Chapter XII: Part III (9)

The keyes hee rendred,[1765] but partaker would not be
Of that flagitious fact. O, happy man, I say:
As you haue heard before, he rather chose to dye,
Then on those sely lambes his violent hands to lay:
His conscience him pricked his prince to betraye,
O constant minde, that wouldst not condiscend,
Thee may I prayse, and my selfe discommend.

14.

What though hee refused, yet bee sure you may,
That other were as ready to take in hand that[1766] thing,
Which watched and wayted as duely for their pray,
As euer did the cat for the mouse taking,
And how they might their purpose best to passe bring:
Where _Tyrrill_ hee thought good to haue no bloud shed,
Becast them to kill by smothering in their bed.

15.

The wolues at hand were redy to deuoure
The seely lambes in bed, wheras they laye,
Abiding death, and looking for the howre,
For well they wist, they could not scape away:
Ah, woe is mee, that did them thus betray,
In assigning this vile deede to bee done,
By _Miles Forrest_ and wicked _Ihon Dighton_.

16.

Who priuely into their chamber stale,
In secret wise somwhat before midnight,
And gan the bed together tug and hale,
Bewrapping them, alas, in wofull[1767] plight,
Keping them downe, by force, by power, and might,
With haling, tugging, turmoyling, turnde[1768] and tost,
Tyll they of force were forced yeeld the ghost.

17.

Which when I heard, my hart I felt was eased
Of grudge, of griefe, and inward deadly payne,
But with this deede the nobles were displeased,
And sayde: “O God, shall such a tyrant raygne,
That hath so cruelly his brother’s children slayne?”
Which bruit once blowen in the people’s ears,
Their doloure was such, that they brast out in tears.

18.

But what thing may suffise vnto the gredy[1769] man,
The more hee baths in bloud, the bloudier hee is alway:
By proofe I do this speake, which best declare it can,
Which onely was the cause of this prince’s decay:
The wolfe was neuer gredier then I was of my pray:
But who so vseth murder, full well affirme I dare,
With murder shall bee quit, ere hee thereof beware.

19.

And marke the sequel of this begone mischiefe:
Which shortly after was cause of my decay,
For high and low conceiued such a griefe
And hate agaynst mee, which sought, day by day,
All wayes and meanes that possible they may,
On mee to bee reuenged for this sinne,
For cruelly murdering vnnaturally my kyn.

20.

Not only kyn, but king, the truth to say,
Whom vnkindely of kingdome I bereft,
His lyfe from him, I also raught[1770] away,
With his brother’s, which to my charge was[1771] left:
Of ambition beholde the worke and weft,
Prouoking mee to do this haynous treason,
And murder them, agaynst all right and reason.

21.

After whose death thus wrought by violence,
The lords not lyking this vnnaturall deede,
Began on mee to haue greate diffidence,
Such brinning hate gan in their harts to breede,
Which made mee doubt, and sore my daunger dreede:
Which doubt and dreede proued not in vayne,
By that ensude, alas, vnto my payne.

22.

For I supposing all things were as I wished,
When I had brought these sely[1772] babes to bane,
But yet in that my purpose far I missed:
For as the moone doth chaunge after the wane,
So chaunged the hearts of such as I had tane
To bee most true, to troubles did mee tourne:
Such rage and rancoure in boyling brests doth[1773] burne.

23.

And sodainly a bruit abroade was blowne,
That _Buckingham_ the duke, both sterne and stout,
In field was ready, with diuers to mee knowne,
To giue mee battayle if I durst come out:
Which daunted mee and put mee in greate doubt,
For that I had no army then prepared:
But after that, I litle for it cared.

24.

But yet remembring, that oft a litle sparke
Suffred doth growe vnto a greate flame,
I thought it wisdome wisly for to warke,
Mustred then men in euery place I came:
And marched forward dayly with the same,
Directly towards the towne of _Salisbury_,
Where I gat knowledge of the duke’s army.

25.

And as I passed ouer _Salisburie_ downe,
The rumour ran the duke was fled and gone,
His hoast dispersed besides _Shrewesbury_ towne,
And hee dismaied was left there post alone,
Bewailing his chaunce and making great mone:
Towards whome I hasted with all expedition,
Making due search and diligent inquisition.

26.

But at the fyrst I could not of him heare,
For hee was scaped by secrete bywayes,
Unto the house of _Humfrey Banastaire_,
Whome hee had much preferred in his dayes,
And was good lorde to him, in all assaies:
Which hee full ill[1774] requited in the end,
When hee was driuen to seeke a trusty frend.

27.

For so it happened to his mishap, alas,
When I no knowledge of the duke could heare:
A proclamation, by my commaundement, was
Published and cryed throughout euery shyre,
That whoso could tell where the duke were,
A thousand marke shoulde haue for his payne:
What thing so hard but mony can obtayne?

28.

But were it for mony, meede, or dreede,
That _Banastaire_ thus betrayed his ghest,
Diuers haue diuersly deuined of this deede,
Some deeme the worst, and some iudge the best,
The doubt not dissolued, nor playnly exprest:
But of the duke’s death hee doubtless was cause,
Which dyed without iudgement, or order of lawes.

29.

Loe, this noble duke I brought thus vnto bane,
Whose doings I doubted and had in greate dread,
At _Banastaire’s_ house I made him to bee tane,
And without iudgement be shortned by the head,
By the shriue of _Shropshyre_ to _Salisburie_ led,
In the market place vpon the scaffolde newe,
Where all the beholders did much his death rewe.

30.

And after this done I brake vp my hoaste,
Greatly applauded with this heauy hap,[1775]
And forthwith I sent to euery sea cost,
To foresee all mischieues and stop euery gap,
Before they shoud chaunce or[1776] light in my lap,
Geuing them in charge to haue good regarde
The sea cost to keepe, with good watch and warde.

31.

Dyrecting my letters vnto euery shriue,
With strait commaundement vnder our name,
To suffer no man in their partes to aryue,
Nor to passe forth out of the same,
As they tendred our fauour, and voyde would our blame,
Doing therein theyr payne and industry,
With diligent care and vigilant eye.

