Chapter VII: Part III (4)

And for the _French_ kinge’s daughters were to small,
I fancied most dame _Margaret_ his niece,
A louely lady, beautifull, and tall,
Fayre spoken, pleasant, a very princely[755] piece
In wit and learning, matchlesse hence to _Greece_,
Duke _Rayner’s_ daughter[756] of _Aniow_, king by stile
Of _Naples_, _Ierusalem_, and[757] _Scicil_ ile.

13.

But ere I could the graunt of her attayne,
All that our king had of her father’s landes,
As _Mauntes_ the citty, the county whole of _Mayne_,
And most of _Aniow_ duchy in our handes,
I did release him by assured bandes,
And as for dowry with her none I sought,
I thought no peace could bee to derely bought.

14.

And whan this mariage throwly was agreed
Although my king were glad of such a make,
His vncle _Humfrey_ abhorred[758] it in deede,
Because thereby his precontract hee brake,
Made with the heyre of the earle of _Arminacke_,
A noble maide with store of goodes endowed,
Which more than this with losse, the duke allowed.

15.

But loue and beawty in the king so wrought,
That neyther profite,[759] or promise, hee regarded,
But set his vncle’s counsaile still at nought,
And for my paynes I highly was awarded:
Thus vertue starues, but lustfoode must bee larded:
For I, made marquise, went to _Fraunce_ agayne,
And brought this bride vnto my soueraygne.

16.

At home[760] because duke _Humfrey_ aye repined,
Calling their mariage aduoutry (as it was)
The queene did moue mee, erst thereto enclined,
To helpe to bring him to his _requiem_ masse,
Which sith it could for no crime come to passe,
His life and doinges were so right and clere,
Through priuy murder wee brought him to his bere.

17.

Thus righteousness brought _Humfrey_ to rebuke,
Because hee would[761] no wickednes allowe,
But for my doinges I was made a duke:
So fortune can both bend and smoth her browe
On whome shee list, not passing why or how:
O Lord how high, how soone shee did mee raise,
How fast shee filde mee both with prayes and praise.

18.

The lordes and commons both of like assent,
Besought my soueraigne kneeling on their knees,
To record my doinges[762] in the parliament,
As deedes deseruing euerlasting fees:
In which attempt they did no labour leese,
For they set not my prayse so fast in flame,
As hee was ready to reward the same.

19.

But note the ende: my deedes so worthy deemed
Of king, of lordes, and commons, altogether,
Were shortly after treasons false esteemed,
And all men curst queene _Marget’s_ comming hither:
For _Charles_ the _French_ king, in his feates not lither,
Whan wee had rendered _Rayner_, _Mauntes_, and _Mayne_,
Found meane to wyn all _Normandy_ againe.

20.

This made the people curse the mariage,
Esteeming it the cause of euery losse:
Wherefore at mee with open mouth they rage,
Affirming mee t’haue[763] brought the realme to mosse:
Whan king and queene sawe thinges thus goe a crosse,
To quiet all a parliament they called,
And caused mee in prison to bee thralled.

21.

And shortly after brought mee forth abrode,
Which made the commons more than double woode:
And some with weapons would haue laide on lode,
If their graund captayne, _Blewberd_, in his moode
Had not in time with wisedome beene withstoode:
But though that hee and more were executed,
The people still their worst against mee bruted.[764]

22.

And so applied the parliament with billes,
Of haynous wronges and open trayterous crimes,
That king and queene were forst against their willes,
Fro place to place t’adiourne[765] it diuers times,
For prince’s power is like the sandy slimes,
Which must perforce gieue place vnto the waue,
Or sue the windy sourges whan they raue.

23.

Their life was not more deare to them than I,
Which made them search all shiftes to saue mee still,
But ay my foes such faultes did on mee try,
That to preserue mee from a worser ill,
The king was faine full sore against his will,
For fiue yeares space to send mee in exile,
In hope to haue restorde mee in a while.

24.

But marke how vengeaunce wayteth vpon vice,
To shun this storme, in sayling towardes _Fraunce_,
A pyrat’s barke, that was of litle price,[766]
Encountred mee vpon the seas by chaunce,
Whose captayn there tooke mee, as in a traunce,[767]
Let passe my shippes with all theyr frayt and loade,
And led mee backe againe to[768] _Douer_ roade.

25.

Where vnto mee recounting all my[769] faultes,
As murdering of duke _Humfrey_ in his bed,
And how I had brought all the realme to naughtes,
Causing[770] the king vnlawfully to wed,
There was no grace but I must lose my head:
Wherefore hee made mee [to] shriue mee in his bote,
And on the brinke my[771] necke in two hee smote.[772]

26.

This was mine end: which was by reason due
To mee, and such as other’s deaths procure:
Therefore bee bold to write, for it is true,
That who so doth such practise put in vre,
Of due reward at last shal be most sure,
For God is iust, whose stroke delayed long,
Doth light at last with paine more sharpe and strong.[773]

W. B.[774]

[Whan this was sayd, euery man reioysed to heare of a wicked
person so righteously punished:[775] for though fortune in many
points bee iniurious to princes, yet in this and such like she
is most righteous: and only deserueth the name of a goddesse,
whan she prouideth meanes to punishe and destroy tyrantes. And
when we had a while considered the driftes of the king and queene
to haue saued this duke: and yet they could not: “It is worth
the labour,” sayd one, “to way the workes and iudgements of
God: which seeing they are knowen most euidently by comparing
contraries, I will touch the story of _Iacke Cade_ in order next
following, whome king _Henry_, with all his puissaunce, was no
more able for a while to destroy (yet was hee his rebellious
enemy), than hee was to preserue the duke of _Suffolke_ his
dearest friend: by which two examples doth appeare howe notably
God disposeth all things, and that no force stretcheth farther,
than it pleaseth him to suffer. For this _Cade_ being an
_Irisheman_ but of meane parentage, of no ability,[776] and lesse
power, accompanied with a fewe naked _Kentishemen_, caused the
king with his army at all poynts appointed, to leaue the field,
and suffer him to do whatsoeuer hee lusted [for a time, but in
the end hee was slaine at _Hothfielde_ in _Sussex_, and caried
thence to _London_ in a cart, and there quartered.][777] In whose
behalfe, seeing he is one of fortune’s whelpes, I will trouble
you a while to heare the processe of his enterprise, which hee
may declare in maner following.”]

How _Iacke Cade_ naming himselfe _Mortimer_,[778]
trayterously rebelling against his King,
in Iune, Anno 1450,[779] was for
his treasons and cruell
doinges worthely
punished.

