Chapter XV: Page 378 (6)

Of this species several skins are preserved in the British and Mr. Parkinson’s Museums. It is called by Mr. Westley Lyboija, and Boa in the British Encyclopœdia, to which publication I refer the reader for a perfect account, and an excellent engraving, of this wonderful creature, which in the colony of Surinam is called Aboma. Its length, when full grown, is said to be sometimes forty feet, and more than four feet in circumference; its colour is a greenish black on the back; a fine brownish yellow on the sides, and a dirty white under the belly: the back and sides being spotted with irregular black rings, with a pure white in the middle. Its head is broad and flat, small in proportion to the body, with a large mouth, and a double row of teeth: it has two bright prominent eyes; is covered all over with scales, some about the size of a shilling; and under the body, near the tail, armed with two strong claws like cock-spurs, to help it in seizing its prey. It is an amphibious animal, that is, it delights in low and marshy places, where it lies coiled up like a rope, and concealed under moss, rotten timber, and dried leaves, to seize its prey by surprize, which from its immense bulk it is not active enough to pursue. When hungry, it will devour any animal that comes within its reach, and is indifferent whether it is a sloth, a wild boar, a stag, or even a tiger; round which having twisted itself by the help of its claws, so that the creature cannot escape, it breaks, by its irresistible force, every bone in the animal’s body, which it then covers over with a kind of slime or slaver from its mouth, to make it slide; and at last gradually sucks it in, till it disappears: after this, the aboma cannot shift its situation, on account of the great knob or knot which the swallowed prey occasions in that part of the body where it rests till it is digested; for till then it would hinder the snake from sliding along the ground. During that time the aboma wants no other subsistence. I have been told of negroes being devoured by this animal, and am disposed to credit the account; for should they chance to come within its reach when hungry, it would as certainly seize them as any other animal. I do not apprehend that its flesh, which is very white, and looks like that of fish, is in any respect pernicious to the stomach. I should have had no objection to the negroes eating it till it was consumed, had I not observed a kind of dissatisfaction among the remaining marines, who would not have been pleased with my giving the negroes the use of the kettle to boil it. The bite of this snake is said not to be venomous; nor do I believe it bites at all from any other impulse than hunger.

I shall only add, that having nailed its skin on the bottom of the canoe, and dried it in the sun, sprinkling it over with wood-ashes to prevent it from corruption, I sent it to a friend at Paramaribo, whence it was since sent to Holland as a curiosity.

However extraordinary this account may appear to many readers, let them peruse the narrative which is related by a gentleman in the island of Ceylon, who saw a tiger killed there by a snake he calls the anacunda, but in a quite different manner, and their wonder will cease. I must add, however, that this gentleman’s relation is so very marvellous, that, notwithstanding what I have experienced, I must confess it very greatly staggered my faith [20].

This business being ended, I also made an end of the cruise, by dropping down before the Society post Devil’s Harwar, in order the next day to assume the command.

CHAP. VIII.

Three Estates burnt, and the Inhabitants murdered by the
Rebels—Real Picture of Misery and Distress—Specimen of a March
through the Woods of Surinam—Colonel Fourgeoud and the remaining
Troops leave Paramaribo.

On the 27th of August I relieved Captain Orzinga with his men, and took the command of Devil’s Harwar, having been on board the Charon exactly fifty-six days, in the most wretched condition that can be described: but I hoped now to get the better of my complaint by the help of a few refreshments, such as milk, &c. which could not be obtained in our former situation. The Society troops (above one hundred in number) being to set off next day with my empty barges to La Rochelle, in Patamaca, I reviewed my marines, when I found I had left out of five officers but two, who were both sick, the three others being dead; I had also only one serjeant, two corporals, and fifteen privates, out of fifty-four healthy men, who embarked with me on the 2d day of last July. This army was not more than sufficient to defend the hospital, (which was crouded with sick) the ammunition and victualling magazine, &c. on a spot where lately had been kept three hundred soldiers, particularly while the enemy were certainly lurking not far off: in consideration of which, the Society Captain reinforced me with twenty of his men. The next evening he entertained me and my two subalterns with a supper of fresh meat, both roast and boiled, to our great comfort and surprize; but which, to my unspeakable mortification, proved to be the individual poor cow with her calf, on whom we had built all our hopes for a little relief. It appeared that one of his sentinels, as concerted between them, had shot it by a wilful mistake. Thus did Captain Orzinga, for the sake of a momentary gratification, deprive us all of that lasting comfort on which we had so much depended, and of which we had so much need, being altogether emaciated for want of wholesome and nutritive food.

On the morning of the 28th the Society troops rowed to Patamaca, when, examining the twenty soldiers they had left me, they proved to be the refuse of the whole, part with agues, wounds, ruptures, and rotten limbs, and most of them next day were obliged to enter the hospital.

On the 29th, having bastonaded my late pilot for stealing from the soldiers, I dispatched the information to Colonel Fourgeoud, that I had taken post, and acquainting him with my weak situation, requested a proper reinforcement. In the evening two of my men died.

