought
here; and he does not like clarit, but what you'l think odd, he
likes ale tolorably well. I hope they will send us some from France,
but with this wind nothing can come from thence. George Hamilton
saild on Saturday last, and I belive is there long e'er now, which I
heartily wish he may, and I hope you shall soon see the effects of
his going with what he caried with him.

"I am affraid Macintosh's men in England may be in hard
circumstances for want of money. The King has ordred some for them,
which is this daye given to a friend of theirs who was sent to me
from the North, who sayes he knows how to get it remitted to them.

"By the news I see the Parliament is to have no mercie on our
Preston folks, but I hope God will send them salvation in time.

"I wish you would send us the newspapers oftner for we get them but
seldome; the soonest way of sending them is by A. W. at Kirkaldy,
who will find some way of sending them to us, notwithstanding of
their garisons in Fife.

"I'm affraid what I wrote to you of formerly to be in danger will
never be recovered, for it could not at this time, tho' it was
try'd; and I fear shall not the next either, tho' we are to do all
we can about it, and it was too much to go that way.

"We have heard nothing further as yet from the goodman of the house,
as you call him, which I am surprized at. I can say no more now, so
Adieu."

If we may believe the public prints of the day, dissensions now arose between the Chevalier and the Earl of Mar: the former blaming his general for having urged him to come over, when he had so small a force to appear in his favour; the latter, recriminating that the failure of aid from the Continent had discouraged the Chevalier's friends. The Earl of Mar was severely blamed, to quote from the same source, for having deceived the Chevalier in making him believe that the forces in Scotland were more considerable than they really were, and for giving his Scottish friends reason to suppose that the Chevalier would bring over foreign auxiliaries. That the former part of these allegations against Mar was untrue, is shewn by the letter which has been given, explaining to the Prince the state of affairs; and rather discouraging him from his attempt.[138] That the whole report was groundless, was manifested by the favour and confidence which James long continued to extend to the Earl after his exile abroad.

For some time, the Earl of Mar and his party contrived to keep up their hopes. The season was indeed in some respects their friend, since it necessarily impeded the movements of Argyle's army against them. The winter of 1715-16 was one of the most severe that had been felt for many years, not only in Scotland, but abroad. In France and Spain the cold was so excessive, and the snow so deep, that the country people could not go to the market towns to buy provisions, whilst the plains were infested with bears and wolves, emboldened by the desolation, and ranging over the country in great numbers.[139]

Whilst the intense frost lasted, the three thousand Highlanders who were encamped at Perth were able to defy the English army, although now supplied with artillery and ammunition from Berwick. Their security was furthermore increased by a heavy fall of snow succeeding a partial thaw, and followed by a frost, which rendered the roads more impracticable than ever, especially for the foot-soldiers. This circumstance had even occasioned some deliberation whether it would not be advisable for the Duke of Argyle to defer his march to Perth until the winter should be ended. Until the middle of January, it was the full intention of the Highlanders, and also that of the Earl of Mar, to stand the event of a battle, let the enemy's force be what it might. That they purposed thus to maintain their ancient character for valour, was, even as those most adverse to them allow, the prevalent report. It is borne out by the Earl of Mar's correspondence. On the twenty-third of January he thus writes to Captain Straiton:

"The 23rd January.

"I have yours of the seventeenth and the twentieth both togather
last night, and a paket from H. in the last. I wrote to you on
Saturday the old way, and sent you a paket enclosed, which I belive
is of consequence, so I hope it's come safe, and that H. has gott
it. He has had two or three sent him from this of late, different
ways, and one goes of this day by the near way he sometimes uses. We
hear from all hands of the preparations against us, but we resolve
to stand it, cost what it will, and if they come out we will
certainly give them battle, lett their number be never so great. It
must now be plain to all that will allow themselves to see, that
nothing less is designed by the present managers than the intire
ruin and destruction of this poor country, and of every honest man
in it; and if this will not be an awakened people, I know nothing
that will. Since this then is plainly the case, there can be no
choise in dying honourably in the field for so just a cause, or
leving to see the ruin and intire destruction of our country, our
King, and our friends and relations. For my part, I shall prefer the
first with all cheerfulness, and never desire to live to be a
witness to the latter, which certainly will be the case if it please
God our King should be defeat."

The next paragraph of this letter speaks mournfully of disappointment in those on whose aid the Earl had counted.

