Chapter IV: Part 4

Hours. Ship’s Distance run Depth of Bottom.
Course, by since last Water.
Compass. Soundings.

4 A.M. S. S. W. 20 Miles 25 Fathoms Mud
5^h 0^m Ditto 4 Ditto 21 Ditto Ditto
5.30 Ditto 5 Ditto 15 Ditto Ditto
6.0 Ditto 5 Ditto 14 Ditto Ditto
6.30 Ditto 5 Ditto 19 Ditto Ditto & sand
7.0 Ditto 6 Ditto 12 Ditto Sand & pebbles
_Note._—At seven o’clock in the morning we saw the trees a-head, the
land itself being too low to be seen. The land probably about seven
leagues distant.
7.30 S. by W. 5 Ditto 9½ Ditto Ditto
7.50 Ditto 2 Ditto 7 Ditto Ditto

As we continued beating to windward, in various soundings, all the forenoon, I shall not mark them down, but proceed to 1 P.M. when _Cape Tottenham_ bore S. by E. five leagues distant.

Table _of_ Soundings _ascertained on the 30th of_ August, _while
standing in for the Land to the Southward of_ York Factory;—continued
from the preceding page.

Hours. Ship’s Distance run Depth of Bottom.
Course, by since last Water.
Compass. Soundings.

1 P.M. We had —— 13 Fathoms Rocky and
gravelly, which
denotes the
Cape bearing S.
by E.
2^h. 0^m. W. N. W. 4½ Miles 14 Ditto Rocky.
3.— Ditto 6 Ditto 23 Ditto Ditto
5.— S. S. E. 5 Ditto 26 Ditto Brown sand.
6.— Ditto 5 Ditto 17 Ditto Mud, shells,
and stones.
7.30 Southward 7½ Ditto 8 Ditto Mud.
& Westward
9.— Ditto 7 Ditto 11 Ditto Ditto
9.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 11 Ditto Sand.
10.— Ditto 2 Ditto 11½ Ditto Ditto
10.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Fine sand.
11.— Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Very fine sand.
11.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 14 Ditto Gravelly sand,
and black
specks.
12.— Ditto 2 Ditto 14½ Ditto Very fine sand.

Table _of_ Soundings _ascertained on the 31st of_ August, while
standing in for the Land to the Southward of York Factory.

Hours. Ship’s Distance run Depth of Bottom.
Course, by since last Water.
Compass. Soundings.

12^h. Southward 2 Miles 14 Fathoms Grey sand with
30^m. A.M. & Westward black specks.
1.— Ditto 3 Ditto 15 Ditto Ditto
1.30 S. W. ½ W. 3 Ditto 15½ Ditto Oozy
2.— S. W. 3 Ditto 15½ Ditto Mud
2.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 16½ Ditto Ditto
3.— Ditto 2 Ditto 14½ Ditto Oozy
3.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Brown sand,
black specks, &
broken shells.
4.— Ditto 2 Ditto 7½ Ditto Sand
4.30 Standing in for _York 7½ Ditto Ditto
Flats_
5.— Ditto 3 Ditto 7¾ Ditto Hard ground.
6.— Ditto 6 Ditto 7 Ditto Ditto
7.— Ditto 6 Ditto 8½ Ditto Ditto
8.— Ditto 7 Ditto 8½ Ditto Soft ground.

At eight in the morning, it will be observed, we were in 8½ fathoms water, on _York Flats_; and we therefore came to an anchor, with the beacon, at the mouth of _York River_, bearing S. W. by compass; the land being distant about ten miles, although it could barely be discerned in a blue line above the horizon. Thus, it may be observed, we had been sixty-three days on our voyage; and that it may be compared with other voyages to _Hudson’s Bay_, I have annexed to this Journal a Schedule[29] of those performed by the Company’s ships since the year 1788; although I have not been able to obtain the dates of their departures from the _Orkneys_.

By the Sounding Table which I have inserted, it is evident that the depth of water abreast of _York River_, and off _Cape Tottenham_, to the southward, is uncommonly regular; and it may therefore be fairly concluded, that, although the western coast of the Bay be very low land, yet there is no great danger in making it.

It is not expected that ships during their return to _Europe_ will ever meet with loose ice[30]: therefore, as soon as our ship anchored on _York Flats_, we _undid_ all the preparations which had been made for manœuvring whilst amongst the ice; such as, re-stowing our anchors, and putting below ice-ropes, ice-anchors, ice-axes, &c.; and we rejoiced in being rid of them.

The factory was about twenty miles distant from the anchorage of the ship, but not visible. At 10 A.M. I went, therefore, from the ship, to report our arrival to the Governor. We were met at some distance from the ship by a large boat from the factory. It appeared that they had noticed the arrival of the ship; and mistaking her for the _Prince of Wales_, the boat was immediately despatched for letters, parcels, news, &c. &c. Finding their mistake[31], the boat returned with us to the factory, which we reached about nine at night. On landing, we were hailed by a sentinel; and a guard of honour was drawn out to receive us, with a pair of _Highland_ bagpipes in front. The guard was composed of the traders, boatmen, and others, belonging to the factory: and through the gloom of the night I discerned the Governor and his officers, standing in a group to receive us. After the necessary business of introduction was over, we walked up to a large wooden building, surrounded by a double row of wooden palisades; and here we were regaled with venison steaks and buffalo tongue.

Sept. _1st_.—At 2 A.M. the tide answering for our return, we quitted
the factory, and reached the vessel again about 8 A.M.