All things now being regulated and settled, I thanked Heaven in the expectation of getting some rest, being still extremely weak; and with these cheering hopes retired at ten o’clock at night to my hammock; but this tranquillity was again of short duration, for having scarcely closed my eyes I was awaked by my serjeant, and the following letter put into my hand, sent by an express from the captain of the militia, or bargers in Cottica.

“Sir,

“This is to acquaint you, that the rebels have burnt three estates
by your side, Suyingheyd, Peru, and L’Esperance, the ruins of which
are still smoking; and that they have cut the throats of all the
white inhabitants that fell in their way. As on their retreat they
must pass close by where you are posted, be on your guard.—I am in
haste.

“Your’s, &c.

(Signed) “Stoeleman.”

Conscious of my defenceless situation, I immediately started up; and the express who brought the letter having spread the news the moment of his landing, there was no necessity for beating to arms, since not only the few soldiers who were well, but the whole hospital burst out; and several of them, in spite of my opposition, crawling on their hands and feet to their arms, dropped dead upon the spot.—May I never behold such another scene of misery and distress! Lame, blind, sick, and wounded, in the hope of preserving a wretched existence, rushed upon certain death! They could only, in a word, be compared to the distressed army and navy at Carthagena, commanded by the British Admiral Vernon, whom Thomson describes—

—— —— —— “You, gallant Vernon, saw
The miserable scene, you pitying saw,
To infant weakness sunk, the warriour’s arm;
Saw the deep-racking pang, the ghastly form,
The lip pale quivering, and the beamless eye,
No more with ardour bright.”

For my own part, I was in a very weakly condition indeed; however, we continued to lie all night on our arms, during which I pressed the messenger to stay, in order to add one to our miserable number, being determined to sell our lives as dearly as possible. But no enemy appearing in the morning, we buried the dead in their hammocks, not having a board to make a coffin on the whole post. In this situation I lost all patience, and had the audacity to write to my commander, that (besides what had happened) my last men stood upon the brink of the grave, from hardships and for want of being properly supported; the very waiters of the hospital having deserted on the moment of my arrival here, and gone to Paramaribo. Our whole number, indeed, was now melted down to twelve men, who were to protect twelve buildings, and that with no more than two very small chests of ammunition, and no retreat for the sick, as the barges were gone to Patamaca, and the last canoe dispatched with my letter to Colonel Fourgeoud; for I had set adrift that belonging to the express, who was a book-keeper of a neighbouring plantation, in order to prevent him or any other from making their escape. In this situation, I was now obliged to convert the slaves into soldiers: these I armed with a hatchet, not daring to trust them with a firelock. For this whole night we again watched under arms, and in the morning found two more of our little party dead on the ground.

I now began really to think we were all devoted to destruction, while the men, regardless of all order (self-preservation excepted) threw out the most bitter invectives against their persecutor, Fourgeoud, which I could not prevent; nor can I help remarking the generalship of the rebel negroes, who had kept lying quiet till the removal of the Society troops from Devil’s Harwar, and seized the very first day of their departure, convinced of its being guarded only by my sick and emaciated soldiers, in order to commit their depredations on the Cottica estates. They well knew that my force was not sufficient to pursue them, nay, hardly to stand in my own defence: all this, however, was but according to my expectation; while, on the contrary, had my strength been sufficient, they could never have escaped at least from being cut off in their retreat, especially if the troops in Rio Perica had acted conjointly with those in Cottica, by patroling the path between the two rivers, across which the rebels were twice unavoidably obliged to pass.

On the 1st of September we waited once more till morning, and then buried another of my poor men; while I yet cannot conceive how any one was able to survive such a series of toil, in such a debilitated state, and in a tropical climate; yet some did, though few. At length, being persuaded that the rebels must have past the Cordon, without having thought proper to pay us a visit on their retreat, I determined to let the remaining few watch no longer, but permit them to die a natural death. At last, in the evening, when all was too late, there came down by water from the post La Rochelle to our assistance, one officer and ten men.—I having had but nine left to do the duty at the time of their arrival.

On the 2d another man died; and I once more reviewed my forces, which now amounted exactly to seven marines, the few scarecrows of the Society excepted; however, the chance of being massacred by the rebels was at this time over, thanks alone to their pusillanimity, or rather their hurry!

I now received a letter from Colonel Fourgeoud, condoling with me on the loss of so many good officers, acquainting me that I was to be reinforced; and that on my recommendation my serjeant, Mr. de Cabanus, was appointed an ensign; which gave me pleasure, and took place at a very suitable time, since this day my poor Ensign Macdonald was sent down very sick to Paramaribo. I answered to all this, that I was obliged to him; adding, that while I remained without reinforcement, I could not be accountable for what consequences might happen, in a place where I was left to defend a whole river with none but sick people; and even these without sufficient ammunition, and hourly expiring for want of proper medicines, or a surgeon to attend them, there being none here but one or two surgeon’s mates belonging to the troops of the Society, who could do little more than occasionally draw blood, and cut off a beard or a corn.