"It must be a strange infatuation that has gott amongst people,
especially those that always pretended to be friends to our cause,
many of whom told before the King came that they wad certainly joyn
him when he landed, and made his not being with us the only
objection, and now when he is come they make some other shift;--I
must say such people are worse than our greatest enemies; and if any
misfortune should befal the King or his cause, (which God forbid!) I
think they that pretended to be our friends have very much to count
for, and are more the cause of it than any others, since no doubt
the ashourances that many gave to joyn us when the King landed was
a chief motive for his comming to us. I hope in God we shall be able
to opose them tho' their numbers should be greater, and to their
shame and confusion be it if they come against us. I hope very soon
the King will have such assistance as will defeat all their designs,
and that his affairs will take a sudden turn in other pairts."

The most serious defection from the Jacobite cause was the submission of the Marquis of Huntley and the Earl of Seaforth to the victorious arms of the Earl of Sutherland, aided by Lord Lovat, in Invernesshire. Seaforth had collected, on the Moor of Gilliechrist, twelve hundred men, the remnant of those whom he had been able to save from Sherriff Muir; but finding that Lord Sutherland had resolved to force him into an engagement, he owned King George as his lawful Sovereign, and promised to lay down his arms. This had occurred early in December, and, according to Lord Mar, before the Earl of Seaforth, in those remote regions, could have heard of the Chevalier's landing. Mar therefore regarded it as a temporary cessation on the part of Seaforth and Huntley, for a given period, of hostilities against the Government.

As far as related to Lord Seaforth, the belief of Lord Mar was correct. At the end of the days agreed upon for the cessation of arms, Seaforth drew his people together, the influence of clanship enabling him to summon them at will, like a king; and again appeared in arms. This was the consequence of the news that James had landed having reached Inverness. But Seaforth could not retrieve the cause of James in the North, nor repair the effects of even a temporary submission. Eventually he returned to the party which he had espoused, and escaped to France. The Marquis of Huntley made his own terms with the Government.

At this critical juncture, unanimity still prevailed, according to Lord Mar, among the assembled chieftains at Perth. "I do assure you," he writes, "that since the arms came here, there has not been a quarrel of any kind happened among us--not even among the Highland men, which is very extraordinary; and you may depend upon it there is the greatest unanimity here just now, and all fully resolved to stand to it, let what will come. I pray God preserve our King from the wicked and hellish designs of his enemies! I hope we will be apprized of their motions, so as to be in readiness to receive them."

These expressions were written, but the letter which contained them was not sent, on the twenty-third of January. The postscript, written in a hurried hand, shows that the camp at Perth was not unprepared for the coming attack.

"Since writing of the inclosed, I have two from which I gott last
night with the paket; and ane account of that detachment of horse
comming out, who we hear came the lenth of Acterardie,[140] upon
which account the whole army here were ordred to be in a readyness
to march this morning, and we have no account they are returned: we
hear it was to vew the roads, and to try if it was practicable to
march their army, which they will find very hard to doe while this
weather holds. The account you gave in yours of their motions and
that detachment was very distinct. The K. read it himself,--it came
prety quick. I entreat you fail not to lett us have what accounts
you can learn, for what comes from you are among the best we can
gett.

"The K. ordered a review of the whole army here this morning, and
they are all to hold themselves ready at one half ane hour's
advertisment. Lett me hear from you soon. Adieu."

Again, on the twenty-fourth of January:

"What is above should have gone this morning, but was delyed. Six
hundered of the clans are gone out this night to reinforce the
garison of Braco and Crief. I hear they have orders to destroy the
corn-yards and barns about Achterardir and Black Ford, which we hear
were revewed by the enemy yesterday. The King signed thir orders, I
can ashour you, most unwillingly; and caused put it in the order
that every thing should be made good to the poor people, with a
gratuity; and if any of them pleased to come to Perth, they should
be maintained and all care taken of them. This you may take for
truth, for no doubt they will make a great noise about it.

"We have just now got ane account of a ship being come into
Montross, but we know not yett what she brings. Adieu,--writte soon.
I am in haste."

"Eleven att night."