1.

Shall I call it fortune[780] or my froward folly,
That lifted[781] mee vp[782] and laide mee downe belowe?
Or was it courage that made mee so ioly,
Which of the starres and bodies grement growe?[783]
What euer[784] it were this one poynt sure I knowe,
Which shall be meete for euery man to marke:
Our lust and willes our euils chiefly warke.

2.

It may bee well that planets doe encline,
And our complexions moue our mindes to ill,
But such is reason, that they bring to fine
No worke vnayded of our lust and will:
For heauen and earth are subiect both to skill:
The skill[785] of God ruleth all, it is so strong,
Man may by skill guide thinges that to him long.

3.

Though lust be sturdy,[786] and will enclined to nought,
This forst by mixture, that by heauen’s course,
Yet through the skill[787] God hath in reason wrought
And geuen man, no lust nor will to[788] course,
But may bee stayed or swaged of the sourse,
So that it shall in nothing force the minde
To worke our woe, or leaue the proper kinde.

4.

But though this skill bee geuen to euery man[789]
To rule the will, and keepe the minde aloft,
For lacke of grace full fewe vse it can,[790]
These worldly pleasures tickle vs so oft:
Skill is not weake, but will strong,[791] fleshe is soft,
And yeeldes it selfe to pleasure that it loueth,
And hales the minde to that it most reproueth.

5.

Now if this hap whereby wee yeelde our minde
To lust and will, bee fortune as wee name her,
Than is shee iustly called false and blinde,
And no reproach can bee to much to blame her:
Yet is the shame our owne when so wee shame her,
For sure this hap if it bee rightly knowne,
Commeth[792] of our selues, and so the blame our owne.

6.

For who so liueth in the schoole of skill,
And medleth not with any worlde’s affayres,
Forsaketh pompes and honors, that doe spill
The minde’s recourse to grace’s quiet stayres,
His state no fortune by no meane appayres:
For fortune is the folly and plague of those,[793]
Which to the world their wretched willes dispose.

7.

Among which fooles, marke, _Baldwine_, I am one,
That would not stay my selfe in mine estate:
I thought to rule but to obay to none,
And therefore fell I with my king at bate:
And to the end I might him better mate,
_Iohn Mortimer_ I caused my selfe bee called,
Whose kingly bloud the _Henryes_ nigh had thralled.[794]

8.

This shift I vsed, the people to perswade
To leaue their prince, on my side more to sticke,
Whereas in deede my father’s name was _Cade_,
Whose noble stocke was neuer worth a sticke:
But touching wit I was both ripe and quicke,
Had strength of limmes, large stature, comely face,
Which made men weene my lynage were not base.

9.

And seeing stoutnes stucke by men in _Kent_,
Whose valiaunt hearts refuse none enterprise,
With false perswasions strayte to them I went,
And sayd they suffered too great iniuries:
By meane whereof I caused them to rise:[795]
And battayle wise to come to _Blacke Heath_ playne,
And thence their griefes vnto the king complaine.

10.

Who being deafe (as men say) on that eare,
For wee desired release of subsedies,
Refused roughly our requestes to heare,
And came against vs as his enemies:[796]
But wee to tary[797] him sought out subtilties,
Remoued our campe, and backe to _Senocke_ went,
After whome the _Staffords_ with their power was sent.

11.

See here how fortune setting vs a flote,
Brought to our nets a portion of our pray:
For why, the _Staffords_ with their army hote,
Assayled vs at _Senocke_, where wee lay:
From whence aliue they parted not away:
Which whan the kinge’s retinue vnderstood,
They all affirmed my quarell to bee good.

12.

Which caused the king, and queene, whom all did hate,
To rayse their campe, and sodainly depart:
And that they might the people’s grudge abate,
To imprison[798] some full sore against their hart:
Lord _Saye_ was one, whome I made after smart,
For after the[799] _Staffords_ and their hoast was slaine,
To _Blackeheath_ fielde I marched backe againe.

13.

And where the king would nothing heare before,
Now was hee glad to send to knowe my minde:
And I thereby enflamed much the more,
Refused his grauntes, so folly made mee blinde,
For this hee flewe and left lord _Scales_ behinde,
To helpe the towne and strengthen _London_ tower,
Towardes which I marched forward with my power.

14.

And found there all thinges at mine owne desire,[800]
I entred _London_, did there what I list:
The treasurer, lord _Saye_, I did conspire
To haue condemned: whereof when I mist,
(For hee by lawe my malice did resist)
By force I tooke him in _Guyldhall_ fro the heape,[801]
And headed him before the crosse in _Cheape_.

15.

His sonne in law _Iames Cromer_, shriue of _Kent_,
I caught at _Mile end_, where as then he lay:
Beheaded him, and one a pole I sent
His head to _London_ where his father’s lay,
With these two heades I made a prety play,
For pight on poales I bare them through the streete,
And for my sport made ech kisse other sweete.[802]

16.

Then brake I prysons, let forth whom I wold,
And vsed the city as it had beene mine:
Tooke from the marchaunts money, ware, and gold,
From some by force, from other some by fine:
This at the length did cause them to repine,
So that lord _Scales_ consenting with the mayre,
Forbad vs to theyr city to repayre.

17.

For all this while myne hoast in _Southwarke_ lay,
Who whan they knewe our passage was denied,
Came boldly to the bridge and made a fray,
For in wee would, the townes men vs defied:
But when with stroakes wee had the matter tryed,
Wee wan the bridge and set much part on fire,
This done to _Southwarke_ backe wee did retyre.

18.

The morow after came the chauncellour,
With generall pardon for my men, halfe gone,
Which heard and read, the rest within an houre,
Shranke all away ech man to shift for one:
And when I sawe they left mee post alone,
I did disguise mee like a knight of the post,
And into _Sussex_ rode away in post.[803]

19.

And there I lurked till that cursed coyne,
That restles begle sought and found mee out,
For straight the king by promise did enioyne
A thousand marke to whosoeuer mought
Apprehend[804] my corse, which made them[805] seeke about:
Among the which one _Alexander Iden_.
Found out the hole, wherein the foxe was hidden.

20.

But ere hee tooke mee I put[806] him to his trumps,
For yeelde I would not while my handes would holde,
But hope of money made him stur his stumps,
And to assault mee valiauntly and bolde:
Two houres and more our combat[807] was not colde,
Till at the last hee lent mee such a stroke,
That downe I fell and neuer after spoke.