On the 4th we buried another of my marines, and on the following day another died; and I had not one now remaining who was not ill, or who was not rendered unserviceable, by his feet being swelled with the insects called chigoes: these poor men were mostly Germans, who had been accustomed to a healthy climate in their own country. I began now to be reconciled to putting my last man under ground, and almost wishing to leap into the grave after him myself; when a barge arrived from Paramaribo with the proper reinforcement, ammunition, provisions, medicines, a surgeon, and an order from my chief to trace out the track of the rebels immediately, on the former path of communication called the Cordon, between Cottica and Perica, and to write him the result of my discoveries; he intimated also that he intended to keep his magazines at Devil’s Harwar, and that I was not to make use of the spot I had found out for that purpose at Barbacoeba Creek.

On the 6th I prepared to march myself, having recovered a little strength, on the grand project of discovery, and then placed the ammunition in the magazine.

As the manner of marching in this country is so very different from that in Europe, I shall, before we set out, endeavour briefly to describe the nature of these expeditions.

In the first place, in Surinam no such thing is practicable as three or even two ranks; thus there is no marching by divisions or platoons;—but the whole party being dressed in one rank, face to the right, and every man follows his leader, the negro slaves interspersed between the men, in order to guard their persons as well as what they carry; and this manner of marching is called Indian file. With a detachment of sixty men, consisting of one captain, two subalterns, two serjeants, four corporals, one surgeon, and fifty privates, twenty negro slaves at least ought to be employed, for the use of whom their masters are paid at the rate of two shillings sterling a day by the colony; and this is a much greater expence than waggons and horses would be, which in this country cannot be employed for military service.

The manner of interspersing them amongst the troops is as follows: The foremost are generally two negroes, with bill-hooks to cut a way, so as to make a practicable path, with one corporal and two men to reconnoitre the front, and, in case of necessity, to give the alarm; and then one subaltern, six privates, and a corporal, form the van. Then follows, at some distance, the corps in two divisions; in the first, one captain, one corporal, twelve privates, one surgeon, and two negroes to carry the powder; in the second, is one serjeant and twelve privates; and then again follows, at some distance, the rear guard, consisting of one subaltern, one serjeant, one corporal, and eighteen privates, with sixteen negroes to carry the medicines, beef, bread, spades, axes, rum, &c.; the sick also are carried. The three last of all being one corporal and two men at a distance, to give the alarm in case of an attack, as the others had orders to do in the front, which ends the train.

Every thing being ready, according to the above rules, for my small party, which consisted of myself, an officer of the Society, Mr. Hertsbergh, one surgeon’s mate, one guide, two serjeants, two corporals, forty privates, and only eight negro slaves to cut open the passage, and carry the baggage, we faced to the right at six o’clock in the morning, and sallied forth into the woods, keeping our course directly for the Perica river; and having marched till about eleven o’clock on the Cordon, I discovered, as I had expected, the track of the rebels by the marks of their footsteps in the mud, by the broken bottles, plantain-shells, &c. and found that by appearance it bore towards Pinneburgh, already mentioned.

I had now indeed found the nest, but the birds were flown. We continued our march till eight o’clock, when we arrived at the Society post Soribo, in Perica, in a most shocking condition, having waded through water and mire above our hips, climbed over heaps of fallen trees, and crept underneath on our bellies. This, however, was not the worst, for our flesh was terribly mangled and torn by the thorns, and stung by the Patat lice, ants, and wassy-wassy or wild bees. This last is an insect not larger than an English blue-bottle fly, and is of a black colour, quite different from our bees; they are never kept in hives, but swarm wild in the forest, where they build in hollow trees or between the branches; their nests being sometimes as large as an inflated cow’s bladder, to which they bear no bad resemblance, both in colour and smoothness, except in being less regularly oval; from these abodes (when the nest or the branches are inadvertently touched) thousands of warriors sally forth; and this little flying army is extremely formidable, pitching always by instinct on the eyes, lips and hair, whence they cannot easily be dislodged; their stings generally cause a fever, and swell the parts so very much that they occasion blindness for several hours; their honey is of a dark-brown colour, and so is their wax, but gummy, being both of little value.

The worst of our sufferings, however, was the fatigue of marching in a burning sun, and the last two hours in total darkness, holding each other by the hand; and having left ten men behind, some with agues, some stung blind, and some with their feet full of chigoes. Being in the most hospitable manner received at Soribo by the commanding officer, I went to my hammock very ill of a fever.

On the following morning I felt myself better for my night’s rest; but neither myself nor my men were able to march back, wherefore the other captain sent a small party of his soldiers to pick up the poor marines I had lost the day before, and of whom they brought with them seven, carried in hammocks tied to poles, each by two negroes, the other three having scrambled back to Devil’s Harwar.

During our stay here I wrote a letter to Colonel Fourgeoud, couched in such terms as few people in their full senses would do to their commanders, viz. that I had found the path; that if I had had support in time I might have cut off the enemy’s retreat, instead of finding their foot-steps only; but that now all was too late, and the party all knocked up to no purpose. This letter, I have been since told, incensed him, as it is easy to suppose, in the highest degree. Being sufficiently refreshed to renew my march, we left Soribo on the 9th, at four o’clock in the morning, and at four o’clock P. M. arrived, after indescribable sufferings, at Devil’s Harwar, covered over with mud and blood, and our legs and thighs cut and torn by the thorns and branches; most of the men being without shoes and stockings of necessity, while I, who had gone this march in the same condition from choice, had absolutely suffered the least of the whole party, by having inured myself gradually to walk barefooted on the barges.

