Chapter VII: Preface (7)

Here we have _The Assumption_ definitely classed as one of the Chester series (a point hitherto unknown), and also, we see that it was provided by women; this is unique, I think. In none of the other cycle centres do the women manage a play by themselves.[35]

[35] Canon Morris says: “It is omitted from Bellin’s transcript in 1600, and was, in all probability, discontinued in Edward VI.’s reign, in deference to the religious feeling of the time.”

Again,

“Also maister maire of this Citie
Withall his bretheryn accordingly
A solempne procession ordent hath he
To be done to the best
Appon the day of Corpus Christi
The blessed sacrament caried shalbe
And a play sett forth by the clergye,
In honor of the fest.
Many torches there may you see
Marchaunts and craftys of this citie
By order passing in their degree
A goadly sight that day.
They come from Saynt Maries on the Hill
The Church of Saynt Johns untill
And there the sacrament leve they will
The sauth as I you say.”

It will be seen that the Mayor and Corporation had ordered a procession at Corpus Christi, and that the clergy were to provide a play. What this play was we have, unfortunately, no means of knowing.

This may account for the transference of the gild plays to Whitsun week. The clergy, anxious to have the Corpus Christi procession to _themselves_ without the trade gilds, may have said to the citizens, “If you will have your plays at another time we will, at our own charge and expense, provide a play on Corpus Christi, so that there shall be no loss to the citizens in that respect.”[36] Thus the plays got transferred to Whitsuntide.

[36] This is precisely what happened at York, where after 1426 the Corpus Christi procession and the plays were separated.

My third quotation must be:--

“Sir John Arnway was maire of this citie[37]
When these playes were begon truly
God graunt us merely
And see theym many a yere.”

[37] Arneway was Mayor, 1268-76.

This is the earliest mention of their origin.

At last the momentous Monday in Whit-week arrived, and early in the morning the first car started from the great gates of the Abbey, where the Abbot and his followers sat in state, and proceeded down the street to the High Cross, where the Mayor and Corporation were assembled. As each car finished its play, its place was taken by another, and so in regular succession and at appointed places, the whole series of plays was gone through in three days. By this sensible and orderly arrangement a citizen could retain his standing place or seat, and be assured of missing nothing. No doubt seats at the performing points commanded a premium, and documents exist of an interesting law-suit between two citizens with reference to the right to occupy a “roome or place for the Whytson plaies in the Bridge-gate streets in the Cyty of Chester.”

We can imagine the pride of the Cestrian housewife when she saw her husband magnificently dressed as “Herod,” or her sons in parti-coloured costumes as “devils” rushing from the bottom to the top of the car only to disappear in “Hell’s mouth” amidst fire, smoke, and sulphur, and the laughter and applause of her neighbours; and may not she have felt a holy thrill when, perhaps, her youngest boy on bended knee offered his small shepherd’s pipe or his nutting stick as a gift to the “Lord of all”?

Depend upon it Chester was full of legitimate pride on such occasions, for, as the citizens said in their Banes, “None had the like, nor the like did sett out.”

And the educational force of this cannot be overestimated. The young citizen when he took up the freedomship of his company, took up also duties of stage craft and stage management which had been traditional for generations in that company. If he possessed ability as an actor he had no difficulty in obtaining a part to play, and if he could not act then he found plenty to do in preparation for the play, which _esprit de corps_ demanded should not be behind other companies.

And so the Elizabethan drama found a people already prepared, by centuries of familiarity with the stage as an amusement, to respond to the demands good plays might make on their imagination and receptive faculties. The Mysteries were but young plants--Shakespeare was the fruit.

The fact is, the whole country was given up to plays of this sort, and we know of more than one hundred towns and villages which enjoyed these entertainments. The annual play at Wymonham (or Windham), in Norfolk, lasted two days and two nights; and the inhabitants of Lydd, in Kent, were so keen that they went to the play on a Sunday, while watchmen were paid to keep guard on the shore against a surprise from the French.

If the trade gilds showed any desire to shirk such representations, the Mayor could, and did, issue a notice commanding a performance; and it was also the Mayor’s duty, as officer of the King’s peace, to issue proclamations on all festive occasions of this sort.

The ordinances of the Mayor of York, in 1394 and subsequently, show that the regulations to control the plays and populace were most stringent and comprehensive, and that the plays began as early as 4.30 A.M.

In addition to the ordinary series of Chester Mystery Plays, we find that the play of the _Assumption_ was performed at the High Cross in 1488, and before Prince Arthur in 1497, both at the Abbey gates and at the High Cross; and also in 1515 in St. John’s Churchyard. We find, also, the Cappers, Pewterers, and Smiths undertaking plays in 1520-1; and that in 1529 _King Robert of Sicily_ had been performed at the High Cross.

THE PLAYS

The number of plays now existing is twenty-five, but we know that the _Assumption_ has been lost, and there are signs of two plays being compressed into one, as in the _Histories of Lot and Abraham_, so that the original number was no doubt larger. Fluctuations would undoubtedly take place with the rise and fall of City Companies, if for no other reasons. As the number of gilds expanded or were reduced, so the plays were increased or amalgamated.[38] The list of plays and the gilds that performed them will be found in the “Banes” already printed. The Chester series is noted for two plays that occur nowhere else, viz. No. 23, on _Prophecies_, and No. 24, on _Anti-Christ_.

[38] At York the MS. of the plays (_c._ 1430) shows 48; but in 1415 there had been 51; and another earlier list shows 57.