Whilst we were at _York Fort_, we received information that the factory at _Churchill_ had been burnt to the ground, in the month of _November_, 1813. The miseries which the people of that place suffered during the remainder of the winter were very great. As there were seventy-three chests of gunpowder in the warehouse at the time the conflagration took place, their whole attention was occupied in removing away the powder to prevent an explosion; and by the most strenuous exertions they succeeded in this undertaking; but the time lost prevented their being able to save a mouthful of provisions, or a single utensil, from the flames. An old out-house that had escaped destruction, and a few tents which they erected of rein-deer skins, served them as habitations during the remainder of the winter; and, as if Providence had taken especial care to provide for their necessities, partridges abounded to a greater degree than had been known for many years before. Of course, these birds proved a seasonable supply to the sufferers; particularly as the partridges are so very tame, that they suffer themselves to be driven into nets, by which means large quantities are taken at one time.

A family in _England_ would be justly esteemed objects of great pity, if they were burnt out of their home in the midst of winter, although many friendly habitations might be humanely opened for their reception. What then, comparatively speaking, must have been the situation of the _Churchill_ people—driven out by the flames in the middle of a _November_ night, on the shores of a frozen ocean, with the thermometer 78° below the freezing point, without any shelter save that of a decayed out-house, no bedding, no cooking utensils, no immediate nourishment, and no final prospect of relief, except from a reliance on the adventitious aid of their fowling-pieces! Such a night must surely be allowed to have had its share of horrors. But heroic strength of mind is the characteristic of the _European_ traders to _Hudson’s Bay_; and this alone enabled the people of _Churchill_ to escape all the evils attendant on such a calamity.

Towards the evening of this day, the _Prince of Wales_ came to an
anchor near us.

Sept. _2d_.—In the morning we weighed anchor, and ran into the mouth of the river, otherwise called _Five-fathom Hole_. It is a very contracted anchorage, and at high water there is not more than three fathoms’ water on the bar. In running in from _York Flats_, the large beacon must be kept bearing S. W. by W. by compass. To moor the ship, one anchor must be laid up the stream, and another down it; and the width of swinging room at low water does not much exceed four times a ship’s length; having a dry muddy flat on the N. W. and a shoal to the S. E. The water is perfectly fresh, and fit for use, at the last quarter ebb, and first quarter of the flood-tide.

As we lay at this anchorage until the 28th instant, I shall not notice each day separately, but proceed to make such remarks as occurred during our stay; contenting myself with briefly stating, that the _Prince of Wales_ was employed during the time in stowing away her cargo, &c.

The whole of the north-west part of the continent of _America_ is so completely intersected with rivers and lakes, that _Mackenzie_ went the greater part of his journeys by water. _York Factory_ is situated on the bank of a river, which has sometimes been called _York River_; although it appears that the majority agree in giving it the name of _Hayes’ River_: but it undergoes many appellations in its course from the _Echemamis_ to the sea. I shall therefore endeavour to describe the river, by tracing a journey from _York Factory_ to _Lake Winnepeg_, a distance of about five hundred miles: but the fur-traders of _Hudson’s-Bay_ are so well accustomed to the route, that two men in a slight bark canoe will undertake it without the slightest hesitation.

On leaving _York Factory_, the boats proceed against the stream, without meeting any obstruction, up _Hayes’ River_, _Steel River_, and forty miles of _Hill River_; when they arrive at the first carrying-place, called _Rock Portage_. The obstructions from henceforward begin to augment; and at every portage, the boat, with her whole cargo, must be carried over land; which is rendered sometimes extremely difficult, by the ground being either rough or swampy.

After passing _Rock Portage_, the stream is contracted; and there are a number of portages intervening, before the boats can arrive at a broad part of the stream, called _Swampy Lake_, which contains a number of small islands; and it may be considered as a short half-way to _Lake Winnepeg_. Leaving _Swampy Lake_, the stream is again contracted into a narrow slip, called _Jack River_, in which are four portages. On crossing these, they enter a broader part, intersected by innumerable small islands. This space is styled the _Knee Lake_, and is sixty miles in length. One of the small islands in the centre of _Knee Lake_ contains so great a quantity of iron ore, as to cause the compass to spin round with uncommon velocity. At the upper end of the lake the stream gradually lessens into another slip, called _Trout River_, and here are four more portages: then gently extending its boundaries, the river opens on a wide expanse, called _Holey Lake_, from some deep holes in the bottom of it, and the great inequality of the soundings throughout. At the eastern extremity of this lake stands _Oxford House_, the first trading port to be met with after leaving the factory. Owing to the richness of the soil, and the geniality of the climate, this place produces a number of excellent vegetables[32].

Proceeding onwards, the boats leave the main body of _Holey Lake_ to the left hand: the stream then suddenly narrows; and after passing four more carrying-places, the last of which is called _Hill’s Portage_, there is a clear space, until a sudden serpentine bend in the river forms the _White-fall_. The current now begins to be very weak; and a little farther on, they enter a narrow part with still water. This spot is the highest part of the land between _Lake Winnepeg_ and _Hudson’s Bay_; and _Hayes’ River_ may, perhaps, be said to take its rise about seven miles to the southward of it, in a small lake called _Winnepegosis_. The boats now meet with a singular rock, which, from some curious _Indian_ paintings once found there, has since been called the _Painted Stone_. Over this rock the boat must be dragged, and again launched on the opposite side, into a long, narrow, boggy slip of water, called the _Echemamis_. After emerging from this strait, the current of the river begins to operate in favour of the boats; and this proves that the _Echemamis_ is a small river, taking its rise in the morasses about the _Painted Stone_, and having no connection with the river which leads from the _Painted Stone_ towards the sea. The _Echemamis_ is, however, lost at a short distance from its source; as after the boats pass _Hairy Lake_, the stream falls into the _Sea River_; and there is a portage at their junction, called the _Sea River_ carrying-place. The _Sea River_ is a branch of the great _Nelson River_, separated from the main stream at the _Play-green Lake_, and rejoining it by a creek that opens near _Hairy Lake_.