32.

And thus setting things in order as you heare,
To preuent mischieues that might then betyde,
I thought my selfe sure, and out of all feare,
And for other things began to prouide:
To _Nottingham_ castle straight did I ryde,
Where I was not very long space,
Straunge tydings came, which did mee sore amaze.

33.

Reported it was, and that for certainty,
The earle[1777] of _Richmond_ landed was in _Wales_
At _Milford_ hauen, with an huge army,
Dismissing his nauy which were many sayles:
Which, at the fyrst, I thought flying tales,
But in the end did otherwise proue,
Which not a little did mee vexe and moue.

34.

Thus fauning fortune gan on mee to frowne,
And cast on mee her scornfull lowring looke:
Then gan I feare the fall of my renowne,
My heart it faynted, my sinowes sore they shooke,
This heauy hap a scourge for sinne I tooke:
Yet did I not then vtterly dispayre,
Hoping storms past the weather shoulde bee fayre.

35.

And then with all speede possible I might,
I caused them muster throughout euery shyre,
Determining with the earle spedely to fyght,
Before that his power much encreased were,
By such as to him great fauour did beare:
Which were no small number, by true report made,
Dayly repayring him for to ayde.

36.

Dyrecting my letters to diuers noble men,
With earnest request their power to prepare
To _Notingham_ castle, where, as I lay then,
To ayde and assist mee in this waighty affayre:
Where straite to my presence did then repayre,
_Ihon_ duke of _Northfolke_, his eldest sonne also,
With th’earle of _Northumberland_ and many other mo.

37.

And thus being furnisht with men and munition,
Forwarde wee marched in order of battayle ray,
Making by scouts euery way inquisition,
In what place the earle with his campe lay:
Towards whom dyrectly wee tooke then our way,
Euermore mynding to seeke our most auayle,
In place conuenient to gieue to him battayle.

38.

So long wee laboured, at last our armies met
On _Bosworth_ playne, besides _Lecester_ towne,
Where sure I thought the garland for to get,
And purchase peace, or els to lose my crowne:
But fickle fortune, alas, on mee did frowne,
For when I was enchamped in the fielde,
Where most I trusted I soonest was begylde.

39.

The brand of malice thus kindling in my brest
Of deadly hate which I to him did beare,
Pricked mee forward, and bad mee not desist,
But boldly fight, and take at all no feare,
To wyn the field, and the earle to conquere:
Thus hoping glory greate to gayne and get,
Myne army then in order did I set.

40.

Betyde mee lyfe or death I desperatly ran,
And ioyned mee in battayle with this earle so stoute,
But fortune so him fauoured that hee the battayle wan,
With force and great power I was beset about:
Which when I did beholde, in midst of the whole route,
With dint of sword I cast mee on him to be reuenged,
Where in the midst of them my wretched life I ended.

41.

My body was hurried and tugged like a dog,
On horsebacke all naked and bare as I was borne:
My heade, hands, and feete, downe hanging lyke a hog,
With dirte and bloud besprent, my corpes all to torne,
Cursing the day that euer I was borne:
With greuous woundes bemangled, moste horrible to see,
So sore they did abhorre this my vile cruelty.

42.

Loe, heare you may behold the due and iust rewarde
Of tyranny and treason, which God doth most detest:
For if vnto my duety I had taken regarde,
I might haue liued still in honour with the best,
And had I not attempt the thing that I ought leste:
But desyre to rule, alas, did mee so blinde,
Which caused mee to doe agaynst nature and kynde.

43.

Ah, cursed caytife, why did I climbe so hye,
Which was the cause of this my balefull thrall:
For still I thirsted for the regall dignitye,
But hasty rising threatneth sodayne fall:
Content your selues with your estates all,
And seeke not right by wrong to suppresse,
For God hath promist ech wrong to redresse.

44.

See here the fine and fatall fall of mee,
And guerdon due for this my wretched deede,
Which to all princes a miroir now may bee,
That shall this tragicall story after reede,
Wishing them all by mee to take heede,
And suffer right to rule as it is reason:
For tyme tryeth out both truth and also treason.

F. Seg.[1778]]

[When I had read this, we had much talke about it. For it
was thought not vehement enough for so violent a man as king
_Richard_ had bene. The matter was well enough liked of some,
but the meetre was misliked almost of all. And when diuers
therefore would not allowe it, “What,” quoth[1779] one, “you
know not wherevpon you sticke: els you would not so much mislike
this because of the vncertaine meeter. The cumlines called by
the rhetoricians decorum, is specially to bee obserued in all
thinges. Seing than that king _Richard_ neuer kept measure in
any of his doings, seeing also hee speaketh in hell, whereas is
no order: it were against that[1780] decorum of his personage,
to vse either good meetre or order. And therefore if his oration
were farre worse, in my opinion it were more fit for him. _Mars_
and the muses did neuer agree. Neither is to be suffered,
that their milde sacred arte should seeme to proceede from so
cruell and prophane a mouth as his: seeing they themselues doe
vtterly abhorre it. And although wee read of _Nero_, that hee
was excellent both in musicke and in versifying, yet doe not
I remember that euer I sawe any song or verse of his making:
_Minerua_ iustly prouiding, that no monument should remayne of
any such vniust vsurpation. And therefore let this passe euen
as it is, which the writer I know both could and would amend in
many places, saue for keeping the decorum, which he purposely
hath obserued herein.” “In deede,” quoth[1781] I, “as you say:
it is not meete that so disorderly and vnnaturall a man as king
_Richard_ was, should obserue any metricall order in his talke:
which notwithstanding in many places of his oration is very
well kepte: it shall passe therefore euen as it is, though too
good for so euill[1782] a person.”[1783] Then they willed mee
to reade the blacke Smith. “With a good will,” quoth I: “but
first you must imagin that you see him standing on a ladder ouer
shrined with the Tyburne, a meete stage for all such rebelles and
traytours: and there stoutly saying as followeth.”]

The wilfvll fall of the blacke Smith, and the
foolishe ende of the Lorde _Awdeley_,
in Iune, Anno 1496.[1784]

1.