The English employed seems to be of the beginning of the fifteenth century, many of the stage directions are in Latin, and the Three Kings, Octavian, and Herod occasionally use French, that being the Court language.[39]

[39] It is not generally considered to afford any argument as to the plays being derived from the French.

It is not to be supposed that we have the text of the plays as written _at first_, for the original plays are without doubt much older than the fifteenth century. We find that the quarrels of Noah and his wife formed so familiar a story that they became proverbial. Chaucer says:--

“Hast thou not heard (quod Nicholas) also
The sorowe of Noe with his felowship
Or that he might get his wife to ship.”

Chaucer wrote this about 1390, and it appears certain, therefore, that our play of _Noah_, and probably those on the same subject at Wakefield and Newcastle-on-Tyne, were often performed by the middle of the fourteenth century.

The metre employed varies, but a large proportion is in eight line stanzas, sometimes with two rimes:--

a a a b
a a a b

and sometimes with three;

a a a b
c c c b

as may be seen in the following example:--

CHRIST’S ENTRY INTO JERUSALEM

THE CORVYSORS PLAYE

_Pagina decima Quarta, de Jesu intrante domum Simonis Leprosi, et de aliis rebus._

JESUS.

Brethren, goe we to Bethanye,
To Lazarre, Martha, and Marye,
For I love moche their companye! a a a b
Thedder nowe will I wende.
Symond the Leaper hath praied me
In his house to take charatye; a a a b
With them nowe it liketh me
A whyle for to lende.

PETRUS.

Lorde, all readye shall we be
In life and death to goe with thee;
Greate joye they maye have to see a a a b
Thy cominge into their place.

PHILIPPE.

Lazarre thou raysed through thy pittie,
And Symonde also, messille was he,
Thou clensed, Lorde, that wotten we, a a a b
And holpe them through thy grace.

_Tunc ibunt versus domum Simonis Leprosi._

LAZARRUS.

Welckome, Lorde, sweete Jesu,
Blessed be the tyme that I thee knewe!
From death to liffe through thy vertue a a a b
Thou raysed me not yore;
Fower dayes in eairth when I [had] layne,
Thou granteste me life againe.
Thee I honoure with all my mayne, c c c b
Nowe and ever more.

But other metres are frequently used.

A very fine dramatic effect is produced in some of the plays by the sudden use of the short Skeltonian metre. In the play of the _Passion_ the Tormentors cry:--

And thou be messye
And loth for to lye
Who smote thee? Crye
If thou be Christe.

Now he is bounden
Be he never so wounden
Soon he shall be founden
With flaps in fear.

In woe he is wounden
And his grain is grounden,
No lad unto London
Such law can him lere (teach).

Again in the _Crucifixion_:--

SECUNDUS JUDAEUS.

This coat shall be mine,
For it is good and fine
And seam is not therein
That I can see.

TERCIUS JUDAEUS.

Yea, God give me pain
And (if) that shall be thine,
For thou art ever incline
To draw towards thee.

QUARTUS JUDAEUS.

Nay, fellow, by this day
At the dice we will play,
And there we shall essay
That weed for to win.

SECUNDUS JUDAEUS.

His other clothes all
To us four can fall;
First part them I shall
And after play for this.

This kyrtel mine I call,
Take thou this pall,
Each man in this hall
Note I do not amiss.

Again, we get later rhythms grafted on to the original, as in the drinking trio sung by Noah’s wife and her gossips in _Noah’s Play_.

THE GOOD GOSSIPS’ SONG.

The flood comes flitting in full fast,
On every side it spreads full far;
For fear of drowning I am aghast;
Then, good gossips, let us draw near.
And let us drink ere we depart,
For often times we have done so;
For at a draught thou drinkest a quart,
And so will _I_ do ere I go.

The “Song” concludes with what is probably a portion of the original trio. The other half stanza is unfortunately lost:--

Here is a pottle good and strong,
It will rejoice both heart and tongue;
Though Noah thinks us never so long,
Here we will drink alike.[40]

[40] With revised spelling the whole has a very modern “ring” about it. The first two verses may have been sung as a solo and the last half stanza as a trio.

A similar instance is the Ale-wife’s speech, which has been tacked on to the end of the play The _Harrowing of Hell_.

In the _Resurrection_ play we have the following. It is one of the finest speeches in the plays:--

JESUS.

Earthly man that I have wrought,
Awake out of thy sleep;
Earthly man that I have bought,
Of me thou hast no keep.
From heaven man’s soul I sought,
Into a dungeon deep,
My dear leman from thence I brought,
For ruth of her I weep.
I am very prince of peace,
And king of free mercy;
Who will of sinnès have release
On me they call and cry.
And if they will of sinnès cease,
I grant them peace truly,
And thereto a full rich messe
In bread my own body.
I am very bread of life;
From heaven I light and am sende,
Who eateth that bread, man or wife,
Shall live with me without end.
And that bread that I give you,
Your wicked life for to amend,
Becomes my flesh through your belief,
And doth release your sinful band.
And whosoever eateth that bread
In sin or wicked life,
He receiveth his own death,
I warn both man and wife.

Three personages other than actors sometimes occupied the stage--a Preco or page, an expositor, and a messenger. They all three appear in the play of _The Histories of Lot and Abraham_. The page appears on the “pageant carriage” immediately after the play of _Noah’s Flood_, and says:--

All lordings that be here present,
And hearken me with good intent,
How Noah away from us he went,
And all his company;
And Abraham, through God’s grace,
He is comen into this place,
And ye will give us room and space
To tell you of story.