The boats go against the current up the _Sea River_; and passing the little _Cross Lake_ and _Pike River_, they reach _Winnepeg_, through the _Play-green Lake_. This last is a wide body of water, covered with islands; and may properly be said to be merely a part of _Nelson River_, which holds its course from the _Stony Mountains_ to _Hudson’s Bay_. The rough course from _York Factory_ to Lake _Winnepeg_ is about south-west; but the _Nelson River_ makes a great angle between _Winnepeg_ and the sea; as it first runs off N. N. E.; and then takes its course, due E. N. E. to _Hudson’s Bay_, where it empties itself by the side of _Hayes’ River_[33].

The labour of getting the boats up these rivers is amazingly great: their crews encamp on the banks every night; and they generally land also to cook their meals, except when they are compelled to subsist on _pemmican_, a sort of dried, husky compound, composed of pounded venison and deer’s fat mixed together. This species of food is extremely nutritious: it requires no cooking, and is sometimes rendered more palatable by the addition of berries.

There are many kinds of wood growing on the banks of the rivers, and indeed the whole of the interior near the sea is covered with it: but in the country about Lake _Winnepeg_ there are very few trees, and the inhabitants are therefore compelled to use the dung of the buffalo for fuel. Both buffaloes and horses abound in the open country. The woods on the coast are principally composed of dwarf poplars, larches, and all the varieties of the pine species.

Having thus described the communication by water between Lake _Winnepeg_ and _York Factory_, I shall conclude with a statement of the respective distances.

Miles

Distance from _York Factory_ to the top of _Hayes’ River_ 50
Thence to the upper end of _Steel River_ 35
To _Rock Portage_ 35
To _Swampy Lake_ 35
Length of Ditto 9
Length of _Jack River_ 9
_Knee Lake_ 60
_Trout River_ 12
_Holey Lake_ 30
To _White-fall_ 45
_Painted Stone_ 15
Along the _Echemamis_ to _Hairy Lake_ 35
Length of Ditto 4
_Play-green Lake_ 35

It must be allowed, that the above is a mere rough statement of an old trader, who had been accustomed to traversing the route for nearly twenty years.

_Nelson River_ is a much more noble stream than _Hayes’ River_, with respect to its navigation, extending about twenty miles from the sea; but from thenceforward it becomes so full of obstructions, from portages, falls, and rapids, that the Company have been compelled to establish their factory upon, and give a decided preference to, _Hayes’ River_, although they have an establishment or two for trade on the former. The _Nelson River_ takes its rise, according to _M^cKenzie_, in the _Stony Mountains_; and empties itself into _Hudson’s Bay_, at the same place as _Hayes’ River_. It is only divided from the latter, at the mouth, by a very low cape, called _Point of Marsh_, upon which an exceeding high wooden beacon has been erected by the Company, to enable their ships to distinguish the mouth of the river. The continual washing of the waters on either side of the _Point of Marsh_ has enabled the sea to encroach a great deal on the land, and thereby created many dangerous shoals in the mouths of the rivers: the navigation has, by these means, been rendered extremely contracted and difficult. The breaking up of the rivers in the spring tends also, in a great measure, to increase these evils: for, in the first place, the ice being driven towards the sea with an amazing velocity, it carries every thing forcibly away, and causes a general ruin upon the banks, by cutting down large bodies of earth, and hurling trees and rocks from their places. In the second place, it frequently happens that immense stones lying at the bottom of the rivers become fixed into the ice during the winter, and the freshes, in the spring, consequently bear them away towards the sea; but the ice not being able to sustain their ponderous weight for any length of time, it naturally occurs, that those masses become disengaged, and are deposited at the mouths of the rivers, where they not only incommode the passages, but likewise injure the ships’ cables by their friction.

On the second day after our coming, an _Indian_ Chief arrived at the factory from Lake _Winnepeg_, and some of our officers brought him on board. He staid with us two days; and as he was the Chief of one of those tribes who still maintain a great part of their primeval manners, _untainted_ by _European_ civilization, a full description of him may not be thought unentertaining.

This man had been brought from Lord _Selkirk’s_ colony, at _Red River_, to _York Factory_, by Captain _M^cDonald_, the chief of the colony. As far as I could collect, his tribe are properly called the _Sotees_, or people who go up and down the falls of rivers. But they have been styled _Bongees_ by the _British_, from their being addicted to mendacity; and as they are always crying out “_Bongee!_” which, in their tongue, signifies “a little,” perhaps, too, the colonists may have thought the appellation peculiarly adapted to the _Sotees_, as they are but a weak tribe in point of numbers.

The Chief in question was about five feet eight inches high, and, to all appearance, about thirty years of age. It seems that he had some claims to the territory on which Lord _Selkirk’s_ colony now stands; but he had sold his birth-right “for a mess of pottage.” Therefore, to keep him in good humour with the infant establishment, he had been brought down on a visit to _York Factory_, where it was intended that he should receive an accumulation of honours. A coat of coarse blue cloth, tawdrily ornamented with tarnished lace, and adorned with shoulder-knots; a round hat, with a red ostrich feather in front; a very coarse white shirt, with frill and ruffles; a pair of red stockings, yellow garters, and black shoes, were presented to him immediately upon his arrival. If we add to all this finery, his native ornaments, such as a neck-band of wampum or bead-work[34], a long string of beads suspended by his hair from each temple, and a number of large metal links of the coarsest workmanship, dangling from either ear, his appearance will naturally be imagined to have bordered upon the grotesque. His thighs were entirely naked, as he could not be prevailed upon to fetter them with breeches; and the cartilage of his nose had been perforated.