Who is more bolde then is the blinde beard?[1785]
Where is more craft than in the clouted shone?
Who catch more harme than such as nothing feard?[1786]
Where is more guile then where mistrust in[1787] none?
No plaisters helpe before the griefe be knowen,
So seemes by mee who could no wisdome lere,
Untill such time I bought my wit too deare.

2.

Who, being boystrous, stout, and braynlesse bolde,
Puft vp with pride, with fire and furyes fret,
Incenst with tales so rude and playnly tolde,
Wherein deceit with double knot was knit,
I trapped was as seely fishe in net,
Who swift in swimming, not doubtfull of[1788] deceit,
Is caught in gin wherein is layde no bayt.

3.

Such force and vertue hath this dolefull playnt,
Set forth with sighes and teares of crocodile,
Who seemes in sight as simple as a saynt,
Hath layde a bayte the wareles to begyle,
And as they wepe they worke deceit the while,
Whose rufull cheare the rulers so relent,
To worke in haste that they at last repent.

4.

Take heede therefore ye rulers of the land,
Be blinde in sight, and stop your other eare:
In sentence slow, till skill the truth hath scand,
In all your doomes both loue and hate forbeare,
So shall your iudgement iust and right appeare:
It was a southfast sentence long agoe,
That hasty men shall neuer lacke much woe.

5.

Is it not truth? _Baldwine_, what sayest thou?
Say on thy minde: I pray thee muse no more:
Me thinke thou star’st and look’st[1789] I wot not howe,
As though thou neuer saw’st[1790] a man before:
Belike thou musest why I teach this lore,
Els what I am, that here so bouldly[1791] dare,
Among the prease of princes to compare.

6.

Though I bee bolde I pray the blame not mee,
Like as men sowe, such corne nedes must they reape,
And nature hath so planted in[1792] eche degree,
That crabs like crabs will kindly crall and crepe:
The suttle foxe vnlike the sely shepe:
It is according to my education,
Forward to prease in rout and congregation.

7.

Behold my coate burnt with the sparkes of fire,
My lether apron fylde with the[1793] horse shoe nayles,
Beholde my hammer and my pinsers here,
Beholde my lookes, a marke that seldom fayles,
My cheekes declare I was not fed with quayles,
My face, my cloathes, my tooles, with all my fashion,
Declare full well a prince of rude creation.

8.

A prince I sayde, a prince, I say agayne,
Though not by byrth, by crafty vsurpation:
Who doubts but some men princehood do obtayne,
By open force, and wrongfull domination?
Yet while they rule are had in reputation:
Euen so by mee, the while I wrought my feate
I was a prince, at least in my conceyte.

9.

I dare the bolder take on mee the name,
Because of him whom here I leade in hand,
_Tychet_ lord _Awdley_, a lorde of byrth[1794] and fame,
Which with his strength and powre serude in my band,
I was a prince while that I was so mande:
His butterfly still vnderneath my shielde
Displayed was, from _Welles_ to _Blackeheath_ fielde.

10.

But now beholde hee doth bewayle the same:
Thus after wits theyr rashnes do depraue:
Beholde dismayde hee dare not speake for shame,
He lookes like one that late came from the graue,
Or one that came forth of _Trophonius_ caue,
For that in wit hee had so litle pith,
As he a lord to serue a traytour smith.

11.

Such is the courage of the noble hart,
Which doth despise the vile and baser sort,
Hee may not touch that sauers of the cart,
Him listeth not with ech jacke lout to sport,
Hee lets him passe for payring of his porte:
The iolly egles catch not litle flees,
The courtly silkes match seelde with homely frees.

12.

But surely, _Baldwine_, if I were allowde
To say the troth, I could somewhat declare:
But clarkes will say: “This smith doth waxe to prowde,
Thus in precepts of wisedome to compare:”
But smiths must speake that clarkes for feare ne dare:
It is a thing that all men may lament,
When clarkes keepe close the truth lest they be shent.

13.

The hostler, barber, miller, and the smith,
Heare of the sawes of such as wisdom ken,
And learne some wit, although they want the pith
That clarkes pretend: and yet, both now and then,
The greatest clarkes proue not the wisest men:
It is not right that men forbid should bee
To speake the truth, all were hee bond or free.

14.

And for because I [haue] vsed to fret and fome,
Not passing greatly whom I should displease,
I dare be bolde a while to play the mome,
Out of my sacke some other’s faults to lease,
And let mine[1795] owne behinde my backe to peyse:
For hee that hath his owne before his eye,
Shall not so quicke another’s fault espye.

15.

I say was neuer no such wofull case,
As is when honour doth it selfe abuse:
The noble man that vertue doth embrace,
Represseth pride, and humblenes doth vse,
By wisdome workes, and rashnes doth refuse:
His wanton will and lust that bridle can
In deede, is gentill, both to God and man.

16.

But where the nobles want both wit and grace,
Regarde no rede, care not but for theyr lust,
Oppresse the poore, set will in reason’s place,
And in theyr wordes and doomes bee found vniust,
Wealth goeth to wracke till all lye in the dust:
There fortune frownes, and spite begins[1796] to growe,
Till high, and lowe, and all be ouerthrowe.

17.

Then sith that vertue hath so good rewarde,
And after vice so duly wayteth shame,
How hapth that princes haue no more regarde,
Theyr tender youth with vertue to enflame?
For lacke whereof theyr wit and will is lame,
Infect with folly, prone to lust and pryde,
Not knowing how themselues or theyrs to guyde.

18.

Whereby it hapneth to the wanton wight,
As to a ship vpon the stormy seas,
Which lacking sterne to guide it selfe aright,
From shore to shore the winde and tyde to[1797] teese,
Fynding no place to rest or take his ease,
Till at the last it sinke vpon the sande:
So fare they all that haue no vertue[1798] cand.

19.

The plowman first his land doth dresse and tourne,
And makes it apt or ere the seede hee[1799] sowe,
Whereby hee is full like to reape good corne,
Where otherwise no seede but weede would growe:
By which ensample men may easely knowe,
When youth haue welth before they can well vse it,
It is no wonder though they do abuse it.