This play, forsooth, begun shall be
In worship of the Trinity,
That you may all hear and see
That shall be done to-day;
My name is Gobbet-on-the-Green,
With you I may no longer bene;
Farewel, my lordes, bydene
For letting of your play.

The expositor or doctor takes care that the play is “understanded of the people.” He appears early in the play on horseback, and says:--

Lordinges, what maye this signify
I will expound it appeartlye,
That the unlearned standing here by
May know what this may be.[41]

[41] Being on horseback, he would, of course, be more easily heard by the crowd. Everything in the play points to the fact that it was looked upon as a means of instruction for the people, and not a mere amusement. The play itself consists of two plays compressed into one, and seems to be one of the oldest of the series.

He interrupts at different points, and explains the rite of circumcision and the offering up of Isaac, and then we have the remarkable and significant fact that the crowd joins him in prayer.

_Here, let the docter knele downe, and saie_,

Such obedience grante us, O Lorde!
Ever to thy moste holye worde,
That in the same we may accorde
As this Abraham was bayne;
Then al togaither shall we
That worthy kinge in heaven see,
And dwell with him in greate glorye,
For ever and ever, Amen.

His place is now filled by a messenger, who announces the next play. The stage direction is--

_Here the messenger maketh an ende._

Make rombe, lordinges, and give us waye,
And let Balacke come in and plaie,
And Balame that well can saie
To tell you of prophescie.
That Lord that died on Good Frydaie,
He save you all bouth nighte and daie!
Fare well, my lordinges; I goe my waie,
I may no longer abyde.

The ordinary reader has little or no idea of the literary and dramatic value of the plays, owing to the fact that printed copies are not easily accessible.

I have thought it well, therefore, to print (in a slightly shortened form) and to explain the following play.

It embodies most of the points mentioned in this article, it has distinct literary and artistic value, and, above all, the character of Herod made it the most popular play of the cycle, and is often alluded to.

Shakespeare uses the phrase “out-Heroding Herod.” Chaucer says of Joly Absalon:--

Sometyme to shewe his lightness and maistrye
He pleyeth Herodes on a scaffold hye.

In the Paston letters we find Sir John Paston’s agent, in describing the high-handed proceedings of the Duke of Norfolk in 1478, saying, “There was no man that played Herod in _Corpus Christi_ play better and more agreeable to his pageant than _he_ did.”

It will be seen, I think, that the verdict of the general public was a sound and good one.

THE EIGHTH PAGEANT--“THE THREE KINGS.”

_Presented by the Vintners._

This must have been a striking sight, for the Three Kings, richly apparelled, accompanied the pageant-carriage on horseback through the city, and the First King tells how they are looking for the fulfilment of Balaam’s prophecy and seeking a sign.

FIRST KING.

Mighty God in majesty,
That ruleth the people of Judye,
When thou on man wilt have pity
And his sins for-bye,

Send some tokening, Lord, to me,
That ylke star that we may see
That Balaam said should rise and be
In his prophecy.

For well I wot, forsooth, I wis,
That his prophecy sooth is,
A star should rise betokening bliss
When God’s son is born.

Therefore, these lords and I in fere (company)
In this mount make our prayer
Devoutly once in the year,
For thereto we be sworn.

Then they dismount, and the Third King hands his horse to attendants:--

“Say, fellows, take this courser
And abyde me right here,
Go we, sirs, to our prayer
I rede now in good faye;
I have done this many a year,
And my ancestors that before me were.
High God, prince of power,
Thou comfort us this day.”

Then they proceed on to the pageant-carriage which represented the “mountain” they had to ascend. On reaching the top, an angel appears carrying a star, and now the Kings burst forth into French:--

FIRST KING.

A, Sir Roy, si vous plaist
Gardez sus sur votre test.

SECOND KING.

Une Esteile issi est
Que sir, vous repleist.

THIRD KING.

A loys soyt luy une semblant
De une virgin portant
Comme le semble de une Infant
Embrace apportement.

Then they fall on their knees, and the angel says:--

A! rise up, ye Kings three,
And come along after me
Unto the land of Judye
As fast as you may hie;
The child ye seek there shall ye see,
Borne all of a maiden free,
That King of heaven and earth shall be,
And all mankind for-bye.

Then followed an incident which must have given great pleasure to the sightseers, for the Kings descended into the street[42] and mounted imitation dromedaries! The Second King says:--

Yea, sirs, I rede us every one
Dromodaryes to ride upon,
For swifter beasts be there none.
One I have, you shall see.

[42] In the Coventry plays Herod “rages in the pagond and in the streete also.”

To which the Third King replies:--

A dromodary in good faye
Will go lightly on his way
A hundred miles upon a day,
Such coursers now take we.

And then one MS. has the stage direction:--

“_Then the Kinges go doune to the beasts and ride about._”[43]

[43] Chester was accustomed to produce beasts of this sort. In 1564 an agreement between the mayor and two citizens shows that the latter undertook to provide yearly for 40s. “4 gyants, 1 unikorne, 1 dromodarye, 1 Luce, 1 Camel, 1 Dragon,” &c. These were for the midsummer play. Each beast required two men to work it.

After circling round the pageant-carriage they ascend it again, and then, the star having disappeared, they are in doubt as to the right way, but fortunately meet with a messenger or “explorator.”