At Devil’s Harwar, I now found Lieutenant Colonel Westerloo and a quarter-master arrived to take the command, his troops not being expected till the next day. I was by this circumstance, however, made exceedingly happy, hoping at last to meet with some relief; and having ceded him my written orders, the magazine, hospital, &c. &c. I stripped and plunged into the river to wash myself and take a swim, by which (being before much over-heated) I found myself greatly refreshed, as well as by receiving a quantity of fine fruit, Jamaica rum, wine and sugar, from Joanna;—but how did my blood chill, when the quarter-master told me, as a secret, that my serjeant, one Fowler, having first got drunk with my wine, offered violence to this poor woman; and that he was to be at Devil’s Harwar next day, when I should see the marks of her just resentment on his face!

The reader will, I trust, excuse my violence, when I tell him, that I vowed immediate destruction to the villain: and having ordered a negro to cut twelve bamboo canes, I retired like a person deprived of his senses, determined to punish him according to his supposed crime.

On the 10th there arrived two subalterns, with a second barge full of men, ammunition, medicine, and provisions, which having marched into quarters and stowed, I sent for the hapless Fowler, whose face being in three places wounded, I locked him up in a room, and, without asking one question, broke six of the bamboos over his head, till he escaped all bloody out at the window, and my resentment gradually abated. He certainly had suffered much, but nothing equal to what were my sensations, at being still further informed, that Colonel Fourgeoud had seized all my effects, which he had sealed and locked up in an empty store-room, in expectation of my decease, which, according to all appearances, might be looked for; while my house was given to another, by which means I could not procure so much as a clean shirt to relieve me from my disgraceful tatters: nevertheless, by the hope of going down myself, my spirits were supported. The other news, of more importance, was, that the hero in person, with most of the troops, had at last left Paramaribo; that he had quartered them partly at Devil’s Harwar, in Rio Cottica, the estate Bellair, in Rio Perica, and at the estates Clarenbeek, and Cravassibo, in Rio Commewina; whence, conjunctly with the troops of the Society and the Rangers, he intended to move in quest of the rebels; that he had also ordered all the barges to be relieved at last, and their remaining troops to reinforce the above-mentioned posts, which I must remark was a very wise and well-planned regulation.

From Patamaca we were informed, that the rebels, on their repassing the river above La Rochelle, had again destroyed a small estate, and murdered its proprietor, a Mr. Nyboor.

It was either about this time, or very shortly after, that an overseer escaped by the assistance of a negro boy, who, desiring him to leap into a canoe, and lie down flat upon his belly, leaped himself into the water, where, by swimming with one hand, and guiding the canoe with the other, he ferried his master safe over the creek Patamaca, through a shower of musquet bullets, the rebels firing upon them all the while, but without execution; however, for this material piece of service, he was recompensed the week after with three hundred lashes by the same master, only for having forgotten to open one of the sluices or flood-gates.—On this act of inhumanity I shall make no comment, but proceed to my own miserable situation. Having remonstrated with Lieutenant Colonel Westerloo on the state of my health, which disabled me from joining the corps on their march, I requested that I might be removed to Paramaribo for the chance of recovery; but this he peremptorily refused to allow me, by Colonel Fourgeoud’s express command. The refusal of so reasonable a request made me almost distracted, and agitated my spirits so much, that on the morning of the 12th, determined to exchange my wretched existence one way or other, I insisted on being immediately removed, or wished for death, which the surgeons declared must be the consequence soon, if I was not permitted to go down, and in the meanwhile I vowed that I should attribute my decease to their unprecedented barbarity. A consultation was now held on the subject; and at last, not without great difficulties, a boat was ordered to row me down to Paramaribo, but no white servant was permitted to attend me. Thus leaving the Lieutenant Colonel employed in fortifying Devil’s Harwar with pallisadoes, where now also was a numerous garrison, I at twelve o’clock at noon walked to the water-side, supported by a negro, on whose shoulder I rested, till I at length stepped into the boat, followed by my black boy Quaco, and finally left the diabolical spot where I had buried so many brave fellows.

On the 14th, having rowed day and night, at two o’clock in the morning, we arrived at the town, extremely ill indeed; where, having no residence of my own, I was hospitably received at the house of a Mr. De La Marre, a merchant, this gentleman not only received me, but immediately sent a servant for poor Joanna, who was at her mother’s, and another for a physician to attend me, as my weak and hopeless condition now required every assistance that the town of Paramaribo could afford.

CHAP. IX.

Some Diseases peculiar to the Climate—Group of Negroes newly
imported going to be sold—Reflections on the Slave Trade—the Voyage
from Africa—Manner of selling them in the Colony—Description of a
Cotton Plantation.

September 15th, I found myself in an elegant and well-furnished apartment, encouraged by the hopes given by the physician, caressed by my friends, and supported by the care and attention of my incomparable Mulatto.