He appeared a very intelligent man, and was highly delighted with every thing he saw on board the ship. He was not particularly pleased with any of our musical instruments, except the drum. A sky-rocket struck him quite dumb with astonishment; and he afterwards observed to a person who understood his language, “That the _Water-Governors_[35] must be very powerful, who could thus force the stars to fall from the sky.” Like most _Indians_, he was a great egotist, and the general tenor of his conversation ran upon his dignity. He observed that he was a Governor, like ourselves; and when the snow became deep on the ground, his tribe were going out, under his command, to make war upon the _Swee_ Tribe; and that after quitting his own territory, he expected to meet his enemy in eight days. He exulted that he had already killed two of the _Swee_ nation with his own hand; and he gave us to understand, that his own tribe always made war on horseback. We presented him with a cutlass, at which he was delighted, waving it above his head, and boasting what wonders he should be able to perform by its assistance. Upon the whole, he was rather a swaggerer; but, perhaps, this was a little excusable; because, according to the character given of him by those _Europeans_ who had heard of his fame, he had acquired an amazing influence amongst many savage tribes, by his courage and wisdom. Indeed, his remaining two days with us, perfectly easy and contented, is a proof that he possessed a good share of the former quality; particularly as we were all utter strangers to him, and he had neither seen the sea nor a ship before in his life: nor did he appear to be at all deficient in the more tender susceptibilities of nature. He had two wives, four sons, and six daughters; and when I presented him with a few spangles and beads, he gave me to understand, that those trifles would be received with great pleasure by his children, on his return to his native country. It surprised us much to observe with what a degree of exactness he copied all our methods of eating, drinking, &c. As we desired to hear him sing, we took advantage of his imitative powers to make him comprehend our wishes: accordingly, the person who sat next to him began first, and the song went regularly round the table, until it reached the _Bongee_ Chief; when, instantly taking the hint, he rose up, and prefaced his ditty with a long speech, which we of course did not comprehend; but, by his gestures, we could perceive that it was evidently intended as an explanation of the subject on which he was about to sing. Then he suddenly struck off into an air that gave us a much higher opinion of the strength than the harmony of his voice. The subject, we could perceive, was an appeal to the Deity (_Manito_), to protect the ship from all dangers, in her voyage across the waters. We had many other songs from him during the evening: and on a special application, we were favoured with a specimen of the war-whoop, a most discordant howl, produced by striking the hand quick against the mouth, and shouting at the same time. But the most farcical scene of all was the business of getting him into a bed. The purser of the ship undertook the difficult task of chambermaid; but our _Indian_ Chief disencumbered himself of all his finery in a twinkling; and having reduced himself to a state of nature, he rolled head foremost into the bed, placing his feet upon the pillow: this produced great vexation in the mind of his _Abigail_, who the next night succeeded, with much difficulty, in causing his _Indian_ Highness to lie down like a _Christian_.

On the evening of the second day, our _Indian_ friend left us, to return back to his native country. He seemed to feel great regret at parting with the _Water-Governors_; and he gave us all to understand, that if we should hereafter visit his territories, he would insure us a hearty welcome, and a handsome bed-fellow to boot.

Captain _Stopford_ having expressed a wish to observe the manner of killing the reindeer, as practised by the _Indians_, and a party being accordingly made to ascend the river, we left the factory early in the morning, with a small boat of Captain _Stopford_’s, and a birch-bark canoe to carry the provisions, tents, &c. We continued to push along shore, against the stream, until 10 A.M. when we rested at a small creek, called _Dram-gat_, to breakfast. _Dram-gat_ is about seven miles from the factory: it abounds with wild-duck; and receives its name from an old custom of giving the people in the traders’ boats a dram at this spot, previously to proceeding farther on their journey up the river. The tide of the sea ceases to affect the current of the river entirely at the _Dram-gat_.

We landed upon the bank, kindled a fire, and roasted some venison-steaks after the _Indian_ manner, called by them _ponask_. Having cut a long skewer of wood, they scrape off the bark, and stick the meat upon its point. The other end of the skewer is then forced into the ground, close to the fire; and by turning it round occasionally, the food is soon sufficiently cooked. I never tasted any thing more savoury than a venison-steak prepared in this manner. After making a hearty meal, we embarked again; and two men taking out a line to the beach, we were thus laboriously dragged along shore. There are many islands and shoals on the south side of the river; whilst the northern shore is, generally speaking, steep. The mouth of _Hayes’ River_ is gradually verging towards the north, in consequence of the perceptible encroachments of the water upon the north bank, and the evident emerging of islands and shoals towards the south side of the river.

As we proceeded up the stream, we met several canoes of _Indians_, deeply laden with venison for the factory. After receiving from us a small present of tobacco, they continued their course.