20.

How can hee rule well in a common wealth,
Which knoweth not himselfe in rule to frame?
How should hee rule himselfe in ghostly health,
Which neuer learnde one lesson for the same?
If such catch harme theyr parents are too blame:
For needes must they be blinde, and blindly led,
Where no good lesson can be taught or read.

21.

Some thinke theyr youth discret and wisely taught,
That brag, and boast, and weare theyr fether braue,
Can royst, and rout, both lowre, and looke aloft,
Can sweare, and stare, and call theyr fellowes knaue,
Can pill, and poll, and catch before they craue,
Can carde and dice, both cog and foyste at fare,
Play on vnthrifty, till theyr purse bee bare.

22.

Some teach theyr youth to pype, to sing, and daunce,
To hauke, to hunt, to choose and kill theyr game,
To winde theyr horne, and with theyr horse to praunce,
To play at tenis, set the lute in frame,
Run at the ring, and vse such other game:
Which feats although they be not all vnfit,
Yet cannot they the marke of vertue hit.

23.

For noble youth, there is nothing so meete
As learning is, to knowe the good from yll:
To knowe the toungs and perfectly endyte,
And of the lawes to haue a perfect skill,
Things to reforme as right and iustice will:
For honour is ordeyned for no cause,
But to see right mayntayned by the lawes.

24.

It spites my heart to heare when noble men
Cannot disclose their secrets to t’ire frend
In sauegarde sure, with paper, inke, and pen,
But first they must a secretary fynde,
To whome they shewe the bottome of theire mynde:
And bee hee false or true, a blab or close,
To him they must theyr counsayle needs disclose.

25.

And where they rule that haue of lawe no skill,
There is no boote, they needes must seeke for ayde:
Then rulde are they, and rule as others will,
As hee that on a stage his part hath playde:
But hee was taught, nought hath hee done or sayde:
Such youth therfore seeke science of the sage,
As thinke to rule when that ye come to age.

26.

Where youth is brought vp in feare and obedience,
Kept from yll company, brydled of theyr lust,
Do serue God duly and know theire allegiaunce,
Learne godly wisdome[1800] which tyme nor age can rust:
Theire prince, people, and peers needes prosper must:
For happy are the people, and blessed is that land,
Where truth and vertue haue got the ouer hand.

27.

I speake this, _Baldwine_, of this rufull lord,
Whome I, perforce, do here present to thee,
He faynts so sore hee may not speake a word:
I pleade his cause without rewarde or fee,
And am enforc’d[1801] to speake for him and mee:
If in his youth hee had bene wisely tought,
Hee should not now his wit so deare haue bought.

28.

For what is hee that hath but halfe a wit,
But may well know that rebelles cannot speede:
Marke well my tale, and take good heede to it,
Recount it well, and take it for good reede,
If it proue vntrue[1802] I will not trust my creede:
Was neuer rebell before the world, nor since,[1803]
That could or shall preuayle agaynst his prince.

29.

For ere the subiect beginneth[1804] to rebell,
Within him selfe let him consider well,
Foresee the daunger, and beate [well] in his brayne,
How hard it is his purpose to obtayne:
For if hee once bee entred to the brears,
Hee hath a raging wolfe fast by the ears.

30.

And when hee is once entred to[1805] rule the [beastly] rout,
Although hee would, he can no way get out:
Hee may bee sure none will to him resorte,
But such as are the vile and rascall sorte:
All honest men, as well the most as lest,
To tast of treason will vtterly detest.

31.

Then let him way how long hee can bee sure,
Where fayth nor frendship may no while endure:
Hee whom hee trusteth most, to gayne a grote
Will fall him from, and assay[1806] to cut his throate:
Among the knaues and slaues where vice is rooted,
There is no other frendship to bee looked.

32.

With slashers, slaues, and snuffers so falshode is[1807] in price,
The simple fayth is deadly sinne,[1808] and vertue counted vice:
And where the quarell is so vile and bad,
What hope of ayde then is there to bee had?
Thinks hee that men will run at this or that,
To do a thing they knowe not how or what?

33.

Nor yet what daunger may thereof betyde,
Where wisdome would they should at home abyde,
Rather then seeke, and knowe not what to fynde:
Wise men will fyrst debate this in their minde:
Full suer they are if that they goe to wrecke,
Without all grace they loose both head and necke.

34.

They lose their lands and goods, their childe and wife
With sorrowe and shame shall leade a wofull lyfe:
If hee bee slayne in fielde hee dyeth accurst,
Which of all wrecks wee should accompt the worst:
And hee that dyeth defending his liege lord
Is blist, and blist agayne by God’s owne worde.

35.

And where the souldiers wages is vnpayde,
There is the captayne slenderly obayde:
And where the souldier is out[1809] of feare and dreede,
Hee will bee lacke when that there is most neede,
And priuatly hee seekes his ease and leasure,
And will bee ruled but at his will and pleasure.

36.

And where some drawe forth, [and] other doe drawe backe,
There in the end must nedes bee woe and wracke:
To hope for ayde of lords it is but vayne,
Whose foretaught wit of treason knoweth the payne:
They knowe what powre a prince hath in his hand,
And what it is with rebells for to stand.

37.

They knowe by treason honour is defaced,
Their ofspring and their progeny disgraced:
They knowe to honour[1810] is not so worthy a thing,
As to bee true and faythfull to their king:
Aboue cognisaunce or armes, or pedigrewe a far,
An vnspotted coate is lyke a blasing star:

38.

Therefore the rebell is accurst and mad,
That hopeth[1811] for that which rebell neuer had:
Who trusting still to tales doth hang in hope,
Tyll at the last hee hang fast by the rope,
For though that tales bee tolde that hope might feede,
Such foolishe hope hath still vnhappy speede.

39.

It is a custome [that] neuer will be broken,
In broyles the bag of lyes is euer open:
Such lying newes men dayly will inuent,
As can the hearer’s fancy best content:
And as the newes do runne and neuer cease,
So more and more they dayly do encrease.