21.

Than was my carkasse caryed like a hog,
To _Southwarke_ borow where it lay a night,
The next day drawne to _Newgate_ like a dog,
All men reioysing at the rufull sight:
Than were on poales my perboyld quarters pight,[808]
And set aloft for vermine to deuour,
Meete graue for rebels that resist the power.

22.

Full litle know wee wretches what wee do,
When we presume our princes to resist:
Wee warre with God, against his glory to,
That placeth in his office whome hee list:
Therefore was neuer traytour yet, but mist
The marke hee shot, and came to shamefull end,
Nor neuer shall till God bee forst to bend.

23.

God hath ordayned the power, all princes be
His lieutenantes or deputyes[809] in realmes,
Against their foes still[810] therefore fighteth hee,
And as[811] his enmies driues them to extreames,
Their wise deuises proue but doltishe dreames:
No subiect ought for any kinde of cause
To force the prince,[812] but yeelde him to the lawes.

24.

Wherefore,[813] _Baldwine_, warne men followe reason,
Subdue their willes, and bee not fortune’s slaues,
A shamefull end doth euer followe treason,
There is no trust in rebells, rascall knaues,
In fortune lesse, which worketh as the waues:
From whose assaultes who listeth to stand free,
Must followe skill and[814] so contented bee.[815]

[“By Sainct _Mary_,” sayd[816] one, “if _Iacke_ were as wel
learned, as you haue made his oration, what so euer hee was
by birth, I warrant him a gentleman by his learning. How
notably and philosopher like hath he described fortune, and the
causes of worldly cumbraunce? how like[817] a deuine hath hee
determined the states both of officers and rebells. For in deede
officers[818] be God’s deputies, and it is God’s office which
they beare: and it is hee which ordaineth thereto such as himself
listeth, good whan he fauoureth the people, and euil when he will
punish them. And therefore whosoeuer rebelleth against any ruler,
either good or bad, rebelleth against God and shalbee sure of a
shamefull ende:[819] for God cannot but mayntaine his deputy. Yet
this I note by the way concerning rebels and rebellions. Although
the deuill raise them, yet God alwayes vseth them to his glory,
as a part of his iustice. For whan kinges and chiefe rulers
suffer their vnder officers to misuse their subiectes, and will
not heare nor remedy their people’s wronges whan they complaine,
then suffereth God the rebell to rage, and to execute that part
of his iustice, which the partiall prince would not. For the lord
_Saye_, a very corrupt officer, and one whom notwithstanding the
king alwayes mayntayned, was destroyed by this _Iacke_, as was
also the bishop of _Salisbury_, (a proude and couetous prelate)
by other of the rebells. And therefore whatsoeuer prince desireth
to liue quietly without rebellion, must doe his subiectes right
in all thinges, and punishe such officers as greeue or oppresse
them: thus shall they bee sure from all rebellion. And for
the clerer opening hereof it were well done to set forth this
lord _Saye’s_ tragedy.” “What neede that,” sayd[820] another,
“seeing the like example is seene in the duke of _Suffolke_,
whose doings are declared sufficiently already. Nay let[821] vs
goe forward, for we haue a great many behind that may not bee
omitted, and the time as you see passeth away. As for this lord
_Saye_, whom _Cade_ so cruelly killed and spitefully vsed after
his death, (I dare say) shalbe knowen therby what hee was to all
that read or heare this story. For God would neuer haue suffered
him to haue beene so vsed, except hee had first deserued it.
Therefore let him goe and with him the bishop, and all other
slaine in that rebellion which was raised as it may be thought
through some drift of the duke of _Yorke_, who shortly after
began to endeuour himselfe by all meanes to attayne the crowne,
and therefore gathered an army in _Walles_, and marched towardes
_London_:[822] but the king with his power taried and met him
at Sainct _Albans_, where while the king and hee were about a
treaty, _Richarde Neuile_ earle of _Warwicke_, chiefe of the
faction of the house of _Yorke_, set vpon the kinge’s army, gate
the victory, and slue _Edmund Beauford_ duke of _Somerset_. Where
also the same day were slaine in the quarell of king _Henry_
the sixt, _Henry Percy_ the second[823] of that surname, earle
of _Northumberland_, _Humfreye_ earle of _Stafford_, sonne and
heire to _Humfrey Stafford_,[824] duke of _Buckingham_, _Iohn_
lord _Clifford_, _Babthorpe_ the kinge’s attorney and his sonne
and heire, besides many moe of the nobility. But[825] because the
duke of _Somerset_[826] was the chiefe of that part, passing ouer
the rest, let vs onely heare him speake for all.”]

The tragedy of _Edmund_ Duke of Somerset, slayne
in the first battayle at Sainct Albane’s,
the 23 day of May, in the 32 yeare
of _Henry_ the sixte,
Anno 1454.

1.

Some I suppose are borne vnfortunate,
Els good endeuours could not ill[827] succede,
What shall I call it? ill fortune or fate,
That some men’s attempts haue neuer good speede,[828]
Their[829] trauaile thankles, all booteles their heede,
Where other vnlike in working or skill,
But wrestle[830] the world, and wyeld it at will.[831]

2.

Of the first nombre I count my selfe one,[832]
To all mishap I weene predestinate,
Beleeue mee, _Baldwine_, there bee fewe or none,
To whome fortune was euer more ingrate:
Make thou, therefore, my life a caueat:
That who so with force will worke against kinde,
Sayleth (as who sayth) agaynst the streame and winde.

3.

For I of _Somerset_ [which] duke _Edmund_ hight,
Extract by discent from _Lancaster_ lyne,
Were it by folly, or fortune’s despite,[833]
Or by ill aspect of some crooked signe,
Of mine attempts could neuer[834] see good fine:
What so I began did seldome well end:
God from such fortune all good men defend.

4.

Where I thought[835] to saue, most part did I spill,
For good hap with mee was alway at warre:
The linage of _Yorke_ whom I bare so ill,
By my spite became bright as the morning starre,[836]
Thus somewhiles men make when faine they would mar,
The more yee lop trees the greater they growe,
The more ye stop streames, the higher they flowe.

5.

Maugre my spite,[837] his glory[838] grewe the more,
And mine, as the mone in the wane, waxt lesse:
For hauing the place which hee had before,
Gouernour of _Fraunce_, needes I must confesse,
That lost was _Normandy_ without redresse,
Yet wrought I alwayes that wit might contriue,
But what doth it boote with the streame to striue?[839]

6.