A Captain Brant having at this time the command in Colonel Fourgeoud’s absence, he sent, the morning after my arrival, my trunks and baggage, which had been sealed up; but on looking into them, I found I had enemies at home as well as abroad; since most of my shirts, books, &c. were gnawed to dust by the blatta or cockroach, called Cackerlakke in Surinam: nay, even my shoes were destroyed, of which I had brought with me twelve pairs new from Europe, as they were extremely dear and bad in this country.

This insect, which is of the beetle kind, is here one inch and sometimes two inches long, oval, flat, and of a dark reddish colour. By getting through the locks of chests or boxes, it not only deposits its eggs there, but commits its ravages on linen, cloth, silk, or any thing that comes in its way; by getting also into the victuals and drink of every kind, it renders them extremely loathsome, for it leaves the most nauseous smell, worse indeed than that of a bug. As most West-India vessels (especially those loaded with sugar) bring them home in great quantities, I shall say nothing more concerning them, only that they are seldom seen to fly, but creep very fast; and that the best, and I think the only way to keep the boxes free from them is, to place them on four empty wine bottles kept free from dust, which, by their smoothness, prevent the infects ascending to get through the key-holes, or even the smallest openings in the bottoms; but this precaution had been neglected by my good friend Colonel Fourgeoud. I found, however, linen sufficient for present use, and by the industry of Joanna I was soon provided with a new stock. None can conceive the comfort I felt in being properly dressed and shifted; my mental faculties were recruiting apace, and I felt with gratitude the blessing of a strong constitution; but poor Macdonald was still ill at Mr. Kennedy’s, who had humanely afforded him an asylum on his return from Devil’s Harwar.

Having now time, I inquired concerning Fowler’s conduct; when, to my infinite surprize, I was informed that he had indeed got drunk, as was reported to me, by which he had fallen amongst the bottles and cut his face, but that he never had attempted the smallest rudeness: so much indeed was his conduct the reverse of what had been reported, that his inebriety had proceeded from his resentment at seeing both me and Joanna ill treated, and my property transported away against his inclination. I was now extremely chagrined at my past conduct, and was gently reproved by the cause of it, to whom I promised to be Fowler’s friend for ever after—and I kept my word. My fever was now much abated, but I was infested with another disorder peculiar to this climate, and which I am afraid I shall but indifferently describe: it is called in Surinam the ring-worm, and consists of long scarlet irregular spots, particularly on the under parts of the body, which increase in magnitude from day to day, unless prevented by timely application. Those spots are surrounded with a kind of hard callous border, and are as troublesome by their itching as the prickly heat, or the sting of the musquitoes; and so very infectious is this complaint, that if any person seats himself by chance on a chair immediately after another who has the disorder, he is almost certain to be infected with it: it is, I believe, very difficult to get rid of; but the best cure is to rub the spots with a composition of refined salt-petre, benzoin, flower of brimstone, and white mercury, mixed with fresh butter or hog’s lard. The numerous inconveniencies to which the inhabitants of this climate are exposed, are almost inconceivable.

On the 26th I had a relapse, and was twice bled in one day. I was also this morning visited by poor Mr. Heneman, a young volunteer I have not before mentioned, who looked like a ghost, and was left sick at Paramaribo to manage for himself.

On the 2d of October I was a little better, and was exalted from living like a savage, to the temporary command of a few troops left at Paramaribo, Captain Brant being ordered to join Fourgeoud in Rio Comewina; when the colours, regiment’s cash, &c. were transmitted to my own lodging, and a sentinel placed before my door.

The first exercise I made of my power was to discharge the sour wine, which had been bought for the sick officers as well as the men, whom I supplied, from the money now in my possession, with good wholesome claret; but I was sorry not to be able also to exchange the salt beef, pork, and pease, that were left at the hospital, for fresh provisions. This step was however particularly forbidden by the commander; while the butter, cheese, and tobacco were taken away, for which they got one quart of oil amongst ten, and their bread reduced to two pounds each man for a whole week. As to the officers, they were left to shift for themselves, or submit to the same allowance, notwithstanding they kept on paying their quota to a regimental mess, which now no longer existed.

On the 3d, I took the air for the first time on horseback, in company with Mr. Heneman, though we could not ride above three English miles distance out of town, on a species of gravel that leads to the Wanica Path, which I have already mentioned as communicating with the river Seramica, and as the only passable road in the colony. During this little ride, which (on account of the dry season being commenced) we took at six o’clock in the morning, we observed a great number of those large and elegant birds, known by the name of macaws, but in Surinam called ravens, from their proportion to the parrots, which may be looked upon as a kind of tropical crows.

The macaws are divided into different species, of which I shall only describe two, wishing to say nothing for which I have not competent authority, as I am sorry to observe too many authors have done, among whom are men of genius and learning: some indeed may have erred from ignorance or wrong information, but numbers for the gratification of vanity have, I fear, been guilty of imposing on the too credulous public.

The blue and yellow macaw is as large as a barn-door fowl, with short legs and a crooked bill, like that of the common parrot; the former dark coloured, with four black claws, two before and two behind; the latter also black, the upper mandible alone moveable. Its tail is like a wedge, and consists of a few very long and strait feathers. The back of this bird, from the head (the top of which is a sea-green) to the extremity of the tail, is a most beautiful azure blue, and, underneath, its whole body is of a pale orange colour; round its eyes it is perfectly white, interspersed with black rings, composed of very small feathers.