At 3 P.M. we had reached a large circular island on the south side of the river, called _Rainbow Island_. The view from this spot was delightfully picturesque. The northern shore was bounded with high clay banks, covered with dark forests of the spruce-pine tree. Above us, upon the southern banks, five or six remarkable mounds of earth rose majestically from the river. At the termination of a long view upwards, the stream was lost in a sudden bend to the northward; and the vista in that direction was bounded by a noble grove of poplars, that stood on the declivity of the green sloping bank; and their bright yellow colour formed a fine contrast with the sable hue of a frowning forest in the back ground. Directly opposite to the place where we stood, several _Indian_ canoes lay scattered about the shore; and the natives sat regaling themselves, around a blazing fire upon the beach. The river, glittering with the golden tints of the sun, ran smoothly beneath our feet; and a little farther down, foamed, in distant murmurs, over a shoal-bed of pebbles. Whilst we stood contemplating the varied objects in this interesting scene, a flock of wild geese flew screaming past; and a gentleman, who knew the country well, immediately observed, that we should have an “_early fall_;” thereby intimating that the winter would soon make its appearance. Our admiration of the fine view before us instantly gave way to other sensations; and we could not avoid wishing ourselves speedily out of a country where the transition is so instantaneous, from the most oppressive heat to intense cold; where the ground is bound up in frost eight months of the year; and the miserable inhabitants are tormented to madness by heat and mosquitoes during the remaining four.

Upon leaving _Rainbow Island_, we approached the spiral mounds of earth before mentioned. Their formation was so regular, that an enthusiastic antiquary might easily have believed them to be antient _Indian_ Tumuli; but upon a close inspection, we plainly perceived that they had been separated from the body of the bank by the ices in the spring; and they had probably assumed a circular form owing to the washing of the great floods which follow the breaking up of the rivers, and melting of the snows, at that season of the year.

About 5 P.M. we reached a place called _Poplar-fall_; and observing an _Indian_ wigwam on the north bank, we crossed the river, and encamped within pistol-shot of it. We had pitched our tent within the wood; and from it we could discern the river, at intervals, through the openings of the trees. Although we were but a short distance from the _Indian_ wigwam, yet the wood was so intricate, that we found it difficult to find our way thither. We, however, paid the natives a visit, and sat familiarly down in the wigwam. It contained one old and two young men, one old and one young woman, and five or six children of both sexes, besides two infants. The wigwam was a circular tent, constructed with three or four poles, lashed together at the top, and covered over with an inferior kind of leather, made of tanned deer-skins. In the midst of the tent was a blazing fire; and in the smoke above, a quantity of deer’s flesh was suspended, after the manner of bacon in _England_. On the outside of the hut, there were several stages, on which their strips of venison were exposed in the sun to dry, for the winter’s consumption. After sitting a short time with the natives, and inquiring at what part of the river the rein-deer were crossing, we were at length about to depart, when the old _Indian_ presented Captain _Stopford_ with eight deers’ legs, which, when roasted, are considered a great delicacy, on account of the rich marrow they contain. The young woman then gave another of our party a deer’s heart and tongue; and the old squaw, whose aspect was sufficient to give any man a dis-relish to the whole sex, kindly tossed into my lap a head and a brisket. Laden with these presents, we returned to our tents, and dined heartily off a tongue and heart, _ponasked_. But our kind _Indian_ neighbours had not been so exceedingly munificent without entertaining strong expectations of an adequate remuneration: accordingly, the visit was soon returned by the whole horde; and the old _Indian_ brought a kettle in his hand, which was intended as a _gentle hint_ that he wished for a liquid equivalent. We therefore gave him about a quart of rum, mixed with three quarts of water, and a trifling supply of tobacco. Extraordinary as it may appear, this small donation was amply sufficient to intoxicate every member of the wigwam; and their voices resounded, in song, through the woods, for many hours after we had retired to rest.

Very shortly after the first dawn of day, we were awakened by the old _Indian_: he came to inform us, that several herd of deer had already crossed the river, and that it was high time we should repair to our stations, to intercept any more which might attempt to follow; as it is an ascertained fact, that these animals, during their periodical journeys, are accustomed to follow each other’s footsteps.

According to the old _Indian_’s advice, we proceeded about two miles farther up the river, until we reached a place called _Twenty-mile Island_; so named from its distance from _York Factory_. Still pursuing the directions of the friendly _Indian_, we hauled our canoe close to the beach, on the north side of the river; as, at this season of the year, the rein-deer, in pursuance of their northern journey, cross all the rivers from the southward. The _Indian_ proceeded with his canoe higher up the stream, and took his post opposite to the spot from whence he had seen the before-mentioned herds crossing in the morning: he then concealed himself in the high grass, by the side of his canoe; and we also followed his example. After lying thus in ambush for a short time, a small herd, consisting of five deer and a fawn, appeared on the south bank of the river, exactly opposite the old _Indian_’s canoe. The timid and wary animals stood for some time on the bank of the river, casting an inquisitive glance across the water. We all crouched closer than before, in the grass; and we had soon the satisfaction to see the whole herd leap boldly from the shore. The _Indian_ above us immediately pushed across the stream with his canoe, to intercept the retreat of the deer; and this he was enabled to do unobserved, as he was also a considerable distance above the deer; and the animals neither looked to the right nor to the left, but kept their eyes anxiously fixed on the shore which they were endeavouring to reach. As our lurking-place was about half a mile lower down than the place from whence the deer had taken to the water, and the rapid current of the river naturally drifted them downwards, they would have attempted to land close to us, had not a shoal in the river arrested their progress, upon which they mounted; and by their superior height they immediately discovered us. The deer now stood hesitating what they should do; and so in fact did we: but our _Indian_ co-adjutor having by this time succeeded in gaining the opposite shore, called loudly on us to rise and advance. As soon as we sprang from the grass, the affrighted herd replunged into the river, and attempted to gain the shore which they had quitted; but we pursued them across the stream with such activity, that only one effected its landing, and the remaining four again turned their heads to gain the northern bank. From this moment their deaths were considered inevitable, as the chief skill then lay in continually turning the weary animals from the shore, which we were easily enabled to do, by the superior speed of our canoe. The _Indian_, meanwhile, followed close behind a large buck, until it approached the bank; when he deliberately speared it in the haunch; and as it emerged from the water, he fired a bullet into its body: yet the animal ran with speed into the wood, and we all naturally concluded it must have escaped;—but the skilful hunter smiled at the idea: “No, no,” said he; “I have it safe:—now for another;” on which, he wheeled about his canoe, and instantly speared to death an amazing fine doe. My gun being loaded with goose-shot only, I discharged it into the rump of the surviving doe, which bled profusely; I also again fired, and struck it on the nose, when my ramrod unfortunately fell overboard: however, we still kept turning the animal from the shore; and having now no weapon in the canoe wherewith we could kill it, I was obliged to halloo for the _Indian_ to bring us a spear; accordingly, he paddled towards the deer with all his might, and, on reaching our canoe, tossed me the spear. Following the native’s example, I made a deep thrust into its haunch, which soon put an end to its existence; and putting a cord over its head, we towed it on shore in triumph.