40.

And as they encrease,[1812] they multiply as fast,
That ten is ten hundred, ten thousand at the last:
And though the rebell had once got the fielde,
Thinks hee therby to make his prince to yeelde?
A prince’s power, within his owne region,
Is not so soone brought vnto confusion.

41.

For kings by[1813] God are strong and stoutly harted,
That they of subiects will not bee subuerted:
If kings would yeelde, yet God would them restrayne,
Of whom the prince hath grace and power to raygne:
Who straytly chargeth vs aboue all thing,
That no man should resist agaynst his king.

42.

Who that resisteth his dreade soueraign lorde,
Doth dampne his soule, by God’s owne very worde,
A christian[1814] subiect shoulde with honour due
Obay his souerayne, though hee were a Jewe:
Wherby assured[1815] when subiects do rebell,
God’s wrath is kindled, and threatneth fire and hell.

43.

It is soone knowne when God’s wrath[1816] is kindled,
How they shall speede with whom hee is offended:
If God gieue victory to whom hee liketh best,
Why looke they for it whom God doth most detest?
For treason is hatefull, and abhord in God’s sight,
Example of Iudas that most wicked wight:

44.

Which is the chiefe cause no treason preuayles,
For yll must hee spede whom God’s wrath assayles:
Let traytours and rebelles looke to speede then,
When God’s mighty power is subiect to men:
Much might bee sayde that goeth more nere the pith:
But this sufficeth for a rurall smith.

45.

_Baldwine_, when thou hearest my reason[1817] in this case,
Belike thou thinkest[1818] I was not very wise,
And that I was accurst, or else wanted[1819] grace,
Which knowing the end of my fond enterprise,
Would thus presume agaynst my prince to rise:
But as there is a cause that moueth euery woe,
Somewhat there was whereof this sore did growe.

46.

And to bee playne and simple in this case,
The cause why I such matter tooke in hand,
Was nothing els but pryde and lacke of grace,
Vayne hope of helpe, and tales both false and fond:
By meane whereof I did my prince withstand,
Denied the taxe assest by conuocation,
To mayntaine war agaynst the _Scottishe_ nation.

47.

Whereat the _Cornish_ men did much repine,
For they of golde and siluer were full bare,
And liued hardly, digging in the myne,
They sayd they had no money for to spare:
Began first to grudge, and then to sweare and stare,
Forgot theyr due obeysaunce, and rashly fell to rauing,
And sayd they would not beare such polling and such shauing.

48.

They fyrst accusde the king as authour of their greife,
And then the bishop _Moreton_, and sir _Reinold Bray_:
For they then were about the king most cheife,
Because they thought the whole[1820] fault in them lay:
They dyd protest to rid them out of the way:
Such thanke haue they that rule aboue a prince,
They beare the blame of other[1821] men’s offence.

49.

When I perceiude the commons in a roare,
Then I and _Flamoke_ consulted both together,[1822]
To whom the people resorted more and more,
Lamenting and crying, help vs now or neuer,
Breake this yoake of bondage,[1823] then are wee free for euer:
Wherat [wee] inflamed in hope to haue a fame,[1824]
To bee their captaynes tooke on vs the name.

50.

Then might you heare the people make a shout,
[And cry] “God saue the captaynes, and send vs all good speede:”
Then hee that fainted was counted but a lout,[1825]
The ruffians ran [abroade] to sowe seditious seede:
To call for company [then] there was no neede,
For euery man laboured another to entice,[1826]
To bee partaker of his wicked vice.

51.

Then all such newes as made for our auayle,
Was brought to me, but such as sounded ill,
Was none so bould to speake or yet bewayle:
Euerich was so wedded vnto[1827] his will,
That foorth they cryed with bowes, sword,[1828] and byll:
And what the rufler spake the lout tooke for a verdite,
For there the best was worst, [the] worst [was] best regarded.

52.

For when men goe a madding, there[1829] still the viler part[1830]
Conspyre together, and will haue all the sway:
And bee it well or yll, they must haue all the porte,[1831]
As they will do, the rest must nedes obay:
They prattle and prate as doth the popingaye:
They crye and commaund the rest[1832] to kepe th’array,
Whiles they may raunge and rob for spoyle and pray.

53.

And when wee had prepared euery thing,
Wee went to _Tawnton_ with all our prouision,
And there we slewe the prouost of _Penryn_,
For that on the subsedy hee sate in commission:[1833]
Hee was not wise, nor yet of great discretion,
That durst approche his enmies in their rage,
When wit nor reason coulde their yre asswage.

54.

From thence wee went to _Wels_, where wee were[1834] receiued
Of this lorde _Awdeley_ as [of] our chiefe captayne,
And so had[1835] the name, but yet hee was deceiued,
For I indeede did rule the clubbish trayne,
My cartly knights true honour did disdayne:
For like doth loue his like, it will[1836] bee none other,
A chorle will loue a chorle, before hee will his brother.

55.

[Then] from _Wels_ to _Winchester_, [and so] to _Blackheath_ field,
And there [wee] enchamped looking for more ayde,
But when none came, wee thought our selues begild:
Such _Cornishmen_ as knew they were betrayde,
From their fellowes by night away they strayde:[1837]
There might wee learne how vayne it is to trust
Our fayned frends, in quarels so vniust.

56.

But wee [the sturdy captaynes] that thought our power was strong,
Were bent to try [our fortune] what euer should betyde:
Wee were the bolder, for [that] the king so long
Deferred battayle: which so increast our pryde,
That sure wee thought the king himselfe did hyde
Within the cyty, therfore with[1838] courage hault,
Wee did determine the[1839] cyty to assault.

57.

But hee [working] contrary to our expectation,
Was fully mynded to[1840] let vs run our race,
Till wee were from our domesticall habitation,[1841]
Where that of ayde or succour was no place,
And then [to] bee plaged as it should please his grace:
[But] all doubtfull playnts, how euer they did sound,
To our best vayle wee alway did expound.

58.