On the twenty-fourth of January, the Duke of Argyle marched to Dumblane, with two hundred horse, to reconnoitre the roads. The report that the enemy was approaching, was quickly conveyed to Perth; and now was the order to burn and destroy the village of Auchterarder, the contents of the houses, all stores of corn and forage, mournfully and promptly executed. It was supposed by this, that the march of Argyle's forces would be impeded; but it produced no other inconvenience to that army than obliging them to lie one night in the open air; whilst the unpopularity it brought on James and his advisers, was long the subject of comment to their enemies. It is consolatory to those who wish to judge favourably of James to find this declaration in Lord Mar's correspondence.

"The King was forced, sore against his will, to give these burning
orders, as all of us were, could we have helped it; but this
extraordinary manoeuvre of the enemy made it absolutely necessary.
A finger must be cut off to save the whole body. I have ordered some
copies of a proclamation to be sent you. There is about two of the
places burnt, and there's another ordred about the rest. Adieu.

"It was not amiss that this proclamation were sent to London."

In pursuance of the cruel and impolitic commands to which Lord Mar refers, three thousand Highlanders were sent forth to the act of destruction. Auchterarder, Crieff, Blackford, Denning and Muthel, were mercilessly burned; and the wretched inhabitants turned out at that inclement season to destitution without a roof to shelter them. Many decrepid people and children perished in the flames.[141] Had James sought, in truth, to prepare a way for the Government in the hearts of the people, he could not have adopted a more suitable means. In the Duke of Argyle, he had a generous and humane adversary to deal with,--one whose forbearance laid him under the imputation of a want of zeal for the cause of the Government, and rendered him no favourite at the English Court. The fashion at the Court of St. James's, according to a letter in the Mar Papers, was, to rail against the Duke, and even George the First and those about him joined in the unjust and ungrateful abuse.

Even so late as Sunday, the twenty-ninth of January, when Argyle's troops left Stirling and advanced to Braco Castle, Lord Mar appears to have been in ignorance of their actual movements. Perhaps, like the busy world of London politicians, he regarded the project of an attempt upon Perth in such weather as impracticable. Such was the opinion at St. James's. "Argyle's friends here," writes one near the Court, "speak of the march and the attempt at present as madness." And another individual writes, that "one half of their people must die of cold, and the other be knocked o' the head. So it seems Argyle is dragg'd to this matter. We cannot perceive, by all the letters that come up, any particular certainty as to Lord Mar's number and his designs. The Court are positive he will not stand; and they, as well as Ridpeath, assert strongly that the Pretender is gone already as far as Glammis. The Jacobites fancy that if he went thither, it was to meet and assemble these officers that were landed."[142]

Whilst in this state of perplexity Lord Mar thus writes:

"Jan. 29th.

"Sir,

"I have keept the man that brought yours of the nineteenth and
twentieth, from A. W., on Saturday, till now, that I might have a
sure and speedy way of writeing to you when anything of consequence
happened, which we were expecting every minut last night. I wrote
one to you when I belived the enemie's front to be at Auchterarder,
and despatcht it; but late at night getting intelligence of that
party of the enemie who were marching towards Aucterarder haveing
marcht back without comeing the lenth of that place to Dumblain, if
not to Stirling, without halting by the way, I stopt my letter and
kepp it till they actually march, and then perhaps I may yet send it
to you, there being some other things in it necessary for you to
know upon that emergance which is needless other wayes.

"In it I told you of my haveing received yours of the eighteenth on
Sunday, and last night those of the fifteenth and twenty-first both
togither.

"By all appearance the enemie resolve to march against us, as one
might say, whether it be possible or not. They sent a party of horse
and foot to Dumblain on Sunday, which came near to Auchterarder
yesterday, I belive to try if the thing was practicable, but they
returned to Dumblain as above. We shall be forced to burn and
distroy a good deal of the country to prevent their marching, which
goes very, _very_ much against the King's mind, as it does mine and
more of us; but ther's an absolat necessity for it, and I believe it
will be put in execution this night or to-morrow morning, which
grieves me. Could it be helpt? this way of their makeing warr in
this, I may say, impracticable season, must have extraordinary
methods to oppose it. And I hope in God, any that suffers now, it
shall soon be in the King's power to make them a large reparation.
After all, when they have no cover left them, I see not how it is
possible for them to march. We are like to be froze in the house;
and how they can endure the cold for one night in the fields, I
cannot conceive; and then the roads are so, that but one can go
abreast, as their party did yesterday; and ther's no going off the
road for horse and scarce for foot, without being lost in the snow;
but if, after all, they do march, we must do our best, and I hope
God will preserve and yet prosper the King, who is the best prince I
belive in the world.