As the _Indian_ had predicted, he soon found the carcase of the wounded buck, lying about ten yards within the wood. Thus we succeeded in obtaining _three_ out of the original _five_: and with respect to the other two; one, as above-mentioned, made good its escape in the first instance; and the fawn also landed, whilst we were engaged with the doe.

I have been more particular in relating this expedition, because it will serve as a specimen of the general manner in which the _Indians_ procure their supplies of venison and deer-skins. There have been instances of taking the rein-deer alive, by throwing a rope about the antlers; but this can only be attempted by a boat, as the sudden plunges of the animal, when thus entangled, is very likely to upset a slight bark canoe.

From the continual crossings that we had made athwart the stream, whilst in pursuit of the deer, the current had drifted us down about two miles below our encampment, which we did not regain until towards evening; and our _Indian_ neighbour soon paid us a visit, to talk over the day’s sport. Having received another present of _Scutee Wapper_[36] (rum) and tobacco, he wished us a good-night; and their songs shortly afterwards began to swell on the air; giving to us a sure indication of the liquor having had its due effect on their senses.

To conclude my account of the rein-deer of _Hudson’s Bay_, I must observe, that they are evidently the same species with those of _Lapland_; although the _Indians_ have never attempted to render them in any way useful for domestic purposes: but Lord _Selkirk_, with his usual perseverance, has procured people from _Sweden_ to train the rein-deer in _Hudson’s Bay_; although they have not yet been a sufficient time in the country to ascertain the practicability of such a scheme[37].

If the _Indians_ be so fortunate, during their hunting journeys, as to kill a rein-deer in the woods, they eat of it until they literally cannot cram another mouthful. When their meal is finished, they erect a high stage, on which they lay the remainder of the carcase, so as to secure it from the wild beasts; and then cover it with branches of trees, to defend it against the birds of prey. All this trouble is taken, that the food which they are compelled by necessity to leave behind them may be of service to some wandering tribe of hunters like themselves, who may not have been so fortunate as to have met with any deer in their journey.

When, therefore, in traversing the immense plains or forests of the interior, a half-famished _Indian_ descries at a distance one of those charitable stages erected on high for his relief, he hails the cheering sight with the same feelings of delight that is experienced by a tempest-tost and bewildered sailor, when he descries, through the dark clouds of a stormy night, the cheering fire-beacon which denotes the situation of a sheltering port. Whenever an _Indian_ has satisfied his hunger at one of the stages in question, he marks the supporting poles with the character peculiar to his tribe; so that those to whom he is indebted for relief may perceive, on their return, whether their friends have benefitted by their humane intentions. And it is a singular point of honour amongst them, that if, by the characters before mentioned, they should discover that the stage had been erected by an hostile tribe, they will rather suffer the severest pangs of hunger than be obliged to their enemy for relief.

Upon our return to the factory from the deer-hunt, we found much anxiety prevailing respecting the safety of a small schooner, which had sailed hence, on our arrival, to bring the furs from _Churchill River_, and had not yet returned. There was the more foundation for such apprehensions, as it blew a heavy gale on the day after her departure, and she must consequently have been overtaken by it before she could have possibly reached her destined port. However, it was determined to wait her return until the 28th of _September_, when prudence dictated our departure, to avoid the risk of a detention for the whole winter. In the mean time, we occupied our time in procuring a stock of fresh provisions against the day of sailing. Accordingly, a party of _Indians_ were despatched in pursuit of game; and in a few days they returned with eleven hundred wild geese, which they had shot in the marshes to the southward of _York_; and several other parties of the natives poured in a copious supply of venison and wild duck.

Nor were we idle ourselves, as we constantly drew the _seine_ in the mouth of the river; but the supplies of fish thus obtained were exceedingly trifling. Of those we caught, the principal part consisted of mullet, and _tittameg_, a small delicate fish peculiar to the rivers of _Hudson’s Bay_.

Before I quit entirely this almost unknown country, I shall insert an extract from an author whose observations will serve materially to illustrate my own[38].