FIRST KING.

Can thou say ought what place and where
A child is born that crown shall bear
And of the Jews be king?

SECOND KING.

We saw a star shine verily
In the East in noble array,
Therefore we come now this way
To worship him with win.

MESSENGER.

Hold your peace, sir, I you pray
For if King Herod heard you so say
He would go mad, by my fay
And fly out of his skin.

THIRD KING.

And sith a king is so near
Go we to him in all manner.

MESSENGER.

You may well see he wounes here (lives here)
A palace in to dwell.
But moy he wot, withouten were,
That any is born of more power,
You bring yourselves in great danger
Such tydinges for to tell.

“_Here the messenger goeth to the King and the mynstrilles must play_,” and the Kings are then introduced to Herod, and Court language again is spoken.

FIRST KING.

Sir Roy, royale et reverent,
Dieu vous gardes Omnipotent.

HEROD.

Bien soies venues, rois gente;
Me dites toute votre intent.
(Welcome, stranger kings;
Tell me what is your intent.)

THIRD KING.

Infant, queruns de grand parent
Et roi de ciel et terre.
(Seeking a child of great parentage
And king of Heaven and Earth.)

Then Herod bursts forth in the following fine ranting speech:[44]--

[44] It compares very favourably with the “Coventry” play, where the ranting oversteps the mark and becomes balderdash.

HEROD.

Sirs, advise ye what you sayen;
Such tidings make my heart unfayne;
I rede you take these words again,
For fear of villany.

There is none so great that me dare gain
To take my realm, and to attain
My power, but he shall have pain
And be punished apertly.

I, king of kings, none so keen;
I, soveraign sire, as well is seen;
I, tyrant, that may both take and teen
Castle, tower, and towne,

I wield this world withouten wene,
I beat all those unbuxsome beene,
I drive the devils all by deene
Deep in hell adowne.

For I am king of all mankind;
I bid--I beat--I loose--I bind,
I master the moon: Take this in mind
That I am most of might.

I am the greatest above degree
That is, or was, or ever shall be.
The sun it dare not shine on me
If I bid him go down.

No rain to fall shall none be free
Nor no Lord have that liberty
That dare abide, and I bid flee,
But I shall crack his crown.

Nor far nor near that doth me (an)noy
Who wrathes me, I shall destroy;
For every freak I dare defie
That nill me pay ne please.

But you be bayne, I shall you beat,
There is no man for you shall treat;
[_Then aside_] All for wrath see how I sweat;
My heart is not at ease.

And to carry out his pretence that he is not frightened but quite cool, he throws his sword up in the air and dexterously catches it while he continues:--

For all men may witte and see,
Both he and you all three,
That I am King of Galilee
Whatsoever he saith or does.
What the devil should this be!
A boy--a groom of low degree
Should reign above my Royalty
And make me but a goose!

The Kings then answer:--

By prophecy well wotten we
That a childe born should be
To rule the people of Judye
As was said many a year.

Herod says:--

Other kings shall none here be
. . . . .
But seeing you speak of prophecy
Whether ye speak sooth or lye
My clarke soon shall see.

He then bids his “chief of clergy” to look up the books of prophecy and tell him what they say.

Then the doctor reads the scriptures, and amongst other prophecies says:--

DOCTOR.

Daniel, fulfilled with heavenly grace,
Prophesied also by divine inspiration,
That when he was came, that all holy was,
The most holiest in earth, to take his habitation
In the womb of a virgin, and by his blessed incarnation
Out of Satan’s band to deliver mankind,
Whom sin original piteously did bind,
Then both unctions, sacrifices and rites ceremonial
Of the Old Testament with legal observation,
Shall utterly cease and take their end final,
Through Christ’s coming which for man’s salvation
A New Testament shall ordain by divine operation
Offering himself in Sacrifice for mankind’s offence,
Which from Heaven was exiled through his great negligence.

HEROD.

Fie on that dream, reader! such dotards never shall
Nor no sleeping sluggard make my right title cease
But I shall knightly keep it, whatsoever befall,
Against that young godling, and if he once do press
This kingdom to claim, or put me to distress
His head off shall I hew....
Yet look if thou find there
Where this boy is born for whom these kings enquire.

DOCTOR.

Micheias, enflamed with ghostly inspiration,
Prophesied that Bethlehem should a prince forth bring
Ruler of God’s people and of the Jew’s nation
Should he be born of Israel to be king.

. . . . .

Esay, unto whom the spirit of prophecy
Was singularly given through the Holy Ghost
In this time prophesied that kings witterly,
And folk of strange nations from many a sundry coast,
That prince’s birth to magnify which of might is most
Should walk in great light, and brightness should appear
As did unto these kings in a bright star shining clear.

HEROD (_throwing his sword down_).

Alas, what presumption should move that peevish page
Or any elfish godling to take from me my crown?
But by Mahomet! that boy for all his great outrage
Shall die under my hand, that elfe and vile congeon!
And all his partakers I shall slay and beat down,
And both of him and his final destruction make
Such vengeance, and such cruelty on them all will I take,
That none such a slaughter was seen or heard beforne
Sith Athalia here reigned....
Yet look and search again
If these kings shall find him and his presence attain.

DOCTOR.

David of all prophets called most prepotent
Prophesied that kings from Tharsis and Araby
With mystical gifts shall come and present
That lord, that king, and high Messie (Messiah),
That in Bethlehem shall be borne,
A child to save that was forlorne,
And rule all Israel.