"As for news in the kingdome of Fife, I suppose you wou'd hear that
a party of the M^{c}Grigors some dayes ago from Faulkland attacquet
a party of Swise and militia from Leslie and beat them, takeing
thirty-two prisoners, wherof eleven horse, as I hear. I have not
time to say more, so adieu."

"January 29th, 1715-16."

Again, in another letter on the same day, the Earl still seems to consider the game as not then lost. It is amusing to find how, in the carrying on of his projects, he availed himself of the aid of ladies, and how troubled he sometimes found himself with "busie women." Whilst this letter was being penned, Argyle was employing the country people around Auchterarder in clearing the roads of snow: and on the following day, he had advanced towards Tullibardine, within eight miles of Perth. On that very Sunday, Lord Mar thus writes: it is evident he had at this time formed no plan of retreat.

"Sunday, 11 o'clock forenoon, Janu 29th, 1715-16.

"Sir,

"Since I wrote to you I have got yours of the twenty-second, one of
the twenty-third, and two of the twenty-fifth; the last of which,
tho' the first wrote, I got not til this morning. I wou'd have wrote
to you these two dayes by post, but we have had so many alarms of
the enimie's marching towards us, that I had not time, as I have
very little to say anything just now, for I expect ivery minut to
hear of their being marcht from Dumblain, where a considerable
number of them have been these two dayes this way.

"The enclosed you must take care to send by the first post which is
opened again on purpose for you to read, but I'm affraid you will
not understand it all. As to that paper you sent me which came from
England, there can be nothing said to it from hence just now, only
that they are to do the best they can; and I hope shortly that
country shall have sent them where withall to enable them to make a
better figur than they have hitherto done. We are not in a condition
here to give them any help just now. Ther's one Mrs. Lawson, who
seems to be a diligent body, that complains a little that you do not
allow her to see you often enough, which I take to be the complaint
of an over busie woman, than which ther's nothing more uneasie; but
just now such people must be humoured, and she has really been
usefull. Before this goes 'tis very likely I may have occassion to
inclose one I formerly wrote to you upon a certain occasion, but
did not then send as I told you in another, the thing not then
hapning, but we expect it every minut. Deserters of all kinds come
in to us pritty fast, foreigners as well as subjects; and if they
but give them time, I am perswaded great numbers will.

"'Tis now five o'clock and we have no accounts of any of the enimie
being come further than Dodoch, where a partie of them came last
night, so I'll detain the messenger. This goes by no stranger.
Perhaps they may find the roads impracticable, and by the burning
that they can advance no further,--at which, indeed, I shall not be
much surprised; and if so, may be forced to delay their
extraordinary march til more human weather for making warr. The King
was forced, sore against his will, to give these burning orders,--as
all of us were, could wee have helpt it; but this extrodinar manuver
of the enimie made it absolutly necessary: a fingor must be cut of
to save the whole body. I have ordered some copies of a proclamation
to be sent you, there is about two of the places burnt, and ther's
another order about the rest. Adieu.

"It were not amiss that this proclamation was sent to London. The
little young letter enclosed is for Lady Wigton, which pray cause
deliver."

On Tuesday, the last day of January, the Duke of Argyle passed the river Eru, and took possession of Tullibardine. It has been stated by several historians that the Jacobites fled from Perth on the same day; but the following letter from Lord Mar, dated the first of February, shows that the flight could not have taken place until the following day. This curious letter, which was written at the early hour of six in the morning, is unfinished. It is the last in the series of that correspondence which has formed of itself a narrative of Lord Mar's life, from his first taking upon himself the office of General and Commander-in-Chief, to the hour when he virtually resigned that command. In the midst of pressing danger his sanguine nature seems not to have deserted him: his love of the underplots of life, the influence of "Kate Bruce," and the arrangements for a coronation, were as much in his thoughts as in the more hopeful days before Sherriff Muir and Preston.

"Wednesday, about six forenoon, ffebruary 1st, 1716.