“The animals of _Hudson’s Bay_ are, the moose-deer, stags, rein-deer, bears, wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, lynxes, martens, squirrels, ermines, wild-cats, and hares; of the feathered kind, geese, bustards, ducks, partridges, and all manner of wild fowl: of fish, whales, morses, seals, cod, sea-horses, and sea-unicorns: and in the rivers and fresh waters, pike, perch, carp, and trout. There have been taken in one season, at _Nelson River_, 90,000 partridges, as large as hens; and 25,000 hares. Every thing changes white in winter; even _European_ animals after being a short time in the country.

“The inhabitants shew great ingenuity in kindling a fire, in clothing themselves, and in preserving their eyes: in other respects, they are very savage[39]. In their shapes and faces they do not resemble the _Indians_, who live to the south: they are more like the _Laplanders_ and _Samoeids_ of _Europe_, from whom they are probably descended. Those on the sea-coast are dexterous in managing their kiacks or boats[40]. The other _Americans_ seem to be of a _Tartar_ original.

“In 1670, a Charter was granted to a Company, which does not consist of more than nine or ten persons, for the exclusive trade to this Bay; and they have acted under it ever since, with great benefit to themselves. The fur and peltry trade might be carried on to a much greater extent, were it not entirely in the hands of this exclusive Company; whose interested, not to say inquisitive spirit, has been the subject of long and just complaint. The Company employ four ships, and 130 seamen[41].

“The _French_ destroyed the forts in 1782, valued at 500,000_l._ The Company export commodities to the amount of 16,000_l._ and bring home returns to the value of 29,340_l._ which yield to the revenue 3,734_l._ This includes the fishing in _Hudson’s Bay_.

“This commerce, small as it is, affords great profits to the Company, and is advantageous to _Great Britain_ in general; for the commodities we exchange with the _Indians_, for their skins and furs, are all manufactured in _Great Britain_; and as the _Indians_ are not very nice in their choice, those things are sent of which we have the greatest plenty, and which, in the mercantile phrase, are _drugs_ with us.——Though the workmanship, too, happens to be, in many respects, so deficient, that no civilized people would take it off our hands, it may nevertheless be admired by the _Indians_. On the other hand, the skins and furs we bring from _Hudson’s Bay_ enter largely into our manufactures, and afford us materials for a lucrative trade with many nations of _Europe_. These circumstances tend to prove incontestably the immense benefit that would redound to _Great Britain_ by throwing open the trade to _Hudson’s Bay_; since, even in its present restrained state, it is so advantageous. The exclusive Company, it is probable, do not find commerce so advantageous now as it was before we got possession of _Canada_. The only attempt made to trade with _Labrador_ has been directed towards the fishery.

“From the journeys of _M^cKenzie_ and _Hearne_, a complete confirmation has arisen, that there can be no northern communication between the _Atlantic_ and _Pacific Oceans_, except at so high a latitude that it must be impeded by perpetual ice.

“The mouth of the _Copper-mine River_, as ascertained by Mr.
_Hearne_, lies in latitude 72° N.; longitude, 119° W. of _Greenwich_.”

Since the _British_ have had possession of _Canada_, a strong competition has arisen between the people of that country and the _Hudson’s-Bay_ traders. It is therefore doubtful whether the opening of a free trade into _Hudson’s Bay_ would be productive of those very advantageous results which Mr. _Pinkerton_ has supposed: the indefatigable _Canadians_ have contrived to carry their mercantile expeditions into almost every part of the N. W. continent of _America_; and it can be of little political consequence to the mother country, whether the peltry trade is made to pass through _Canada_ or _Hudson’s Bay_; except, indeed, that the opening of a free intercourse with the Bay might operate as a stimulus upon the _Esquimaux_, to animate their exertions in the seal and whale fisheries; as they would be then certain of finding an adequate market for their oil, whalebone, and seal-skins.

That nothing serves so effectually to deaden the spirit of mercantile application as an unjust monopoly, is evident, from an old record of the year 1742; which runs thus:—

“When the _Indians_ came to the factory in _June_ 1742, they could get
but a pound of gunpowder for four beaver skins, a pound of shot for
one beaver, an ell of coarse cloth for fifteen, a blanket for twelve,
two fish-hooks or three flints for one, a gun for twenty-five skins, a
pistol for ten, a hat with a white lace for seven, an axe for four, a
hedging-bill for one, a gallon of brandy for four, a checked shirt for
seven; all which was sold at the monstrous profit of 2000 per cent.
Notwithstanding which discouragement, the _Indians_ brought down to
_Port Nelson_ that season 50,000 beaver skins, and 9000 martens; these
beaver skins being worth five or six shillings a pound; whereas those
which the _English_ purchase at _New York_ are not worth more than
three shillings and sixpence a pound.

“Besides these skins, the _Indians_, during the same year (1742),
brought to the factory, at _Churchill_, 20,000 beaver skins.”

If the _Indians_ were industrious at a season when their labour was so miserably repaid, they would consequently become, at this moment, much more diligent; because, owing to the competition before noticed, they are certain of meeting with something like an adequate return for their commodities.

To this increased activity of the natives is probably owing the late very visible diminution in the staple article of their commerce, the beaver skins; as it is evident that those animals are becoming much more scarce, in consequence of the perseverance with which their haunts are sought out and invaded.

The 28th of _September_ having at length arrived, and the mercury in _Fahrenheit_’s thermometer having sunk to 20°, we gave up all hopes of the schooner returning from _Churchill_; and came to the melancholy conclusion, that she must have perished on her voyage. We therefore weighed anchor from _York River_, and steered our course towards the north, with an intention of touching, if possible, at the former place, to seek information of the schooner, and to get the furs from that factory; but a brisk gale springing up from the N. W. which was immediately against us, we gave up our design of visiting _Churchill_, and bore away for _Hudson’s Straits_. From henceforward we had one continued gale in our favour, until we reached the _Orkneys_, after an unparalleled quick voyage of nineteen days. In passing through _Hudson’s Straits_, we could perceive none of the drift-ice or _Esquimaux_, which were so plentiful in our voyage outwards: the former had been carried away to the ocean, by the prevalence of the southerly currents; and the latter had most probably retired to their winter habitations.