HEROD (_breaking his sword in his rage_).

By Mahoun! thou art foresworn.
Have done; these books were best rent and torn.
[_Throws the book on the floor._
For he shall be no king in crown
But I fully in my weal.
And mauger David, that shepherd with his sling
Esay, Jeremy with all their offspring
Here get no other Messiah nor king
From my right title to expel,
. . . . .
This realm is mine and shall be aye
Manfully to maintain it while I may.
Tho’ he bring with him to-day
The devil and all his host.

Then, concealing his anger, he turns to the Kings and suavely says:--

But go ye forth ye kings three
And enquire if it so be
But always come again to me,
For you I think to feed.
And if he be of such degree
Him will I honour as do ye,
As falls for his dignity,
In word, thought and deed.

FIRST KING.

By leave, sir, and have good day
Till we come again this way.

SECOND KING.

Sir, as soon as ever we may
And as we see so shall we say.

THIRD KING.

And of his riches and his array
From you we shall not leave.

HEROD.

Farewell Lords, in good faye
But hye you fast again.

Immediately the Kings retire, Herod breaks forth again:--

Out alas! what the devil is this?
For shame almost I fare amiss
For was I never so cool, I wyss
For wrath I am near woode (mad)!
For every man may well say this
That I maintain my realm amiss
To let a boy inherit my bliss
That never was of my blood.

But to-morrow he will--

Raise the country on every side,
All that may ever go or ride;
So shall this boy lose his pride
For all his greatest boast.

Now he can do no more, and he sinks back, exhausted, into a chair:--

This boast doth me so great annoy
That I wax dull and clean dry.
Have done!--and fill the wine in high,
I die but I have drink.
Fill fast and let the cups fly
And go we hither hastily;
For I must ordain curiously
Against these Kings coming.

Such is the play of _The Three Kings_, and there can be no doubt whatever of its fine dramatic effect. We cannot wonder that this character of Herod is mentioned by old writers more than other characters of the plays. Imperious and proud, firmly believing in his own kingly right, but, like most ignorant people, profoundly impressed by prophecies and vaticinations which he did not understand, Herod is now impelled forward by swaggering pride and now dragged back by craven fear and subtle influences.

The part gives the actor every opportunity to show forth his art, and the calm, clear tones of the doctor quietly reading the scriptures give the required dramatic contrast. The speeches show the traces of late literary labour, and that we had got within measurable distance of blank verse when the play received its last polish, though the original play was probably founded on an early Latin one called _Herodes, sive magorum adoratio_.[45]

“Postea Herodes interroget Scribas, dicens:
O vos scribae
Interrogati dicite
Si quid de hoc puero
Scriptum videritis in libro.

Tunc Scribae diu revolvant librum, et tandem inventa quasi prophetica dicant....

Vidimus, Domine, in prophetarum
Lineis, nasci Christum
In Bethleem Iudae civitate
David propheta sic vaticinante.

Tunc Herodes, visa prophetica, furore accensus, _projiciat librum_,” &c.

[45] See Wright’s _Early Mysteries_, p. 26.

This play, together with the play of _The Salutation and the Nativity_ and _The Shepherds’ Play_, was acted at Chester in 1906 by Mr. Nugent Monck and his “English Drama Company” under the auspices of the Chester and North Wales Archæological Society, and with success, but the expense was too great to admit of the whole cycle being performed. The same plays have also been performed in London by Mr. Monck’s company, and by Mr. Benson’s company at Stratford-on-Avon during the Shakespeare Commemoration week.

In conclusion, I would point out that the motto of the city of Chester is curious and indeed unique:--

“Antiqui colant Antiquum Dierum.”

“_Let the ancient people worship the Ancient of Days._”

I cannot help thinking that this contains an occult reference to the Chester Mystery Plays.

THE SIEGE OF CHESTER

By the Archdeacon of Chester[46]

[46] The writer has got most of the information in this paper from _The History of the Siege of Chester_, published by Broster in 1790.

The city of Chester, with its ancient walls and ramparts, erected as they were for the protection of the inhabitants, must have experienced many an onslaught, and again and again its citizens must have known what it was to be besieged for a shorter or a longer period. But _the_ Siege of Chester--the one, that is, which stands out in history so that it deserves this definite title--is the one that occurred in the time of the Civil War, and which lasted practically for three years, and for one year at least was very close.