"On Monday evening I gave you the trouble of a greatly long letter,
mostly on indifferent subjects, and sent it off yesterday to A. W.
If I was too tedious upon what concerned a woman and a Prince, it
was with a good intent, and to make matters plain. By what I hear
from R. B., and the Hole, that Argyle's forces were yesterday
forenoon at Stirling, and so was the regiments of dragoons there and
St. Ninian's, for accounts of motions there and thereabouts, on both
sydes of the river,--you may expect it best sent from R. B., the
Hole, and a grave gentleman.

"By yesternight's post I sent of M^{c}Quart's letter; and indeed, in
most or all letters I write to that quarter for ten weeks past, I
alwayes requested that whatever was to be done might be quickly
done. I lykeways sent to London between fyve or six, several honest
hands, to put off the proclamation declaration about burning, and
that paper of which I some days ago sent you two copies. And now I
begin to think I have been in the wrong to Mr. S----g, in the short
character I gave you of him, at least, if it be true that I am told,
that he is not only author of that paper I sent you the two copies
of, but has got a very great number of them printed; and tho' I may
be an insufficient judge, I must acknowledge I am very well pleased
with the paper, for I think it full of plain truths; and besydes
other dispersings, I did indeed yesterday cause putt in fiftein
copies of it in the Lords of Session's boxes.

"The litle letter to my good Lady W.[143] I caused carefully to be
delivered. I wish all women had some share of her good, sweet, easie
temper, for, as you will observe, over-busied women are most
uneasie; and I have had much experience of it within these four
months past in many instances, and with more persons than one or
two. The only inconvenience I had by Kate Bruce lodging in the same
house with me was, it brought in too many women upon me, and some
of these brought in others, and to this minute I cannot with
descretion get quit of them.

"A good time ago you were pleased to tell me you could not well
conceive how I got myself keept free, but if you now knew what a
multitude knows where I lodge, you would wonder more; and indeed it
is no litle admiration to myself: but as soon as I have so much
strenth, and can fynd a convenient place (which is not easie), I
will change my quarters, if it were for no other reason than to be
quit of useless people of both sexes, that interrupt me from
busieness, or trouble with impertinent questions. And whyle I am
accuseing others of indescretion, I wish I am not so myself in so
much insisting upon and troubling you with such matters.

"At Perth I have gott a collection of all papers relating to the
coronation of King Charles the First and Second, and shall send them
whenever you think fitt; but I suppose it may be convenient to lett
the present hurrie a little over before I send them to you.

"How the great Generalls can imploy their hors to great purpose in
the deep snow, or how men and hors will long hold out in such
weather, is what I do not understand. I hope a shorter time than
they imagine will destroy, even without the help of an enemy,--at
least, make many, both men and hors, inserviceable."

Much had been going on in the meantime, to which Lord Mar, perhaps from the fear of spreading a panic, does not even allude to his correspondent in Edinburgh. When it became known in Perth that Argyle had left Stirling, the advisers of the Chevalier were dismayed and distracted by contending counsels. But the mass of the army expressed a very different sentiment, rejoicing that the opportunity of a rencontre with the enemy was so near: congratulations were heard passing from officers to their brother officers, and the soldiers, as they drank, pledged their cups to the good day near at hand. The council, meantime, sat all night: the irresolution of that body, towards morning, was disclosed to the impatient soldiery: the indignation of the brave men, and more especially of the Highlanders, burst forth upon the disclosure of what had passed in the council. The gentlemen volunteers resented the pusillanimity of their leaders: and one of them was heard to propose that the clans should take the Chevalier out of the hands of those who counselled him to retreat, and added that he would find ten thousand gentlemen in Scotland that would risk their lives for him. A friend of Mar, after remonstrating with these malcontents, asked "What they wished their officers to do?" "Do!" was the reply; "what did you call on us to take arms for? was it to run away? What did the King come hither for? was it to see his people butchered by hangmen and not strike a note for their lives? Let us die like men, and not live dogs."[144]