Borne was I neither to warre ne to peace,
For _Mars_ was maligne to all my whole trade:[840]
My byrth I beleue was in _Ioue’s_ decrease,
When _Cancer_ in his[841] course being retrograde,
Declined from _Sol_ to[842] _Saturnus’_ shade,
Where aspectes were good, opposites did marre,
So grewe mine vnhap both in peace and warre.

7.

A straunge natiuity in calculation,
As all[843] my liue’s course did after well[844] declare,
Whereof in briefe[845] to make relation,
That other by mee may learne to beware,
Ouerlight credence was cause of my care,
And want of foresight in gieuing assent
To condemne _Humfrey_ that duke innocent.[846]

8.

_Humfrey_ I meane[847] that was the protectour,
Duke of _Glocester_, of the royall bloud,
So long as hee was _England’s_ directour,
King _Henrie’s_ title to the crowne was good:
This prince as a piller most stedfastly stood,[848]
Or like a prop[849] set vnder a vyne,
In state to vpholde all _Lancaster’s_ lyne.

9.

O heedeles trust, vnware of harme to come,
O malice headlong, swift to serue fond will,
Did euer madnes man so much benome
Of prudent forecast, reason, wit, and skill,[850]
As mee, blinde bayard, consenting to spill
The bloud of my cosin, my refuge and stay,[851]
To my destruction making open way?

10.

So long as the duke bare the stroke and sway,[852]
So long no rebels quarels[853] durst begin:
But when the post was pulled once[854] away,
Which stoode to vphold the king and his kin,
_Yorke_ and his banders prowdly preased in
To chalenge the crowne, by title[855] of right,
Beginning with lawe and ending with might.

11.

Abroad went bruits in countrey and[856] towne,
That _Yorke_ of _England_ was the heyr true,[857]
And how _Henry_ had vsurped[858] the crowne
Agaynst all right, which all the realme might rue:[859]
The people then embracing titles newe,
Yrkesome of present and longing for chaunge,[860]
Assented soone because they loue to raunge.

12.

True is the text which wee in scripture reade,
_Væ terra illi_, _cuius rex est puer_,
Woe to that land[861] whereof a child is head,
Whether child or childish, the case is one sure:
Where kinges be yong, wee dayly see in vre,
The people awlesse, by weakenes of theyr head,[862]
Lead theyr liues lawlesse, hauing none to dread.[863]

13.

And no lesse true is this text agayne,
_Beata terra cuius rex est nobilis_:
Blest is the land where a stout king doth rayne,
Where in good peace ech man possesseth his,
Where ill men feare to faut or doe amisse,
Where a stout prince is prest, with sworde[864] in hand,[865]
At home and abroad his[866] enemies to withstand.

14.

In case king _Henry_ had beene such a one,[867]
Hardy and stout, as his fathers afore,
Long mought bee haue sate in the royall throne,
Without any feare of common vprore:
But dayly his weakenesse shewed more and more,[868]
Which bouldnesse gaue to the aduersary band,[869]
To spoyle him at last both of life and land.

15.

His humble heart was nothing vnknowen,
To the gallants of _Yorke_ and theyr retinue:
A ground lying lowe is soone ouerflowen,[870]
And shored houses cannot long continue:
Joyntes cannot knit whereas is no synowe:
And so a prince, not dread as well as loued,
Is from his place by practise soone remoued.[871]

16.

Well mought I see, had I not wanted brayne,
The worke begon to vndermyne the state,
When the chiefe linke was loosed fro the chayne,
And that some[872] durst vpon bloud royall grate:
How tickle a hold had I of mine estate?
When the chiefe post[873] lay flat vpon the flore,
Mought not I thinke my staffe then[874] next the dore.

17.

So mought I[875] also dame _Margaret_ the queene,
By meane of whom this[876] mischiefe first began,
Did she (trow ye) her selfe not ouerweene,
Death to procure to that most worthy man?[877]
Which she and hers afterward mought well ban,[878]
On whom did hang (as I before haue sayde)
Her husband’s life, his honour, and his ayde.

18.

For whilst hee liued, which was our stable stay,
_Yorke_ and his ympes were kept as vnder yoke,
But when the piller remoued[879] was away,
Then burst out flame, that late before was smoke,
The traytour couert then[880] cast of his cloake,
And from his den came[881] forth in open light,
With titles blinde which he set forth for right.

19.

But this to bring about, him[882] first behoued[883]
The king and his kin asonder for[884] to set:
Who being perforce or practise remoued,[885]
Then had they avoyded the principall let,
Which kept the sought pray so long from the net:
The next poynt after, was, themselues to place
In rule aboue the rest, next vnto his grace.[886]

20.

Therefore was I first[887] whome they put out of place[888]
No cause pretending but the common weale,
The crown of _England_ was the very case,
Why to the commons they burned so in zeale:
My faultes were cloakes theyr practise to conceale,
In counsayle hearing consider the intent,
For in[889] pretence of truth treason oft is ment.

21.

So theyr pretence was only to remoue
Counsayle corrupt from place about the king:
But, O ye princes, you it doth behoue
This case to construe as no fayned thing,
That neuer traytour did subdue his king,
But for his plat, ere hee could[890] furder wade,
Against his friendes the quarell first hee made.

22.

And if by hap hee could so bring about,
Them to subdue at his owne wish and will,[891]
Then would hee waxe so arrogant, and stout,
That no reason his outrage might fulfill
But to proceede vpon his purpose still,
Til king and counsayle brought were in one case:
Such is theyr folly to rebells to[892] gieue place.[893]

23.

So for the fish casting forth a net,[894]
The next poynt was in driuing out the plat,[895]
Commons to cause in rage to fume and fret,[896]
And to rebell, I cannot tell for what,
Requiring redresse of this, and of that:
Who if they speede, the stander at[897] receyt
Grasp will the pray, for which hee doth awayt.[898]

24.

Then by surmise of some thing pretended,
Such to displace as they may well suspect,
Like to withstand theyr mischiefe[899] entended,
And in theyr roumes theyr banders to elect,
The aduerse party prowdly to reiect,
And then with reportes the simple to abuse,
And when these helpes fayle, open force to vse.

25.

So this duke’s traynes were couert and not seene,
Which ment no lesse, that hee[900] most pretended,
Like to a serpent couert[901] vnder greene,
To the weale publique seemed wholy bended:
Zelous he was, and would haue all thinges mended,
But by that mendment nothing els hee ment
But to bee king, to that marke was his bent.

26.