When that the king sawe time, with courage bolde
Hee sent a powre to circumuent vs all:
Where wee enclosde as simple sheepe in folde,
Were slaine and murdred as[1842] beasts in butcher’s stall:
The king himselfe, what euer [chaunce] might fall,
Was strongly encamped[1843] within Saynt _George’s_ fielde,
And there abode tyll that hee hearde vs yeelde.

59.

Then downe wee kneelde, and cryde to saue our life,
It was to late our folly to bewayle:
There were wee spoyide of armour, coate, and knife:
And wee, which thought [with pride] the citye to assaile,
Were led in[1844] prisoners, naked as my nayle:
[But] of vs two thousand they had slayne before,
And wee of them three hundred and no more.

60.

[This] my lorde and wee the captaynes of the west,
Tooke [our] inne at Newgate, fast in fetters tide,
Where after tryall[1845] wee had but litle rest:
My lorde through _London_ was drawne on a slide,
To _Tower_ hill, where with an[1846] axe hee dyde,
Clad in his [coate] armour painted all in paper,
Torne[1847] and reuersed[1848] in spite of his behauer.[1849]

61.

And I with _Thomas Flamoke_, and[1850] other of our bent,
As traytours at Tiburne our iudgment did obay:
The people looked[1851] I should my fault lament,
To whom I [boldly] spake, that for my fond assaye
I was sure of fame,[1852] that neuer should decaye:
Wherby ye may perceiue vayne glory doth enflame
As well the meaner sort, as men of greater name.[1853]

62.

But as the fickle patient, sometyme hath desyre
To tast the things that phisicke hath denide,
And hath both payne and sorrowe for his hyre:
The same to mee right well may bee applide,
Which while I raught for fame on shame did slide:
And seeking fame, brought forth my bitter bane,
As hee that fyred the temple of _Diane_.

63.

I tell thee, _Baldwine_, I muse [right] oft, to see
How euery man for wealth and honour gapeth,
How euery man would climbe aboue the skye,
How euery man th’assured meane so hateth,
How froward fortune oft their purpose mateth:
And if they hap theire purpose to obtayne,
Their wealth is woe, their honour care and payne.

64.

Wee see the seruant more happy[1854] then his lord,
Wee see him lyue when that his lorde is dead,
Hee slepeth sounde, is mery at his boorde,
No sorrowe in his harte doth vexe his head:
Happy [then] is he that pouerty can wed:
What gayne the mighty conquerours[1855] when they be dead,
By all the spoyle, and bloud that they haue shed?

65.

The terrible towre[1856] where honour hath his seate,
Is hye on rockes more slipper then the yse,
Where still the whorleing wynde doth roare and beate,
Where sodayne qualmes and periles still aryse,
And is beset with many sundry vice,
So straunge to men when first they come thereat,
They bee amased, and do they wot not what.

66.

Hee that preuailes, and to the towre can clyme,
With trouble[1857] and care must needes abridge his dayes:
And hee that slydes may curse the howre and tyme,
Hee did attempt to geue so fond assayes,
And all his lyfe to sorrowe[1858] and shame obayes:
Thus slyde he downe, or to the top ascend,
Assure himselfe repentaunce is the end.

67.

Wherefore, good _Baldwine_, do[1859] thou record my name,
To bee ensample to[1860] such as credit lyes,
Or thrist to sucke the sugred cup of fame,
Or doe attempt agaynst their prince to ryse:
And charge them all to keepe within their syse:
Who doth assay to wrest beyond his strength,
Let him be sure hee shall repent at length.

68.

[And] at my request admonishe thou all men,
To spend well the talent[1861] which God [to them] hath lent,
[And] hee that hath [but] one, let him not toile for ten,
For one is[1862] too much, vnlesse it bee well spent:
I haue had the proofe, therefore I now repent,
And happy are those men, and blist and blist is hee,
As can bee well content to serue in his degree.[1863]

Maister Cauyll.[1864]