The other is called in Surinam the Amazon macaw. This is rather less than the former; its tail, legs, and bill, are formed in the same manner, but the latter is of a dirty white; the head, the neck, and breast of this bird are of a bright scarlet, the space round the eyes only excepted, where it is white, with black rings; its wings may be said to be divided by bars into four colours, being scarlet at the top, next green, then yellow and blue, down to the extremity of the tail, which in the sun shines with a brilliancy and effect unequalled by art. The macaws fly in couples, and have a shrill disagreeable shriek, and bite severely; their bill being very hard and sharp, which is of great use to them in climbing: they are easily tamed, and may be taught to speak like other parrots. The Indians frequently bring them to Paramaribo, where they part with them for a bottle of rum, or for a few fish-hooks.

This evening arrived sick, from the head-quarters at the estate Crawasibo in Comewina, Colonel Texier, the commanding officer of the Society troops. This gentleman had intended to have marched conjunctly with Colonel Fourgeoud through the woods, in quest of the rebels; but his constitution, already weak, not being able to support the regimen of the commander in chief, and to live only on salt provisions, had begun to flag from the beginning, till he was sent home to Paramaribo in this drooping condition.

On the sixth of October the fever had left me, and the ring-worms began to abate; but the misery and hardships which I had so lately undergone still had an effect upon my constitution, and enormous boils broke out on my left thigh, which entirely prevented me from walking. My physician, however, ordering me daily to take the air, I had an opportunity this day of waiting on his excellency the Governor of the colony, by the help of my friend Kennedy’s chaise; and as I returned homeward, I stopped the carriage at the water-side, to behold a group of human beings, who had strongly attracted my attention. This group I shall circumstantially endeavour to describe. They were a drove of newly-imported negroes, men and women, with a few children, who were just landed from on board a Guinea ship that lay at anchor in the roads, to be sold for slaves. The whole party was such a set of scarcely animated automatons, such a resurrection of skin and bones, as forcibly reminded me of the last trumpet. These objects appeared that moment to be risen from the grave, or escaped from Surgeon’s Hall; and I confess I can give no better description of them, than by comparing them to walking skeletons covered over with a piece of tanned leather.

“And the Lord caused me to pass by them round about, and behold there were many in the open valley, and lo they were very dry.

“And he said unto me, Son of Man, can these bones live? And I answered, O Lord God thou knowest.”—Ezekiel, xxxvii. ver. 2, 3.

Before these wretches, which might be in all about sixty in number, walked a sailor, and another followed behind with a bamboo-rattan; the one serving as a shepherd to lead them along, and the other as his dog to worry them occasionally, should any one lag behind, or wander away from the flock. At the same time, however, equity demands the acknowledgment, that instead of all those horrid and dejected countenances which are described in pamphlets and news-papers, I perceived not one single downcast look amongst them all; and I must add, that the punishment of the bamboo was inflicted with the utmost moderation by the sailor who brought up the rear.

Having viewed this sad assemblage of my fellow-creatures with amazement, I drove home to my lodgings in a state of perfect humiliation; where I noted down, as I could learn it from the best authority, both white and black, what is really the fate of these people, from the last moment of their liberty in Africa, to the present period of their slavery in America: and this I shall endeavour to relate, preceded by a few of my own unbiassed sentiments upon the Slave Trade, which has lately been the object of both public and private investigation; and this, I trust, I shall do with that candour and impartiality which not only every gentleman, but every man, should think it necessary to be possessed of.

It has been said, Will you, for the sake of drinking rum, and sweetening your coffee with sugar, persevere in the most unjust and execrable barbarity?—To this it is answered, Take care, lest, under the enthusiasm of humanity, you do not, at the expence of your neighbour, and perhaps of your country, inconsiderately give up your advantages, without the least chance of benefiting or improving the condition of those, whom I most heartily join with you in calling our brethren.

After so many volumes which, within a few years, have been written on this subject, it may appear great presumption in me to offer my poor opinion: but I have made it a rule, among the various subjects I have mentioned, to dwell on those only to which I have been an eye-witness; and which I am convinced there are few others in this country that have seen and so accurately observed. I have seen the most cruel tortures inflicted, for submitting to the desire of a husband, or for refusing the same to a libidinous master, and more frequently a rascally overseer: nay, even on the most innocent, from the false accusations of a lustful woman, prompted alone by jealousy. I have seen in other places, negro slaves as well treated as the most favoured servants in England; and as I have seen some sailors, soldiers, and apprentices, most tyrannically treated when under the command of ill-tempered despots, I must pronounce the condition of such not to be envied even by negroes. If, therefore, so much depends on the disposition or humour of those who are exercising a permanent or a temporary power, we must duly consider, before we hastily judge the whole from partial information.

Cruelty is too often exercised in our plantations; but if not so shockingly to human nature as in other countries, what are we doing by a sudden emancipation, but turning the poor creatures over to more cruel masters? The quantum of sugar, &c. will be had, and must be provided by negroes, natives of Africa, who alone are born to endure labour under a vertical sun.