For had hee beene playne, as hee ment indeede,
_Henry_ to depose from the royall place,
His hast had beene waste, and much worse his speede,
The king then standing in his people’s grace:
This duke therefore set forth a goodly face,
As one that ment no quarrell for the crowne,
Such as bare rule hee only would put downe.

27.

But all for nought, so long as I bare stroke,
Serued these driftes, and proued all but[902] vayne:
The best help then, was people[903] to prouoke,
To make commocion and vprores amayne:
Which to appease the king himselfe was fayne,
From _Blacke-heath_ in _Kent_ to send mee to the towre:
Such was the force of rebelles in[904] that howre.

28.

The tempest yet[905] therewith was not ceased,
For _Yorke_ was bent his purpose to pursue,
Who seing how soone[906] I was released,
And ill successe of sufferaunce to ensue:
Then like Iudas[907] vnto his Lord untrue,
Esteeming time[908] lost any[909] longer to defarre,
By _Warwicke’s_ ayde proclaymed open warre.

29.

At _S. Albane’s_ towne both our hoastes did mete,
Which to try a field was no equall place,
Forst wee were to fight in euery lane and strete,
No feare of foes could make mee shun the place:[910]
There I and _Warwicke_, fronted face to face,
At an inne dore, the castle was the signe,
Where with a sword was cut my fatall lyne.

30.

Oft was I warned to come in castle none,
Hauing no mistrust of[911] any common signe,
I did imagine a castle built with stone,
For of no inne I could the same deuine:
In prophet’s skill my wit was neuer fyne,
A foole is hee that such vaine dreames doth dred,
And more foole of both that[912] will by them bee led.

31.

My life I lost in that vnlucky place,
With many lordes that leaned to my parte:
The earle[913] _Percy_ had no better grace,
_Clyfford_ for all his courage could not[914] shun the dart,[915]
_Buckingham’s_ heyr was at this mortall mart,[916]
_Babthorp_ the attourney[917] for all his skill in lawe,
In this poynt of pleading appeared very[918] rawe.[919]

32.

So poore king _Henry_, disarmed[920] of his bandes,
His friends slayne, wanting all[921] assistence,[922]
Was made a pray vnto his enemie’s handes,
Priued[923] of power and princely reuerence,
And as a pupyll voyde of all experience,
Innocent playne, and symply witted,
Was as a lambe vnto the wolfe committed.

33.

A parliament then was called with speede,
A parliament? nay, a playne conspiracy,
When against right it was decreede,[924]
That after the death of the sixt _Henry_,
_Yorke_ should succede vnto the regalty,[925]
And in this life the charge, and protection
Of king and realme, at the duke’s direction.[926]

34.

And thus was _Yorke_ declared protectour,
Protectour, sayd I, nay, proditor playne:
A rancke rebell the prince’s directour,
A vassall[927] to leade his lord and souerayne:
What honest hart would not conceiue disdayne
To see the foote surmount aboue the head?
A monster is in spite of nature bred.

35.

Some happily heare will moue a farther doubt,
And as for _Yorke’s_ part alledge an elder right:
O braynelesse heades, that so run in and out:
Whan length of time a state hath firmely pyght,
And good accord hath put all strife to flight,
Were it not better such titles still to sleepe,[928]
Than all a realme about the tryall weepe.[929]

36.

From the female came _Yorke_, and all his seede,[930]
And wee of _Lancaster_[931] from the heire male,
Of whome three kinges in order did succeede,
By iust discent: this is no fayned tale:
Who would haue thought that any storme or gale
Our shyp could shake, hauing such anker hold?
None I thinke sure, vnlesse that God so would.

37.

After this hurle the king was fayne to flee
Northward in post, for succour, and releefe:
O, blessed God, how straunge it was to see,
A rightfull prince pursued as a theefe:
To thee, O _England_, what can bee more repreefe?
Then to pursue thy prince with armed hand,
What greater shame may bee to any land?

38.

Traytours did triumph, true men lay in the dust,
Reuing and robbing, roisted euery where,
Will stoode for skill, and law obeyed lust,
Might trode downe right, of king there was no feare,
The title was tryed onely by shielde and speare:
All which vnhaps, that they were not forseene,
_Suffolke_ was in fault, who ruled king and queene.[932]

39.

Some here perhaps doe looke I should accuse
My selfe of [some][933] sleight, or subtilty vniust,[934]
Wherein I should my prince’s eares abuse
Against the duke, to bring him in mistrust,
Some part whereof, though needes confesse I must[935]
My fault onely consisted in consent,
Leaning to my foes, whereof I doe repent.[936]

40.

If I at first when brandes began to smoke,
The sparkes to quench by any way had sought,
Neuer had _England_[937] felt this mortall stroke,
Which now to late lamenting helpeth nought:
Two poynts of wit too dearely haue I bought,
The first that better is timely to foresee,
Then after ouer late a counsaylour to bee.

41.

The second is,[938] not easely to assent
To aduise geuen against[939] thy faythfull frend,
But of the speaker ponder the intent,
The meaning full, the poynt, and finall end:
A saint in showe in proofe is found a feend,
The subtile man the simple to abuse,
Much pleasaunt speach and eloquence doth vse.

42.

And so was I abusde and other moe[940]
By _Suffolke’s_ sleights, who sought to please the queene,
Forecasting not the misery and woe
Which thereof[941] came, and soone[942] was after seene:
With glosing tong hee made vs fooles to weene,
That _Humfrey_ did to _England’s_ crowne aspire,
Which to preuent, his death they did conspire.

43.

What should I more of mine vnhaps declare,
Whereof my death at last hath made an end?
Not I alone was voyde of[943] all this care,
Some besides mee there were that did offend:
None I accuse, nor yet my selfe defend,
Faultes I knowe I had, as none liues without,[944]
My chiefe fault was folly I put thee[945] out of dout.

44.

Folly was the chiefe, the noughty time was next,
Which made my fortune subiect to the chiefe:
If _England_ then with strife had not beene vext,
Glory might haue growen whereas ensued griefe:
Yet one thing is my comfort[946] and reliefe,
Constant I was in my prince’s quarell
To die, or liue, and spared for no parell.

45.

What though fortune enuious was my foe?
A noble hart ought not the sooner yeelde,
Nor shrinke a backe for any weale or woe,
But for his prince lie bleeding in the feelde:
If priuy spight at any time mee helde,
The price is paide: and greeuous is my guerdon,
As for the rest God (I trust) will pardon.