Bishop Creighton has told us that “the Civil War wrought greater havoc in Cheshire than in any other part of the country”; and the city of Chester suffered, we may say, more severely than any other place in the county. The city, as Lord Clarendon tells us, “was firm to the King, by the virtue of its inhabitants.” Not that quite all were of the same mind, for on August 8, 1642, a determined attempt was made to rouse the disaffected within the city and induce them to enlist themselves on the side of the Parliament. The vigorous action of the Mayor, Thomas Cowper, repressed the movement, and, in fact, gave rise to a vigorous counter-movement and to the raising and equipment of 300 men in the following October in addition to the ordinary _trained band_. A regular and continuous watch was appointed for each of the four city gates, and a levy or assessment made for its maintenance. A little more than three months later, on February 3, 1643, a further assessment of £500 was made and forthwith collected for the making of fortifications, and for defraying divers charges incident thereunto. When these loyal proceedings were reported to his Majesty, he thought it necessary to send to his faithful citizens at Chester an officer of skill and experience to direct their courage, and appointed Sir Nicholas Byron, a soldier of very good command, as Colonel General of Cheshire and Shropshire and Governor of Chester. He inspired great enthusiasm, and was able, with the encouragement of some gentlemen in North Wales, to raise a considerable body of horse and foot. He also directed the operations with such vigour that the outworks and entrenchments were completed in the summer, giving a further protection outside the walls from Pemberton’s Parlour right round to the river. Meanwhile Sir William Brereton, a gentleman of competent fortune in the county, had taken command of the Parliamentary forces, and established himself at Nantwich, which he fortified. From that place he made an attack upon Chester on July 20th, but was driven back with some loss, and proceeded to Flint, joining in the siege of that castle till its surrender upon honourable terms, owing to lack of provisions, was effected. Whilst this siege was proceeding the houses and buildings just outside the entrenchments were cleared away. The King thought it desirable to visit Chester in person; the city being of the greatest importance as the key to Ireland. Accordingly he despatched a courier from Stafford on September 18, 1643, and announced his intention; and five days later, attended by many of the nobility and gentry, approached the city and was received by the civic authorities and the citizens with all loyal devotion. The Mayor delivered the city sword to the King, who graciously returned it, when the Mayor, bare-headed, carried it before his Majesty to the Pentice, where the King was entertained and presented with £200 in gold, and £100 was given to the Prince of Wales. The King’s stay in the city was very brief, and after a few days he departed, having heard from Prince Rupert of the advantage gained by his forces before Worcester. Shortly afterwards Sir William Brereton occupied Hawarden Castle, and from there demanded the surrender of the city of Chester. As a matter of precaution the houses in the intervening suburb of Handbridge and the neighbourhood were destroyed by the authorities of Chester; and eventually Hawarden Castle, which had been invested by the King’s forces from Ireland, aided by reinforcements from Chester, capitulated on honourable terms. Meanwhile Beeston Castle, on a commanding position a few miles from the city, had been occupied by the Parliamentarians; but on December 13, 1643, it fell into the hands of the Royalists, who were led by Captain Thomas Sandford, “Captain of Firelocks.” A few weeks later the head of the surrendered garrison, Captain Steel, was condemned at Nantwich by his own party and shot as a traitor.

It will be readily understood that the citizens had to put forth supreme efforts to maintain their troops and defend their position. Accordingly we find various resolutions passed at their assemblies with these objects in view. At one of them the Mayor was desired to repair with all speed to Oxford to present a petition to his Majesty in answer to a gracious letter received by him. Payments were ordered and levies made for the reparation of the mud walls as outworks, and for the repair of the city walls and cleaning out of the city ditch, &c. In January 1644 one hundred pounds’ worth of the city plate was converted into coin to be used for the defence of the city, whilst a further assessment was levied for the perfecting of the works, and for provisioning the garrison. It was also ordered that £300 should be presented to the King and a like amount to the Prince of Wales. Lord Byron, nephew of the governor, was in command of the Royalist forces; and although he had gained a signal victory near Middlewich in December 1643, he failed a month later in his siege of Nantwich, and had to make good his retreat to Chester. Early in 1644 the Parliamentarians advanced close to the city and effected a lodgment at Christleton. They were forced to retire; but to prevent danger in the future the suburb of Great Boughton was burnt down by the citizens, so that the enemy might not harbour there.

In March 1644, Prince Maurice arrived in the city, and a form of loyal protestation was drawn up, which was to be submitted “to all the nobility, gentry, divines, citizens, and all other inhabitants of the city.” In the summer and autumn of this year the city was more closely surrounded by troops under the command first of Colonel Jones and subsequently of Sir William Brereton himself. Various communications passed between the besiegers and the besieged, in which the former were urged to submit, a course they strenuously refused to adopt. They were, however, in a very confused situation, having nothing but the city wall for their defence. The frequent assessments which had become necessary also caused a good deal of discontent, and it was found expedient to nominate a number of soldiers to collect them. On November 18th, Sir William Brereton demanded the surrender of the city “by trumpet,” and to this, after a second letter on the following day, an indignant refusal was rendered. The confusion occasioned by the war led to no Mayor being elected this year. A “faithful well-wisher,” by a letter tied to an arrow and shot into the city, endeavoured by insinuating methods to induce the citizens to betray their trust, but without success; though the constant levying of assessments showed strongly the state to which the garrison must have been reduced, and the heavy demands which were made on the loyalty and patriotism of the besieged.