[“It is pity,” quoth[1865] one, “that the meeter is no better,
seeing the matter is so good: you may do very well to helpe it,
and a lytle filing would make it formal.” “The author him selfe,”
quoth[1866] I, “could haue done that, but hee would not, and hath
desired me that it may passe in such rude sort as you haue heard
it: for hee obserueth therein a double decorum both of the Smith,
and of himselfe: for hee thinketh it not meete for the Smith to
speake, nor for himselfe to write in any exact kinde of meeter.”
“Well,” sayd another, “the matter is notable to teach al people,
as well officers as subiects, to consider their estates, and to
liue in loue and obedience to the highest powers, whatsoeuer they
bee, whome God either by birth, law, succession, or vniuersall
election, doth or shall aucthorise in his owne roume to execute
his lawes and iustice among any people or nation. For by all
these meanes God placeth his deputies. And in my iudgement there
is no meane so good eyther for the common quiet of the people, or
for God’s free choise, as the naturall order of enheritaunce by
lineall discent: for so it is left in God’s handes, to creat in
the wombe what prince hee thinketh meetest for his purposes: the
people also knowe their princes, and therefore the more gladly
and willingly receiue and obay them. And although some realmes,
more carefull then wise, haue entailed theire crowne to the heire
male, thinking it not meete for the feminine sexe to beare the
royall office: yet if they consider all circumstaunces, and the
chiefest vses of a prince in a realme, they shall see how they
are deceiued. For princes are God’s lieutenauntes or deputies,
to see God’s lawes executed among theire subiects, not to rule
according to their owne lustes or deuises, but by the prescript
of God’s lawes: so that the chiefest poynt of a prince’s office
consisteth in obedience to God and to his ordinaunces, and what
shoulde let but that a woman may bee as obedient vnto God, as
a man? The second poynt of a prince’s office is to prouide for
the impotent, nedy, and helples, as widowes, orphanes, lame, and
decrepite persons: and seing women are by nature tender harted,
milde and pitifull, who may better then they discharge this duty?
Yea but a woman lacketh courage, boldnesse, and stomacke, to
withstand the aduersarie, and so are her subiects an open spoyle
to their enemies. _Debora_, _Iaell_, _Iudith_, _Thomeris_, and
other doe proue the contrary. But graunt it were so: what harme
were that, seing victory consisteth not in witte or force, but
in God’s pleasure.[1867] I am sure that whatsoeuer prince doth
his duty in obaying God, and causing iustice to bee ministred
according to God’s lawes, shall not only lacke warre (bee hee
man, woman, or childe) but also bee a terroure to all other
princes. And if God suffer any at any time to be assayled, it
is for the destruction of the assayler, whether he bee rebell
or forayne foe, and to the honour and profit of the vertuous
prince, in whose behalfe, rather then hee shall miscary, God
himselfe will fight with enfections and earthquakes from the
lande and waters, and with stormes and lightenings from the ayre
and skies. Moe warres haue bene sought through the wilfull and
hauty courages of kings, and greater destructions happened to
realmes therby, then by any other meanes. And as for wisdome and
pollicy, seing it consisteth in following the counsayle of many
godly, learned, and long experienced heades, it were better to
haue a woman, who considering her owne weaknes and inability,
should be ruled thereby, then a man which presuming vpon his
owne fond brayne, will heare no aduise saue his owne. You muse
peraduenture wherefore I say this. The franticke heades which
disable our queene, because shee is a woman, and our king because
hee is a straunger, to bee our princes and cheife gouernours,
hath caused mee to say thus mutch. For whatsoeuer man, woman,
or childe, is by the consent of the whole realme established in
the royall seate, so it haue not bene iniuriously procured by
rygour of sworde and open force, but quietly by tytle, either
of enheritaunce, succession, lawfull bequest, common consent or
election, is vndoubtedly chosen by God to bee his deputye: and
whosoeuer resisteth any suche, resisteth agaynste God himselfe,
and is a ranke traytour and rebell, and shalbe sure to prosper
as well as the blacke Smith and other suche haue done. All
resist that wilfully breake any lawe, not being agaynst God’s
lawe, made by common consent for the wealthe of the realme, and
commaunded to be kept by the authority of the prince: or that
deny to pay such duties, as by consent of the high court of
parliament, are appointed to the prince, for the defence and
preseruation of the realme.” “You haue saide very truly herein,”
quoth[1868] I, “and I trust this terrible example of the blacke
Smith, will put all men in minde of their duties, and teach them
to bee obedient to all good lawes, and lawfull contributions.
The scriptures do forbyd vs to rebell, or forcibly to withstand
princes, though they commaund vniust things: yet in any case
wee may not doe them: but receiue quietly at the prince’s hand
whatsoeuer punishment God shall suffer to bee layd vpon vs for
our refusall. God will suffer none of his to bee tempted aboue
their strength.”[1869] This talke thus being ended: “I was willed
my maisters,” quoth I, “by maister _Holinshed_, to bring sir
_Nicholas Burdet_ vnto you.” “Were you?” quoth they: “on his word
we will heare what he sayes.” “Read it, I pray you,” quod one.
“You must thinke then,” quoth I, “that you see him all wounded as
he was slaine at _Pontoise_, to say as foloweth.”]

How the Valiant Knight Sir _Nicholas Burdet_,
Chiefe Butler of Normandy, was slayne
at Pontoise, Anno 1441.

1.

“Yf erst at prince’ affayres[1870] wee counted were of truste,
To fight in waeged warres, as captayne gainst the foes,
And might therefore aliue receiue the guerdon iuste,
Which ay his maiesty employde on those:
Why should wee so keepe silence now, and not disclose
Our noble acts to those remayne aliue,
T’encourage them the like exployts t’achiue?

2.

For if when as wee werde,[1871] for prince and publique weale,
We might to ech for both haue time and place to speake,
Then why not now, yf wee to both appeale?
Sith both well knowe our dealeings were not weake:
Wee clayme as ryghte, in trueth our myndes to breake,
The rather eke wee thinke to speake wee franchizde ar,
Because wee serude for peace and dyde in prince his war.[1872]

3.

Which graunted so, and held deserued due,
I may full well on stage supply the place a while,
Till I haue playnly layde before your vew
That I haue cause, as these, to playne of fortune’s guyle,
Which smirking though at first, she seeme to smoothe and smyle,
(If fortune bee) who deemde themselues in skyes to dwell,
She thirleth downe to dreade the gulfes of ghastly hell.

4.

But here I let a while the lady fortune stay,
To tell what time I liu’d, and what our warres were then,
The great exployts wee did, and where our armies laye,
Eke of the prayse of some right honourable men,
Which things with eyes I saw, calde now to minde agen:
What I performed present in the fight,
I will in order and my fall resite.

5.

In youth I seru’d that royall _Henry_ fifte the king,
Whose prayse for martiall feats eternall fame retaynes,
When hee the Normanes stout did in subiection bring,
My selfe was vnder then his ensignes taking paynes:
With loyall hart I faught, pursude my prince his gaines,
There dealt I so that time my fame to rayse,
French wryters yet my name and manhoode prayse.

6.

And erste as _Burdet’s_ diuers warlike wights,
(In Warwickeshire theyr lands in Arrow ar)[1873]
Were, for good seruice done, made worthy knights,
Whose noble acts be yet recounted far:
Euen so my selfe, well framde to peace or war,
Of these the heyre by due discent I came,
Sir _Nicholas Burdet_ knight, which had to name.

7.

That time the noble _Iohn_ of _Bedford_ duke bare sway,
And feared was in _Fraunce_ for courage stout and fell,
Hee lou’de mee for my fight and person, (though I say)
And with revenues mee rewarded yearely well:
I playde the faythfull subiect’s parte, the truth to tell,
And was accounted loyall, constant still
Of stomake, worship great, and warlike scill.

8.

But then, O greefe to tell, ere long this pearelesse king,
When hee restored had his right vnto the crowne
The duchye all of Normandy, eke subiect bring
The Frenchemen all, and set lieutenants in eache towne,
High regent made of Fraunce, then fortune gan to frowne,
Hee then departed life, too soone alas:
Som men suppose his grace empoysonde was.

9.