On the thirtieth of January the Chevalier himself opened another council in the evening, and in a few words proposed a retreat. Lord Mar then addressed the meeting, and advocated the measure with a degree of ingenuity and eloquence which, at that moment, we are disposed rather to condemn than applaud; yet, his reasons for abandoning Perth were such, as in cool reflection were not devoid of justice, and they might be founded upon a humane consideration for the brave adherents of a lost cause. He stated, first, as the cause of his proposal, the failure of the Duke of Ormond's invasion of England. Secondly, the accession of foreign troops to the Duke of Argyle's force. Lastly, the reduced number of the Chevalier's troops, which then amounted to four thousand, only two thousand three hundred of which were properly armed. Even in that weak condition the Chevalier would, according to Lord Mar's subsequent statement, gladly have maintained Perth, or ventured a battle; but when the enemy with an army of eight thousand men were actually advanced near to the place, it was found impracticable to defend Perth, the town being little more at that time than an open village; and the river Tay on one side, and the fosse on the other, being both frozen over, it would have been easy to enter the town at any quarter. Added to this, the mills had been long stopped by the frost, so that there were not above two days' provision in the town. There were no coals to be procured: the enemy had possession of the coal mines in Fife, and wood was scarce. The Earl also contended that the Highlanders, however able in attack, were not accustomed to the defence of towns.

Reasons equally cogent were employed against going out to fight the enemy, and a retreat northwards was at length proposed. But it was no easy task to bring the brave spirits who had hailed the approach of Argyle, to accord in sentiments which might spring from discretion, but which ill agreed with the Highland notions of honour. The council, after a stormy debate, was broken up in confusion, and adjourned until the next morning.

Some hours afterwards, a few, who were favourable to the abandonment of Perth, were summoned privately by Lord Mar; and it was then agreed not to fight, but to retreat. For a time this determination was concealed from the bulk of the army, but it gained wind; and on the evening of the thirty-first of January, eight hundred of the Highlanders indignantly left Perth, and retired beyond Dunkeld, to their homes. That very night, also, the Chevalier, who had far less of the Scottish Stuart within him than of that modified and inferior variety exemplified in the British line of the family, disappeared from the town, and repaired to Scone. He supped and slept in the house of the Provost Hay; and on the following morning, at an early hour, was ready for retreat. To do the Chevalier justice, there was, according to Lord Mar's journal, much difficulty in persuading him to this step: it was found necessary to convince him that it had become a duty to retire from the pursuit of the Government, which, as long as he was in the country, would never cease to persecute his followers, who could not make any terms of capitulation so long as he remained. He was obliged, at last, to consent: "And, I dare say," adds Lord Mar, "no consent he ever gave was so uneasy to him as this was."[145] Of that point it would be satisfactory to be well assured.

On the first of February, four hours after the unfinished letter of Lord Mar was written, the Jacobites abandoned Perth, and crossing the frozen stream of the Tay, took their route to Dundee. They went forth in such precipitation, that they left their cannon behind them,--a proof that they never hoped to oppose again the victorious arms of Argyle. About noon the Chevalier, accompanied by Lord Mar, followed his people towards the North. He is said to have been disconsolate,--and, shedding tears, to have complained "that instead of bringing him a crown, they had brought him to his grave." This murmur and these tears having been reported to Prince Eugene, of Savoy, that General remarked "that weeping was not the way to conquer kingdoms."[146]

The Jacobites marched direct for Dundee, along the Carse of Gowrie. The Duke of Argyle's forces entered Perth only two hours after the Highland army had entirely cleared the Tay, which, happily for their retreat, was frozen over with ice of an extraordinary thickness. At Dundee the Chevalier rested one night only; but leaving it on the second of February, was again succeeded by Argyle and his squadrons, who arrived there on the following day.

The unfortunate Prince pursued his way to Montrose. His route along the sea-coast gave credence to a report which had now gained ground, of his intention of embarking for France. The loudest murmurs again ran through the Highland forces, worthy of a noble leader, and the sight of some French vessels lying near the shore confirmed the general suspicion. This was, nevertheless, somewhat allayed by an order to the clans to march that evening at eight o'clock to Aberdeen, where, in accordance with the crooked policy and deceptive plan of Lord Mar, it was represented that large supplies of troops and arms would meet them from France. But a very different scheme was in agitation among those who governed the feeble James, and perhaps, with right motives, guided him to his safety.