In the early part of 1645, the correspondence between the leaders on both sides was constant. Sir William Brereton, however, seems to have been indisposed to treat with commissioners from the other side for a surrender, which apparently he would only accept on his own terms, which were set forth in a letter thrown over the walls. In March the advent of Prince Maurice and Prince Rupert into Cheshire caused some diversion of the besieging forces; and in May Sir William Brereton retreated from his position before Chester to Nantwich, and on the 22nd the city was relieved. This movement was no doubt due to the report that the King himself was advancing with a powerful army. He did not, however, at that time come further than Drayton, from which place he marched to Uttoxeter. The city, however, was not left without anxiety, as the outworks may be said to have been still in the possession of the enemy. In September intelligence was received that the King had left Hereford with his forces, and was on his way to Chester. Coming from Chirk Castle, he sent most of his horse over Holt or Farndon Bridge into Cheshire, and himself, with his guards and Lord Gerard and the rest of his troops, entered the city by the old Dee Bridge on September 23rd, and lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s, in Lower Bridge Street. It is interesting to know that a portion of this house still remains, though its external appearance has been absolutely changed. It was on the following day that the battle of Rowton Heath, so disastrous to the King’s cause, took place. The defeat was in great measure due to misunderstandings, and the fact that the soldiers of the garrison did not know the situation in which Sir Marmaduke Langdale, in command of the Royalist cavalry, was placed. The result of this was that Sir Marmaduke was surrounded and overpowered, and forced to retire towards Chester. Some of his horse were scattered over the country, crossing the river at Boughton Ford, or making for Holt Bridge, whilst those who accompanied him became entangled in the narrow lanes leading to the city, and there was a general rout. The King, attended by Sir Francis Gamul and Alderman Cowper, had the mortification of witnessing the disaster from the leads of the Phœnix Tower, at the north-east angle of the city walls. In this battle many gentlemen and officers of distinction lost their lives, or were taken prisoners; and it is computed that not less than 600 men were killed on both sides, and amongst the slain was Bernard Stuart, the young, gallant Earl of Lichfield, whilst Sir Philip Musgrave was taken prisoner. On the following day the King, accompanied by Sir Francis Gamul, Captain Thropp, and others, and with 500 horse, marched over Dee Bridge into Wales, and so to Denbigh Castle. Before his departure he gave orders to Lord Byron and his commissioners, “if after ten days they saw no prospect of relief to treat for their own preservation.” It will be seen from this that he judged that the city was in great danger, and that it could hardly be expected to hold out much longer.

Sir Francis Gamul and his companions remained with the King for a couple of days, took a sad and final farewell of their Sovereign, and then returned to Chester. They found the city in an even more distressed condition, for the enemy had again forced the works at Boughton, and were close up to the walls, and in possession of the part of the town just outside the Eastgate. For at least a week the daily onslaught of the besieging forces was of the most determined character. They planted their cannon at close quarters, and effected a breach in the walls near the Newgate, and in many parts destroyed the battlements. At night time the damage was repaired as far as was possible. The several assaults of the enemy were met with a stout and stubborn resistance. On October 7th, having surrounded the city with their cavalry, a violent and determined attack was made upon the walls in many parts, which were as resolutely defended. Great courage and determination were exhibited on both sides, and when the assailants in some places gained the top of the walls they were beaten off, thrown down and killed, and the scaling-ladders which they had used were taken possession of. So powerful had this resistance proved to be, that the besiegers gave up their intention of storming the city, and changed their plan into that of a close blockade, trusting to subdue by famine those whom they were unable to conquer by force.

The position of the city was not improved by the fact that Beeston Castle, after a siege lasting eighteen months, and after great privations suffered by the garrison, at this time had to capitulate to the Parliamentarians. The Governor secured very honourable conditions, he and his men being allowed to march out with horses and arms and with colours flying, a convoy being provided to guard them to Flint Castle. The besieged in Chester had now a very trying time. Their opponents had constructed a floating bridge over the river at Boughton which proved a considerable annoyance to them, whilst affording much help to those who had contrived it. An ineffectual attempt to burn it down was made by turning adrift at high tide two boats filled with combustibles, but though the trains caught fire they were speedily extinguished. A brisk sally out of the city with 500 horse and 200 foot also met with no success. Sir William Brereton again proposed a surrender, but Lord Byron and the commissioners insisted upon terms which he felt he could not grant.

On December 10th, orders were sent by Parliament for the Lancashire forces under Colonel Booth to join Sir William Brereton, and in a few days they arrived, to the consternation of those within the city, which was now quite encompassed, and a scarcity of provisions was soon occasioned. Sir William Brereton, in January 1646, sent again and again a summons to the besieged to surrender, but this was refused nine times, although they had to feed on horses, dogs, and cats, and boiled wheat, as the hope was entertained that the King might still be able to come to their relief. It was only when all chance of this had vanished that a treaty was agreed upon, and a large number of commissioners on each side were appointed to draw up the terms of it. Accordingly “Articles of Surrender,” seventeen in number, were devised and agreed to, and signed on February 3, 1646. It is a singular coincidence that this day happened to be, in former times, the Feast of St. Werburgh, who might be called the patron saint of the city. These Articles of Surrender are very interesting, and may be accounted very generous. In them “liberty to march out of the city, castle, and fort with all their apparel whatsoever and no other” was granted to all, the amount of money which each should carry being fixed, and ranging from forty pounds in money and twenty pounds in plate for Lord and Lady Byron to twenty shillings for lieutenants, cornets, ensigns, and other inferior officers in commission; arrangements were made for the protection of women and prisoners and for the prevention of pillage and plunder; no church within the city, or evidence or writing belonging to the same, was to be defaced; those who marched out of the town had liberty to march to Conway, and facilities were granted to them for this purpose; “the friends of the Earls of Derby and Lichfield, or any of those whose dead bodies were not yet interred in the city, had two months’ time given them to fetch them from thence whither they pleased, provided they came attended by not more than twenty horse”; and hostages were to be given for the due performance of the said Articles.