G. F.[947]

[After this tragedy ended, one sayd: “Seeing this duke hath so
vehemently exclaimed against the duke of _Yorke’s_ practises,
it were well done to heare what hee can say for himselfe. For
after the first battaile at Sainct _Albane’s_ he was[948] made
protectour,[949] which so much greeued queene _Margaret_ and her
complices, that priuy grutches and open dissembling neuer ceased
till the duke and his allyes were fayne to flie both field and
realme, hee into _Ireland_, and they to _Calais_. Whence they
came againe with an army, whereof _Richard Neuill_ earle of
_Salisbury_ was leder, and marched toward _Couentry_, where the
king was, and had gathered an army to subdue them, and encountred
them at _Northampton_ on the 10 day of Iuly in the yeare of grace
1460, fought with them, lost the fielde, and was taken himselfe
and many of his friendes slaine, as _Humfrey Stafford_ duke of
_Buckingham_, _Iohn Talbot_ the second of that name earle of
_Shrewesbury_, _Iohn vicount Beaumont_, _Thomas_ lord _Egremont_,
sir _William Lucy_ and diuers other. But ouerpassing all these
and many moe because they were honorably slaine in the fielde,
let vs come to him who was the chiefe cause thereof, that is
to say, _Richard Plantagenet_ duke of _Yorke_ slaine in the
battayl at _Wakefield_ on _Christmas_ euen, and _Edmund_ earle
of _Rutland_ his yong sonne, who was there murdered by the lord
_Clifford_ as hee would have fled into the towne to haue saued
himselfe.

Therefore imagine that you see a tall man’s body full of fresh
woundes, but lacking a head, holding by the hand a goodly childe,
whose breast was so wounded that his heart might be seene, his
louely face and eyes disfigured with dropping teares, his haire
through horror standing vpright, his mercy crauing handes all to
bee mangled, and all his body embrued with his owne bloud. Out
of the wesand pipe of which headles body came a shreking voice
saying as followeth.”]

Howe _Richarde Plantagenet_ Duke of Yorke was slayn
through his ouer rash boldnes, and his sonne
the Earle of Rutland for his lacke of
valiaunce, An. Dom. 1460.[950]

1.

Trust fortune (quod[951] hee) in whome[952] was neuer trust?
O folly of men[953] that[954] haue no better grace,
All rest, renowne, and deedes lie in the dust,
Of all the sort that sue her slipper trace:
What meanest thou, _Baldwine_, for to hide[955] thy face?
Thou needest not feare although I misse my head,
Nor yet to mourne for this my sonne is dead.[956]

2.

The cause why thus I lead him in my hand,
His skin with bloud and teares so sore bestaynd,[957]
Is that thou mayest the better vnderstand,
How hardly fortune hath for vs ordaynd,
In whome her loue and hate bee hole contaynd:
For I am _Richard_, prince _Plantagenet_,
The duke of _Yorke_ in royall race beget.[958]

3.

For _Richard_ earle of _Cambridge_, eldest sonne
Of _Edmund Langley_, thyrd[959] sonne of king _Edward_,
Engendred mee, of _Anne_, whose course[960] did runne
Of _Mortimers_ to bee the issue gard:
For when her brother _Edmund_ died a ward,[961]
Shee was sole heire[962] by due discent of line,
Whereby her rightes and titles all were mine.

4.

But marke mee nowe, I pray thee, _Baldwine_, marke,
And see how force oft ouerbeareth right:
Way how vsurpers tyrannously warke,
To keepe by murder that they get by might,
And note what troublous[963] daungers doe alight
On such as seeke to repossesse their owne,
And how through rigour right[964] is ouerthrowne.

5.

The duke of _Hereford_, _Henry Bolenbroke_,[965]
Of whome duke _Mowbray_ told thee now of late,
When voide of cause hee[966] had king _Richard_ toke:
Hee murdered him, vsurped[967] his estate,
Without all right or title, sauing hate
Of other’s rule, or loue to rule alone:
These two excepted, title had hee none.

6.

The realme and crowne was _Edmund Mortimer’s_,[968]
Whose father _Roger_ was king _Richard’s_ heire:
Which caused _Henry_ and the _Lancasters_[969]
To seeke all shiftes our housholdes[970] to appayre,
For sure hee was to sit beside the chayre
Where wee of power to claime our lawfull right,
Wherefore to stroy vs hee did all hee might.[971]

7.

His cursed sonne ensued his cruell path,
And kept my giltlesse cosin strayt in duraunce:
For whome my father hard entreated hath:
But liuing hopelesse of his line’s assuraunce,
Hee thought it best by pollitike procuraunce,
To priue[972] the king, and so restore his frend:
Which brought him selfe to an infamous end.[973]

8.

For whan king _Henry_,[974] of that name the fifte,
Had tane my father in his[975] conspiracy,[976]
Hee, from sir _Edmund_ all the blame to shifte,
Was fayne to say the[977] _French_ kinge’s ally[978]
Had hyred him this trayterous act to trye,
For which condemned shortly hee was slaine,
In helping right this was my father’s gaine.[979]

9.

Thus whan the linage of the _Mortimers_
Was made away by his[980] vsurping line,
Some hang’d, some slaine, some pined prisoners,
Because the crowne by right of lawe was mine,
They gan as fast against mee to repine,
In feare alwayes, least I should stur them to[981] strife,
For guylty hearts haue neuer quiet life.[982]

10.

Yet at the last, in _Henrye’s_ dayes the sixt,
I was restored to my father’s landes,
Made duke of _Yorke_: where through my minde I fixt
To get the crowne and kingdome in my handes,
For ayde wherein I knit assured handes
With _Neuil’s_ stocke, whose daughter was my make,
Who for no woe would euer mee forsake.[983]

11.

O Lord, what hap had I through mariage,
Fower goodly boyes in youth my wife shee bore
Right valiaunt[984] men and prudent for their age,
Such brethren[985] shee had and nephues [still] in store
As none had erst, nor any shall haue more:[986]
The earle of _Salisbury_, and his sonne of _Warwicke_,
Were matchlesse men[987] from _Barbary_ to _Barwicke_.

12.

Through helpe of whome and fortune’s louely looke,
I vndertooke to claime my lawfull right,
And to abash such as against mee tooke,[988]
I raysed power at all poyntes prest to fight:
Of whome the chiefe, that chiefly bare mee spight,
Was _Somerset_ the duke, whome to annoy
I alway sought, through spite, spite to destroy.[989]

13.