A small ship lay in the harbour of Montrose, for the purpose, originally, of carrying over an envoy from James to some foreign court. This vessel was now pitched upon to transport the Chevalier; the size being limited, she could accommodate but few passengers: and therefore, to avoid confusion, the Chevalier "himself thought fit to name who should attend him." "The Earl of Mar, who was the first named, made difficulty, and begged he might be left behind; but the Chevalier being positive for his going, and telling him that, in a great measure, there were the same reasons for his going as for his own,--that his friends could more easily get terms without him than with him,--and that, as things now stood, he could be of no more use to them in their own country, he submitted."[147]

The Chevalier then chose the Marquis of Drummond to accompany him: this nobleman was lame from a fall from his horse, and was not in a condition to follow the army. He, as well as the Earl of Mar, the Lord Tullibardine, and the Lord Linlithgow had a bill of attainder passed against them. The Chevalier on that account was desirous of taking these other Lords with him; but both were absent: Lord Tullibardine was at Brechin with a part of the foot, and Lord Linlithgow at Berire with the horse. He ordered the Earl Marischal, General Sheldon, and Colonel Clephan to accompany him.

After these arrangements the Chevalier issued several orders which reflect the utmost credit upon his disposition. After appointing General Gordon Commander-in-chief, with all necessary powers, he wrote a paper containing his reasons for leaving the kingdom, and, delivering it to the General, gave him at the same time all the money in his possession, except a small sum which he reserved for his expenses and those of his suite; and desired, that after the army had been paid, the residue should be given to the impoverished and houseless inhabitants of Auchterarder. He then dictated a letter to the Duke of Argyle, in which he dwelt at some length upon his distress at being obliged "among the manifold mortifications which he had had in this unfortunate expedition," to burn the villages. The letter, which was never delivered to the Duke of Argyle, is in the possession of the Fingask family.[148]

Having completed these arrangements, the Chevalier prepared to take leave for ever of the Scottish shores. The hour had now arrived which was appointed for the march of the troops, and the Chevalier's horses were brought before the door of the house in which he lodged: the guard which usually attended him whilst he mounted, were in readiness, and all was prepared as if he were resolved to march with the clans to Aberdeen. But meantime, the Chevalier had slipped out of his temporary abode on foot, accompanied only by one servant; and going to the Earl of Mar's lodgings, he went thence, attended by the Earl, through a bye-way to the water side, where a boat awaited him and carried him and the Earl of Mar to a French ship of ninety tons, the Marie Therese, of St. Malo. About a quarter of an hour afterwards two other boats carried the Earl of Melfort and Lord Drummond, with General Sheldon and ten other gentlemen, on board the same ship: they then hoisted sail and put to sea; and notwithstanding that several of the King's ships were cruizing on the coast, they sailed in safety, and after a passage of seven days, arrived at Waldam, near Gravelines, in French Flanders.

The Chevalier sailed at nine o'clock. Some hours afterwards, Earl Marischal and Colonel Clephan arrived at the shore, but they could get no boat to convey them, for fear of the men-of-war that were cruizing near. The Marie Therese, nevertheless, got out of reach of these vessels before daylight.

With what reflections Lord Mar left his native country a prey to the power of an irritated Government, cannot readily be conceived. That he left it at such a moment, is a fact which for ever stamps his memory with degradation. The deserted adherents of James, being in no condition to make a stand against the Duke of Argyle, betook themselves to holes and caves, mostly in the remote parts of the Highlands, where many lurked until they could safely appear; but such as were most obnoxious took the first opportunity of ships to carry them into foreign countries; and vessels were, to this end, provided by the Chevalier with such success, that many escaped from the pursuit of justice.

James, accompanied by the Earl of Mar, proceeded to his former residence at St. Germains, where, in spite of the wishes of the French Government that he should repair to his old asylum in Lorraine, he wished to remain. In Paris, the Chevalier met two of his most distinguished adherents,--the faithless Bolingbroke, and the popular Duke of Ormond. Although aware of the unsoundness of Bolingbroke's loyalty, James received him cordially. "No Italian," says Bolingbroke, "ever embraced the man he was going to stab with a greater show of affection and confidence."

For some time the Chevalier lingered in Paris, hoping to see the Regent. "His trunks were packed, his chaise was ordered at five that afternoon," writes Lord Bolingbroke, "and I wrote word to Paris that he was gone. Instead of taking post for Lorraine, he went to the little house in the Bois de Boulogne, where his female ministers resided; and there he continued lurking for some days, pleasing himself with the air of mystery and business, while the only real business which he should have had at heart he neglected."[149]

Avignon was now fixed on as the retreat of the Chevalier; and thither, after some delay, he retired, to an existence politically forgotten by the Continental powers, until the war with Spain and the consequent declaration of the Spanish King in his favour recalled him to importance.