The national character of these people, as I have remarked it, where they are as free to act by their own will and disposition as in Africa, is perfectly savage; the twenty thousand Ouca and Seramica free negroes have lived separated, and under no controul of Europeans, for a number of years, and yet I have never seen any marks of civilization, order, or government among them, but, on the contrary, many examples of ungovernable passion, debauchery, and indolence.

I love the African negroes, and have shewn how sincerely I have felt for them on many occasions; and whatever wrong construction may be put on what I have said on this subject, I wish, from the bottom of my heart, that my words could be submitted to the consideration of that respectable body the British parliament; and so far be regarded, as to prevent the fatal decision of a total abolition of slavery till 1800, or the beginning of next century. For if such a measure should be rashly enforced, I take the liberty to prophesy, that thousands and thousands, both white and black, may repent, and more be ruined by it, when the evil can no more be redressed.

From what I have learned by inquiry, from persons well informed on the subject, it clearly appears, that numbers of the negroes offered for sale have been taken in battles, and made prisoners of war; while many others have been scandalously kidnapped, and some others transported for offences, &c.; of all which I shall produce a few examples in future.

These groups of people are marched from every inland part, to the factories erected by different nations upon the coast, where they are sold, or more properly speaking, bartered, like the other productions of their country, viz. gold, elephants teeth, &c. to the Europeans, for bars of iron, fire-arms, carpenters tools, chests, linens, hats, knives, glasses, tobacco, spirits, &c. Next they are embarked for exportation, during which time they, without contradiction, feel all the pangs that mental or corporeal misery can inflict. Being torn from their country and dearest connections, stowed hundreds together in a dark stinking hold, the sexes being separated; while the men are kept in chains to prevent an insurrection. In this manner are they floated over turbulent seas, not certain what is to be their destiny, and generally fed during the passage with horse-beans and oil for their whole subsistence. But these sufferings are often alleviated with better food by the more humane: so far, that none or few of the cargo die during the passage, and the whole crew arrive healthy in the West Indies. I even remember one instance, where the captain, mate, and most of the sailors, having expired at sea, so that the remaining few could not work the ship without the negroes assistance, yet these last having been well treated, helped at last to run the vessel on shore, by which means they not only saved many lives, but tamely and even chearfully allowed themselves to be fetched and sold to any person who would please to buy them.—Having made these reflections, I shall now briefly proceed with the manner in which the slaves are disposed of.

No sooner is a Guinea-ship arrived, than all the slaves are led upon deck, where they are refreshed with pure air, plantains, bananas, oranges, &c. and being properly cleaned, washed, and their hair shaved in different figures of stars, half-moons, &c. which they generally do the one to the other, (having no razors) by the help of a broken bottle and without soap. After this operation, one part of them is sent ashore for sale, decorated with pieces of cotton to serve as fig-leaves, arm-bands, beads, &c. being all the captain’s property; while the others spend the day in dancing, hallooing, and clapping hands on board the vessel.

Having sufficiently described their figures after landing, we now may suppose them walking along the water-side, and through the streets, where every planter picks out that number which he stands in need of, to supply those lost by death or desertion, and begins to make a bargain with the captain. Good negroes are generally valued at from fifty to a hundred pounds each. Amongst these, should a woman chance to be pregnant, her price is augmented accordingly, for which reason I have known the captain of a Dutch Guinea vessel, who acknowledged himself to be the father, take advantage, with a brutality scarcely credited in the story of Inkle and Yarico, of doubling the value, by selling his own offspring to the best bidder; for which however he was highly censured by his companions.

The next circumstance that takes place before the bargain is struck, is to cause the negroes for sale, one after another, to mount on a hogshead or a table, where they are visited by a surgeon, who obliges them to make all the different gestures, with arms and legs, of a Merry-Andrew upon the stage, to prove their soundness or unsoundness; after which they are adopted by the buyer, or rejected, as he finds them fit for his purpose, or otherwise. If he keeps them, the money is paid down; and the new-bought negroes are immediately branded on the breast or the thick part of the shoulder, by a stamp made of silver, with the initial letters of the new master’s name, as we mark furniture or any thing else to authenticate them properly. These hot letters, which are about the size of a six-pence, occasion not that pain which may be imagined, and the blisters being rubbed directly with a little fresh butter, are perfectly well in the space of two or three days. No sooner is this ceremony over, and a new name given to the newly-bought slave, than he or she is delivered to an old one of the same sex, and sent to the estate, where each is properly kept clean by his guardian, instructed and well fed, without working, for the space of six weeks; during which period, from living skeletons, they become plump and fat, with a beautiful clean skin, till it is disfigured by the inhuman flogging of some rascally proprietor, or rather his overseer.

Here I must leave them for some time, and continue my narrative, after observing that the negroes are composed of different nations or casts, such as the

Abo, Gango, Nago,
Conia, Konare, Papa,
Blitay, Riemba, Pombo,
Coromantin, Loango, Wanway,
Congo, N. Zoko, &c. &c.

With most of which I have found means to get acquainted, and of which I shall speak more amply in another place of this narrative.