Thus, after a sturdy resistance of three years and a half, the city was taken, after proving its unflinching loyalty to the King and his cause. In this respect Chester stands out in a remarkable manner, and may be said to vie with Oxford in its devotion to Charles I. The damage inflicted on it was immense, and a very moderate calculation has estimated it at £200,000. Randle Holme has given an interesting description of the damage done, mentioning many specific instances, and ending with this: “This may be an advertisement to us that God’s mercy is yet to be found, since he hath left so many streets, lanes, and churches unmolested. God grant us faith, patience, and true repentance and amendment, that a worse danger befall us not. Amen.” The same writer, alluding to the attack on September 29, 1645, says: “By this time our women are all on fire, striving through a gallant emulation to out-do our men, and will make good our yielding walls or lose their lives to show they dare attempt it. The work goes forward, and they, like so many Amazons, do outface death, and dare danger though it lurks in every basket; seven are shot and three slain, yet they scorn to leave their matchless undertaking, and thus they continued for ten days’ space, possessing the beholders that they are immaculate!” It will be seen from this contemporary description that the annals of the period, if fully chronicled, would afford a wonderful story of bravery and endurance and patience, and would add lustre to the fame of the ancient city of Chester. Even this imperfect sketch may not be out of place, but may lead us to admire the chivalry and loyalty and courage of those brave defenders of our walls in bygone days.

Sir William Brereton’s forces were not very particular as to the observance of the treaty. The sword and mace were indeed restored to the city, but much injury was done to the Cathedral, where the choir was defaced, the organ damaged, the stained-glass windows broken, and the font demolished. The High Cross was also taken down, and the fonts taken out of several of the parish churches, in which also many of the ancient monuments were destroyed. As a result, very few of the latter of an early date are found now in Chester. The Gamul and Oldfield monuments in the Church of St. Mary on the Hill were preserved by a special agreement with Sir William Brereton. The Church of St. John suffered much, as it was so long in the possession of the enemy, being without the city walls. No doubt in other respects the terms of the “Articles of Surrender” were violated.

The following fuller descriptions of the visit of the King will not be out of place as an appendix to this paper. I am indebted for them to the Rev. Canon Morris, D.D., F.S.A., who had supplied them for another purpose.

“From the account in Harleian 2155, &c., it would appear that the citizens were surprised when active operations were resumed on September 20, 1645. A force detached from the troops besieging Beeston Castle, and consisting of 500 horse, 200 dragoons, and 700 foot, advanced stealthily by ways through the country in the dead of the night, and at daybreak proceeded to storm the suburbs. Seizing, with little loss (either by treachery or through the negligence of the garrison), a mount near Deeside at Boughton, they set upon the main line of defences, and captured all the mounds on that side of the city. Then forcing their way through the Bars into Foregate Street, they obtained possession of the north-western suburb up to the Eastgate, taking as a trophy and a ‘token of good presage,’ the city sword and mace, which was probably in the Mayor’s house in St. John’s Ward, afterwards occupied by Sir W. Brereton as his headquarters. This success encouraged the Parliamentarians to hope that with a special effort the siege of Chester might be brought to a rapid close, and the authorities in London despatched urgent messages to the neighbouring counties calling for immediate reinforcements. Chester was regarded as a place of very great consequence (especially by Parliamentarians), both for the reducing and settling of all North Wales, and for the preventing of the landing of any Irish supplies. The citizens were equally active in taking precautions against the expected assaults in force. The East Gate was rammed up with earth. The houses in Cow Lane, St. John’s Lane, and St. Thomas’ Street (on the Boughton side) were burnt to deprive the enemy of shelter. Occasional sallies were made with indifferent success, and marksmen on the walls and towers were keeping up a continual fire. The besiegers were equally busy on their side. From the steeple of St. John’s Church they had an excellent position for annoying the citizens, and on Monday, September 22, a large breach was made by their artillery in the walls near the New Gate, sufficient to admit ten men abreast. Vigorous attempts were made to make good this breach with beds and wool-packs.

“They were ordered to carry the beds, &c., one half to St. Bridget’s; and, after a sharp fight, at eight in the evening the enemy were beaten back with considerable loss by the courageous defence of the Chirk Castle troop. A simultaneous attempt was made by another body to scale the walls on the east between the Sadler’s Tower and the East Gate, but they were beaten off with much loss.

“King Charles at this time was on his way from Hereford, intending to pass through Lancashire and Cumberland into Scotland. On receiving information of the critical position at Chester he marched at once for the city, which he entered with some hazard, at Handbridge, on Tuesday, September 23, attended by Lord Lichfield, Lord Gerard, and a small bodyguard. The King lodged that night at Sir Francis Gamul’s house in Bridge Street. The remainder of the King’s troops under Sir Marmaduke Langdale marched on towards Holt, and, crossing the Dee by the bridge, took up a position on Rowton Heath, about two miles from Chester. Here, early in the morning, he encountered General Poyntz, who had been ordered by the Parliament Committee to follow the King and prevent him from relieving Chester. Although his horse was tired with the long march overnight, Langdale succeeded in beating back Poyntz with considerable loss. He at once sent by Col. Shakerley to inform the King that he had obeyed his orders in checking Poyntz’s advance, and to ask for further orders. The Colonel executed his orders with better speed than could be expected, for he galloped directly to the river Dee under Huntingdon House, got a wooden tub (used for slaughtering swine) and a batting staff (used for batting of coarse linen) for an oar, put a servant into the tub with him, and in this desperate manner swam over the river, his horse swimming by him (for the banks there were very steep and the river very deep), ordered his servant to stay there with the tub for his return, and was with the King in little more than a quarter of one hour after he left Sir Marmaduke. This expeditious method saved him going the nine or ten miles about by Holt Bridge.