We saw, however, many _icebergs_ of enormous magnitude in the _Straits_; but, after leaving _Cape Resolution_, we reached the _Orkneys_ without noticing any more of those dangerous islands[42].

We remained at the _Orkneys_ nineteen days before the other _Hudson’s-Bay_ ship arrived from thence; but she had experienced much bad weather, and made a much longer passage than ourselves.

A few straggling remarks, made during our stay at the _Orkneys_, will conclude this Journal.

Entering _Stromness Harbour_, by the _Hoy Passage_, the view on either hand is extremely awful and sublime. _Hoy Head_ is a tremendous height; and it appears doubly so from a ship sailing near to it, as the western side of this craggy mountain is nearly perpendicular; so much so, indeed, that it obtained the appellation of _Hoy Walls_. At a particular part of this awful cliff, an immense rent has torn a large fragment from the wall; and this huge disjointed mass is now washed, on all sides, by the most terrific breakers. It stands however erect, repelling all their shocks; and it has assumed so completely the human form, as to be styled the _Old Man of Hoy_. This gigantic figure may be about five hundred feet high.

If the lowness of the eastern shore gives it a less grand appearance, yet the ledges of sunken rocks, on which many a gallant vessel has perished, together with the horrid breakers roaring mountain high above them, do not fail to inspire a spectator with equal awe and terror.

The Cathedral of _St. Magnus_, at _Kirkwall_, is built of a reddish kind of stone, in the shape of a cross; and it looks, at a short distance, much like a brick edifice. It is of very large dimensions; and appears to a stranger in a more imposing light, because it is erected on an eminence. The square tower issuing from the top of the cathedral, in the centre of the cross, was formerly surmounted by a magnificent spire; but being shattered some few years ago, by lightning, a mean brick substitute has since been erected. There is an amazing number of windows; many of which have been lately broken; and there are two in the shape of a rose, exceedingly antique and beautiful.

The doors of this structure are low and arched, surrounded by a curious embroidery of the same red stone as the rest of the building. On entering the main portal, the space not allotted to public worship, the roof is supported by a double row of enormous columns, eight on each side: they are very simple and plain, composed of square stones laid over each other horizontally, and the shafts of the pillars are of the same diameter from their capitals to their bases. Owing to the moisture of the place, a green mould has covered them, and given to the interior a most venerable aspect.

Passing up the centre of the isle between these aged pillars, we arrive at the centre of the cross, where four immense fluted columns support the spire, bells, and clock. A boarded partition then runs across the church; and a scrap of Scripture painted over a door marks out the place of modern worship. The interior of this part is neat, and ornamented with some fine specimens of carved oak, about two hundred years old. Over many of the seats are antique escutcheons of the former Earls of _Orkney_. The one appertaining to Earl Patrick Stuart, last Earl of _Orkney_, (who was beheaded,) was quartered with lions and ships, and inscribed thus:

E SIC · FVIT · EST · ET · ERIT
=
P : S

We had the curiosity to go up to the belfry, by spiral staircases between the outer and inner walls of the cathedral. The number and intricacy of these dark passages was really astonishing; and the darkness of the place inspiring gloomy ideas, we fancied that it was in such dismal recesses that the bigotted monks used formerly to immure their victims. There is one fine bell, and two inferior ones, in the church, and a noble clock by a _Scotch_ mechanist. From the belfry, a small door opens upon a rough ledge about two feet wide: the view from this dizzy height was extremely fine, as the town of _Kirkwall_, the adjacent islands, and numerous lochs, appear to lie in a panoramic view beneath the feet: but we were truly glad to re-enter the belfry, as the want of security on the ledge quite destroyed the pleasure arising from so fine a prospect.

On leaving the Cathedral of _St. Magnus_, we stepped aside, between the enormous circular columns before mentioned, to observe the only sepulchral arch of any antique appearance in the place. There was a shield sculptured at the apex, bearing three _hearts_ as a device; from which we conjectured that it must have received the ashes of a _Douglas_—the _heart_ having been the device of this family ever since the heart of the far-famed _Bruce_ was conveyed, by that king’s desire, to the _Holy Land_, by an Earl _Douglas_[43].

This noble cathedral is said to have been built in the year 1200, and is in an excellent state of preservation.

On the right of _St. Magnus_ stand the ruins of the palaces formerly inhabited by the Earls and Bishops of _Orkney_. The cathedral and palace are within a stone’s throw of each other; but the latter stands on each side of a space which appears to have been the former court-yard of the building. The entrance to this court-yard is by a low arched gateway. The palace of the Earls is in better preservation than the cathedral; and it is to be regretted, that the dilapidations to which it is exposed are suffered to take place.

The corners of the Earl’s palace are laden with immense turrets, which give the building a very heavy appearance. The main portal is a massy low doorway; and the ascent to the great hall is by a fine broad flight of stone steps. Within the hall are two arched fire-places, each sufficiently capacious to roast a whole ox at a time. One of the fire-places is formed beneath an arch constructed in the usual way; but the other is considered as a curiosity in architecture: it is a plane arch, supported by the transverse joining of the stones without the aid of cement. The windows of the hall are high and arched, but without either frame-work or glass.