And maugre him, so choyse, lo, was my chaunce,
Yea though the quene, that all rulde, tooke his part,[990]
I twise bare rule[991] in _Normandy_ and _Fraunce_,
And last lieuetenaunt in _Ireland_, where my hart
Found remedy for euery kinde of smart:
For through[992] the loue my doinges there did breede,
I had their helpe at all times in my neede.

14.

This spitefull duke, his seely king[993] and queene,
With armed hoastes I thrise met in the fielde,
The first vnfought through treaty made betweene:
The second ioynde, wherein the king did yeelde,
The duke was slaine, the queene enforst to shyelde
Her selfe by flight: the third the queene did fight,
Where I was slaine being ouer matcht by might.[994]

15.

Before this last were other battayles three,
The first the earle of _Salisbury_ led[995] alone,
And[996] fought on _Bloreheath_, and got[997] victory:
In the next was I and my kinsfolke[998] euery one:
But seeing our souldiers stale vnto our foen,
Wee warely brake our company on a night,
Dissolued our hoast, and tooke our selues to flight.[999]

16.

This boy and I, in _Ireland_ did vs saue,
Mine eldest sonne, with _Warwicke_ and his father,
To _Calais_ got, whence, by the reade I gaue,
They came agayne to _London_, and did gather
An other hoast whereof I spake not[1000] rather:
And met our foes, slewe many a lord and knight,
And tooke the king, and draue the queene to flight.

17.

This done I came[1001] to _England_ all in haste,
To make a[1002] claime vnto the realme and crowne:
And in the house while parliament did last,
I in the kinge’s seat boldly[1003] sate mee downe,
And claymed it, whereat[1004] the lordes did frowne,
But what for that? I did so well proceede,
That all at last confest it mine indeede.[1005]

18.

But sith the king had raigned now so long,[1006]
They would hee should continue till hee dyed,
And to the end, that than none did mee wrong,[1007]
Protector and heyre apparant they mee[1008] cryed:
But sith the queene and others this denyed,
I sped mee towardes the north, where then shee lay,
In minde by force to cause her to obay.[1009]

19.

Whereof shee warnd preparde a mighty powre,
And ere that mine were altogether ready,
Came swift to _Sandale_[1010] and besieged my bowre:
Where like a beast I was so rash and heady,
That out I would, there could be no remedy,
With scant fiue thousand souldiers, to assayle
Fowre times so many, encampt to most auayle.[1011]

20.

And so was slaine at first: and while my childe
Scarse twelue yeare old, sought secretly to parte,
That cruell _Clifford_, lord, nay lorell wylde,
While the infant[1012] wept, and prayed him rue his smart,
Knowing what hee was, with dagger cloue his heart:[1013]
This done, he came to th’camp where I lay dead,
Despoylde my corps and cut away my head.

21.

And when he had put a paper crowne thereon,
As a gawring stocke he sent it to the queene:[1014]
And shee for spite commaunded it anon
To be had to _Yorke_: where that it mought[1015] bee seene,
They placed it where other traytors beene:
This mischiefe fortune did mee after death:
Such was my life, and such my losse of breath.[1016]

22.

Wherefore see, _Baldwine_, that thou set it forth,
To th’end the fraude of fortune may bee knowen,
That eke all princes well[1017] may way the worth
Of thinges, for which the seedes[1018] of warre be sowen:
No state so sure but soone is ouerthrowen:[1019]
No worldly good can counterpeyze the prise
Of halfe the paynes that may thereof arise.

23.

Far[1020] better it were to lose a piece of right,
Than lymmes and life in sousing[1021] for the same:
It is not force of friendship, nor of might,
But God that causeth thinges to fro or frame,[1022]
Not wit but lucke[1023] doth wield the winner’s game:
Wherefore if wee our follyes would refrayne,
Time would redresse all wronges, wee voyde of payne.

24.

Wherefore warne princes not to wade[1024] in war
For any cause, except the realme’s defence:[1025]
Theyr troublous titles are vnworthy far
The bloud, the life, the spoyle of innocence:
Of friendes, of foes,[1026] behold my foule[1027] expence,
And neuer the neare: best therefore tary time,
So right shall raigne, and quyet calme ech crime.[1028]

[With that[1029] maister _Ferrers_ shooke mee by the sleue,
saying: “Why how now man, do you forget your selfe? belike you
minde our matters very much.” “So I doe indeede,” sayd I,[1030]
“for I dreame of them.” And whan I had rehersed my dreame, wee
had long talke concerning the nature of dreames, which to stint,
and to bring vs to our matter agayne, thus sayd one of them: “I
am glad it was your chaunce to dreame of duke _Richard_, for it
had bene pity to haue ouerpassed him. And as concerning this
lord _Clyfford_ which so cruely killed his sonne, I purpose to
gieue you notes: who (as hee well deserued) came shortly after
to a sodayne death, and yet too good for so cruell a tyrant.
[For on Palmesonday next following, being the xxix day[1031] of
March, in the yeare of Christ a thousand four hundreth threescore
and one, this lord _Clyfford_ with _Henry Percy_ the thirde
earle of _Northumberland_, the earle of _Westmerland_, the lord
_Dacres_, the lord _Welles_, and other were slayn at _Towton_
in _Yorkeshyre_.][1032] Wherefore as you thought you saw and
hearde the headles duke speake through his necke, so now[1033]
suppose you see this lord _Clyfford_, all armed saue his head,
with his brest plate all gore bloud running from his throate
wherein an headlesse arrow sticketh through which wound hee sayth
thus.”[1034]]

How the Lorde _Clyfford_ for his straunge and
abhominable cruelty came to as straunge
and sodayne a death,[1035]
Anno 1461.[1036]

1.

Open confession axeth open pennaunce,
And wisdome would a man his shame to hyde:[1037]
Yet sith forgieuenes commeth through repentaunce,
I thinke it best that men theyr crimes ascride,
For nought so secret but at length is spyed:
For couer fire, and it will neuer lynne
Till it breake forth, in like case shame and sinne.[1038]

2.

As for my selfe my faultes be out so playne,
And published [so] abroade[1039] in euery place,
That though I would I cannot hide a grayne.[1040]
All care is bootelesse in a curelesse case,
To learne by other’s griefe,[1041] some haue the grace:
And therefore, _Baldwine_, write my[1042] wretched fall,
The briefe whereof I briefly vtter shall.

3.

I am the same that[1043] slue duke _Richard’s_ childe,
The louely babe that begged[1044] life with teares,
Whereby mine honour[1045] fouly I defilde:
Poore sely lambes the lion neuer teares,
The feeble mouse may ly among the beares,
But wrath of man, his rancour to requite,
Forgets all reason, ruth, and vertue[1046] quite.