Thou fortune slye, what meanste thou thus, these prancks to play
False fortune blereyde blinde, vnsteady startling still,
What meanste thou turning thus thy flattering face away,
Inconstant where thou bearest most good will?
Is it thy nature then? or iste thy wonted scill?
It cost thee naught, they say it commes by kinde,
As thou art bisme, so are thine actions blinde.

10.

I nothing doubte then thou thy selfe shalt fall:
I trust to see the time when thou shalt bee forgot:
For why thy pride, and pompe and powre must vanish all,
Thy name shall dye for aye, and perish quite I wot:
And when thou shalt bee counted but a sot,
The noble wights which liude and dyde in worthy fame,
In heauen and earth shall finde an euerlasting name.

11.

But words of course are these of fortune had,
When vnto princes haps chaunce good or ill;
God sends to euery sorte these tempests sad,
When from his worde they swarue and heauenly will:
Men must endeuour then to please his goodnesse still,
And then come life, or death, come ioy, come smarte:
No fortune’s frowne can daunte the doughty harte.

12.

The famous king so dead, his son, but nyne months olde,
_Henry_ the sixt of England was proclaymed king:
And then the Frenchmen wexte more stoute and bolde,
His youth occasion gaue them to conspire the thing,
Which might them all from due subjection bring?
On which the councell calde a parliament,
Of French that might the treasons high preuent.

13.

Wherein the duke of _Bedford_, my good lorde and frend,
Was regent made, the prince his deputy in Fraunce:
The duke of _Glocester_ protectour was, to th’end
To rule in cases such at home might hap to chaunce:
They chose to garde the prince, in honour to aduaunce
_Henry Beuforde_ bishop of _Winchester_,
And _Thomas_ the noble duke of _Excester_.

14.

But here before those things coulde well be setled sure,
(As great affayres of kingdomes longer time do take)
The Frenchmen did by treason, force, and coyne, procure
Some townes which English were, in Fraunce theyr fayth forsake:
A long discourse it were of all recitall make:
But of my chaunce that time, resite will I,
Which seru’d in warres my prince in _Normandy_.

15.

Before the mount S. _Michaell_ as in seige I lay,
In confines of the _Normane’s_ and the _Breton’s_ land,
From townsemen famisht nigh we vitailes kept away,
And made them oft in daunger of dis-mounteing stand:
But it being strong and also stoutly mand,
Euen by our losses they gate harte of grasse,
And wee declineing saw what fortune was.

16.

Yet nathelesse[1874] wee thought by famine make them yeelde,
Eke they by fight or succours hoapt the seige to rayse,
T’accomplish which they rusht on sodayne out to feelde,
As bent to dy or win the wanted foode with prayse:
And wee as ready were for them at all assayes:
These eager impes whome foode, want, feazde to fight amayne,
Wee forc’d them dye, fall, fly, to take theyr forte agayne.

17.

Where I in chase pursude them euen to the towne,
Tane prisner was, a while for ransom lay:
But then the worthy duke, the regent of renowne,
Did for mee quite disburse the price requirde to pay:
The seige wee raysde, from thence wee went our way,
And I redeemed bare this blanke in minde,
Till of requite I might occasion finde.

18.

Which thus ere long befell, to this a while giue eare:
When _Arthur_ earle of _Richmond_ to S. _Iaques_ came
_De Beuuron_, where my selfe and other captaynes were,
Which had repared well and fortefide the same,
Wee made him flye, to his immortall shame:
Euen thus to him and forty thousand moe,
Fiue hundreth English gaue the ouerthroe.

19.

Long while hee battery layde agaynst the wall,
Thereby to make a breatche for them to enter in:
But well perceiuing still his shot to profite small,
And that wee weyde not of his powre a pinne,
On euery side afreshe hee did th’assault begin:
Yet wee so bare them off, and beate them downe,
They durst not seaze or enter on the towne.

20.

But wearied with the seige and sault, they pausde a while,
Consulting what were best, and so did wee likewise:
They founde the feate, they thought should surely vs beguile,
And in an euening came t’accomplish th’enterprise:
A sharp assaulte they gaue: alarme my mates, wee rise:
On both the sides they scalde, the forte to gayne,
But from the scales and walles wee flang them downe amayne.

21.

It was my charge that time to keepe a bulwarke bace,
Where _Bretons_ came along to enter by a streit:
’Twas in a bottome lowe, a pond was by the place,
By which they needes must passe vp to a posterne gate:
I meant to make them fishe the poole without a bayt,
Protesting ere they there should get the wall
Wee would as English dye, or gieue our foes the fall.

22.

The trompets sound tan tara, tan tan tara right,
The guns were shot founce-founce-founce, fomp-fum, fow-powthow,
The dromze went downe-dun-downe, the fluits fyt-fyte-fyt, fyte,
The weapons clish-clash, and the captaynes nowe-now-nowe:
With billes wee beat them downe, with shafts wee shot them throw:
The gory ground did groane, the smoky shot and cryes
Dimd all the ayre, and thundred through the scyes.

23.

S. _Denise_, cryde the French, and Bretons _glahe-lahee_,
S. _George_ the English cryde, fight-fight-fight, kill-kill-kill:
“Fight-fight,” quoth I, “come on, they flee, they flee, they flee:”
And there withall wee vsde a poynt of warlike scill,
Wee causde the men within to crye vnto vs still:
“Fight _Suffolke_, now, fight, fight, and _Salsbury_:
Fight, fight, you noble earles, the Bretons flee, they flee.”

24.

With that amazed all the Bretons gan recoyle,
Some drowned in the pond, wherin they ran for feare,
And I pursude the flight, to wrecke my captiue foyle,
Wee payde them in the chase disordred as they were,
Seuen hundred slew, tooke fifty prisners there,
Gaynde eyghteene standerds, and one banner more:
Yet I and mine, not fully were fowrescore.

25.

Of this exployt when th’earle of _Richmond_ herde,
Which gaue an hoate assault on th’other side the towne,
No lesse was hee displeasde, amazed, than afferde,
To heare the names of those two earles of high renowne,
His guilty courage quaylde, his heart was daunted downe,
Hee causde the trompets sounde retrayte away:
To scale our walles hee durst no longer stay.

26.