On the 10th, the surgeon having lanced my thigh, I scrambled out once more, to witness the selling of slaves to the best bidder. After what has been related, the reader may form some judgment of my surprize and confusion, when I found among them my inestimable Joanna; the sugar-estate Fauconberg, with its whole flock, being this day sold by an execution, for the benefit of the creditors of its late possessor, Mr. D. B. who had fled.

I now felt all the horrors of the damn’d. I bewailed again and again my unlucky fortune, that did not enable me to become her proprietor myself, and in my mind I continually painted her ensuing dreadful situation. I fancied I saw her tortured, insulted, and bowing under the weight of her chains, calling aloud, but in vain, for my assistance. I was miserable, and indeed nearly deprived of all my faculties, till restored by the assurances of my friend, Mr. Lolkens, who providentially was appointed to continue administrator of the estate during the absence of its new possessors, Messrs. Passelege and son, at Amsterdam, who bought it and its dependants for only four thousand pounds.

No sooner was he confirmed in his appointment, than this disinterested and steady friend brought Joanna to my presence; and pledged himself, that in every service which he could render to myself or her, and which he had now more in his power than ever, no efforts on his side should be wanting. This promise I desired him to keep in remembrance, and accordingly he ever since most nobly persevered.

Being informed that Colonel Fourgeoud had left Crawassibo estate, and entered the woods just above the plantation Clarenbeck, on his way to the Wana Creek, to try if he could fall in with the rebels, I requested, by a letter, that I might join him there as soon as I should be recovered, and having shipped off for the last-mentioned estate medicines and such surgeons of ours as had been left at Paramaribo, I employed Mr. Greber, the surgeon of the Society, on my own authority, and at the regiment’s expence, to attend the sick officers and soldiers, who were left in town, destitute of cash, and now without assistance. At the same time I also ordered to be purchased two more ankers of the best claret for their support. Thus was I determined properly to avail myself of my command, which at best could but last a few days longer.

This evening my friend De La Mara took his departure, with his twenty-five free mulattoes, for the river Surinam; he being a captain of the militia, and they being infinitely preferable to the European scarecrows.

I was so far recovered as to be able to ride out every morning, when the following ludicrous adventure happened to me on the road that leads to Wanica. In this place a Mr. Van de Velde, boasting how fast his horse could gallop, proposed to me to run a race; to which I agreed, allowing him the start at twenty paces distance. The start indeed he had, but did not long retain his advantage, for my English horse passing him with the rapidity of a cannon-shot, his galloway sprung, rider and all, through a hedge of thick limes, and left poor Mr. Van de Velde, not like Doctor Slop, in the dirt, but like Absalom, hanging among the branches.

The horses in Surinam are little better or larger than asses (except those which are brought from North America or Holland, the latter of which are generally employed for carriages) yet they are useful in the sugar-mills, where a number of mules are also employed. These last are brought over from Barbary, and sometimes sold as high as fifty guineas. None of these animals are indigenous to Guiana; but, as many other animals have been imported, and become the inhabitants of the climate, to save unnecessary repetition I here give the following list of such quadrupeds as are not natives of the new continent:

The Elephant, Small Guinea Stag,
Hipopotamus, Ferret,
The Rhinoceros, Rat,
Cameleopard, Mouse,
Camel, Fat Squirrel,
Dromedary, Garden Squirrel,
Lion, Marmot,
Tiger, Horse,
Panther, Ass,
Sheep, Zebra,
Hog, Ox,
Goat, Buffalo,
Dog, Genett,
Badger, Civet,
Sable, Cat,
Stoat or Ermine, Antelope,
Hyæna, Chamois Goat,
Jackall, Ichneumon,
Wild Goat, Jerboa,
Rabbit, Maki; and several kinds of Monkies.

Should the number on this list seem rather great, I in that case refer to the celebrated Count de Buffon, whence it was extracted.

On the 18th arrived sick from Devil’s Harwar Ensign Mathew, one of the officers by whom I had been relieved; and the same day he was followed by his commander and friend, Colonel Westerloo, supported by two soldiers. They had ridiculed me for complaining, after a confinement of so many weeks on board the barges; while these gentlemen had been out but a few days and always on shore, the latter of them having attempted to accompany the old Colonel Fourgeoud to Wana (whom he had joined at La Rochelle in Patamaca) but was completely unfitted for proceeding by his very first entry into the woods. I was at dinner with a Mr. Day, when I saw him pass by a miserable spectacle, and chusing to forget what had passed at Devil’s Harwar, and in reality having a regard for this gentleman, I started up immediately, and got him a coach, in which I accompanied him to his lodgings, where, having placed a centinel before his chamber-door to keep out the rabble, I sent for a Doctor Van Dam, as well as a Doctor Rissam, an American, to attend him, forbidding all other communication, that of an old negro woman, his man servant, and a black boy excepted, and by these means I apparently preserved his life.

On the 20th, Lieutenant Count de Randwyk came down also indisposed with Ensign Coene, and at last my poor old shipmate Lieutenant Hamer, who had been kept at Devil’s Harwar near four months, till, overcome by disease, he obtained leave to be transported to Paramaribo.