4.

I meane by rancour the parentall[1047] wreke
Surnamde a vertue, as the vicious[1048] say,
But litle knowe the wicked[1049] what they speake,
In boldening vs[1050] our enmyes kin to slay:
To punish sinne is good, it is no nay:
They wreke not sinne, but merit wreke for sinne,
That wreke the father’s fault vpon[1051] his kinne.

5.

Because my father lord _Iohn Clyfford_, dyed,
Slayne at _S. Albane’s_, in his prince’s ayde,
Agaynst the duke my heart for malice fryed,
So that I could from wreck no way bee stayed,
But to auenge my father’s death, assayde
All meanes I might the duke of _Yorke_ t’annoy,[1052]
And all his kin and friendes to kill and stroy.[1053]

6.

This made mee with my bloudy[1054] dagger wound
His guiltlesse sonne, that neuer agaynst mee storde:
His father’s body lying dead on ground
To pearce with speare, eke with my cruell sworde,
To part his necke, and with his head to bourd
Enuested with a royall paper[1055] crowne,
From place to place to beare it vp and downe.[1056]

7.

But cruelty[1057] can neuer scape the scourge
Of shame, of horror, or of sodayne death:[1058]
Repentaunce selfe, that other sinnes may pourge,
Doth fly from this, so sore the soule it slayeth:
Despayre dissolues the tyraunt’s bitter[1059] breath:
For sodayn vengeaunce sodaynly alightes
On cruell deedes,[1060] to quite theyr cruell spights.[1061]

8.

This finde I true, for as I lay in stale,
To fight with[1062] duke _Richard’s_ eldest son,
I was destroyde not far[1063] from _Dintingdale_,
For as I would my gorget haue vndon
To euent[1064] the heat that had mee nigh vndone,
An headles arrow strake mee through the throte,
Where through my soule forsooke his fylthy cote.[1065]

9.

Was this a chaunce? no sure, God’s iust awarde,
Wherein due[1066] iustice playnly doth appeare:
An headlesse arrow payde mee my rewarde:[1067]
For heading _Richard_ lying on his[1068] bere,
And as I would his childe in no wise heare,
So sodayne death bereft my tongue the power
To aske for pardon at my dying[1069] hower.

10.

Wherefore, good _Baldwine_, warne the[1070] bloudy sort,
To leaue theyr wrath, theyr[1071] rigour to refrayne:
Tell cruell judges horror is the port
Through which they sayle to shame[1072] and sodayn payne:[1073]
Hell haleth[1074] tyrauntes downe to death amayne:
Was neuer yet, nor shal be cruell deede,
Left vnrewarded with as[1075] cruell meede.

[Whan this tragedy was ended: “O Lord,” sayd[1076] another,
“how horrible a thing is diuision in a realme, to how many
mischiefes is it the mother, what vice is not therby kindled,
what vertue left vnquenched? for what was the cause of the duke
of _Yorke’s_ death, and of the cruelty of this _Clyfford_,
saue[1077] the variaunce betwene king _Henry_ and the house
of _Yorke_? which at length, besides millions of the commons,
brought to destruction all the[1078] nobility. For _Edward_ the
duke’s eldest son immediately after his[1079] father was slayn,
through help of the _Neuills_, gaue the king a battayle, whereat,
besides this _Clyfford_, and xxxvi thousand other souldiers, were
slain theyr captaynes, the earles[1080] of _Northumberland_ and
_Westmerland_, with the lordes _Dacres_ and _Welles_: the[1081]
winning of which fielde brought _Edward_ to the crowne, and
the losse draue king _Henry_ and his wife into _Scotland_. But
as few raignes begin without bloud, so king _Edward_ to keepe
order,[1082] caused _Thomas Courtney_ earle of _Deuonshyre_, and
_Iohn Veer_ earle of _Oxeforde_, and _Aubrey Veer_ eldest sonne
to the sayd earle, with diuers[1083] other his enemies,[1084]
to bee attaynted and put to death. And shortly after he[1085]
did execution vpon the duke of _Somerset_, and the lordes
_Hungerford_ and _Rosse_, whom he toke prisoners at _Exham_
fielde. For thither they came with[1086] king _Henry_ out of
_Scotland_, with an army of _Scottes_, and fought a battayle,
which was lost, and the most[1087] part of them slayn.[1088]
And because these are all noble men, I will leaue them to
_Baldwine’s_ discretion. But seyng the earle of _Worcester_ was
the chiefe instrument whom king _Edward_ vsed as well in these
men’s matters as in like bloudy affayres, because he should not
be forgotten, yee shall here what I haue noted concerning his
tragedy.”[1089]]

The infamovs end of the Lord _Tiptoft_ Earle
of Worcester, for cruelly executing his
Prince’s butcherly commaundementes,
An. 1470.[1090]

1.

The glorious man is not so loth to lurke,
As the infamous glad to lye vnknowen:
Which makes mee, _Baldwine_, disalow thy worke,
Where prince’s faultes so openly be blowen:
I speake not this alonly for mine owne,
Which were my prince’s (if that they were any)
But for my peeres, in nombre very many.

2.

Or might report vprightly vse her tong,
It would lesse greue vs to augment the matter,
But suer I am thou shalt be forst among,
To frayne the truth the liuing for to flatter,
And otherwhiles in poyntes vnknowen to smatter:
For time neuer was, nor neuer[1091] I thinke shalbe
That truth vnshent should speake in all thinges free.

3.

This doth appeare (I dare say) by my story,
Which diuers writers diuersly declare:
But story writers ought for neyther glory,
Feare, nor fauour, truth of thinges to spare?
But still it fares as alway it did fare,
Affections, feare, or doubts that dayly brue,
Doe cause that stories neuer can be true.[1092]

4.

Unfruitfull _Fabian_ followed the face
Of tyme and dedes, but let the causes slip:
Which _Hall_ hath added, but with double grace,[1093]
For feare I thinke lest trouble might him trip:
“For this or that,” sayeth he, “he felt the whip:”
Thus[1094] story wryters leaue the causes out,
Or so rehearse them as they were in dout.[1095]

5.

But seing causes are the chiefest thinges
That should be noted of the story wryters,
That men may learne what endes all causes bringes,
They be vnworthy the[1096] name of chroniclers
That leaue them cleane out of theyr registers,
Or doubtfully report them: for the fruite
Of reading storyes standeth in the suite.

6.