Chapter I: Part 1

NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS’

LIFE OF AUGUSTUS

Translated with a Commentary

A Dissertation
submitted to the Board of University Studies of the
Johns Hopkins University in conformity with
the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

By

Clayton M. Hall

1922

FOREWORD

In preparing this translation of the Life of Augustus, the text of L. Dindorf, Historici Graeci Minores, Leipsic 1871, vol. 1, has been used as a basis. Suggestions of K. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, Paris 1874, vol. 3, pp. 427 ff., and of N. Piccolos, Nicolas de Damas, Vie de César, Paris 1850, have been found of value. The last named work treats only of the section found in the ‘Codex Escorialensis’, namely chapters 16 to 31. In cases of variation among these three editors, the preferred reading has been duly indicated in the commentary; departures from their texts have also been noted. Works which have been of value in preparing the commentary have been fully cited therein.

To obviate the confusion between the elder and the younger Caesar, which exists through the excerpt, it has been found expedient to refer to the later Augustus as Octavius uniformly until his arrival in Italy from Apollonia, when he became acquainted with the contents of Caesar’s will, and thereafter as Octavian.

All the references to Appian are to his ‘Civil Wars’.

The writer here wishes to express his obligation to Professor T. Frank, under whose direction this work was undertaken, to Professor W. P. Mustard, who has kindly read the entire manuscript of the translation, and to Professors C. W. E. Miller and D. M. Robinson.

TRANSLATION

The Life of Augustus

1. Men gave him this name[1] in view of his claim to honor; and,
scattered over islands and continents, through city and tribe,
they revere him by building temples and by sacrificing to him,[2]
thus requiting him for his great virtue and acts of kindness
toward themselves. For this man, having attained preeminent power
and discretion, ruled over the greatest number of people within
the memory of man, established the furthest boundaries for the
Roman Empire, and settled securely not only the tribes of Greeks
and barbarians, but also their dispositions; at first with arms
but afterward even without arms, by attracting them of their own
free will. By making himself known through kindness he persuaded
them to obey him. The names of some of them men had never heard
before, nor had they been subject within the memory of anyone,
but he subdued them: all those that live as far as the Rhine[3]
and beyond the Ionian[4] Sea and the Illyrian peoples. These are
called Pannonians and Dacians.[5] (See the work: ‘Concerning
Brave Honest Deeds.’)[6]

2. To set forth the full power of this man’s intelligence and
virtue, both in the administration which he exercised at Rome
and in the conduct of great wars both domestic and foreign,
is a subject for competition in speech and essay, that men
may win renown by treating it well. I myself shall relate his
achievements, so that all can know the truth. First I shall speak
of his birth and breeding, his parents, his nurture and education
from infancy, by means of which he came to such an estate.[7]

His father was Caius Octavius, a man of senatorial rank.[8] His
forebears, renowned for both wealth[9] and justice, left their
estates to him, an orphan, at their death.[10] His guardians[11]
spent his money, but he remitting his just claims was satisfied
with the remainder.

3. Octavius at the age of about nine years was an object of no
little admiration to the Romans, exhibiting as he did great
excellence of nature, young though he was; for he gave an
oration[12] before a large crowd and received much applause from
grown men. After his grandmother’s death he was brought up by
his mother Atia[13] and her husband Lucius Philippus, who was
a descendant of the conquerors of Philip of Macedonia.[14] At
Philippus’ house, as if at his father’s, Octavius was reared and
showed great promise, already seeming to be treated with respect
by his comrades, the children of highest birth. Many of them
associated with him, and even not a few of the youths who had
hopes to undertake affairs of state. Daily many lads, men, and
boys of his own age attended him whether he rode on horseback
outside of the town or went to the house of his relations or
of any other person; for he exercised his mind with the finest
practices and his body with both genteel and warlike pursuits;
and more quickly than his teachers he himself applied his lesson
to the facts in hand, so that for this reason also much praise
redounded to him in the city.[15] Both his mother and her
husband Philippus took care of him, inquiring each day from the
instructors[16] and curators whom they had placed in charge of
the boy what he had accomplished, how far he had advanced, or how
he had spent the day and with whom he had associated.

4. At the time when the Civil War had laid hold on the city,[17]
his mother Atia and Philippus quietly sent Octavius off to one of
his father’s country places.[18]

He entered the forum, aged about fourteen, to put off the toga
praetextata and assume the toga virilis, this being a token of
his becoming registered as a man.[19] Then while all the citizens
looked upon him, because of his comeliness and very evidently
noble descent, he sacrificed to the gods and was registered in
the sacred college in the place of Lucius Domitius, who had
died.[20] The people indeed had very eagerly elected[21] him to
this position. Accordingly, he performed the sacrifice, adorned
with the toga virilis and at the same time the honors of a very
high priestly office.[22] Nevertheless, though he was registered
as of age according to law, his mother would not let him leave
the house other than as he did before, when he was a child, and
she made him keep to the same mode of life and sleep in the same
apartment as before. For he was of age only by law and in other
respects was taken care of as a child. He did not change the
fashion of his clothes, but continued to use the Roman garb.[23]

5. He went to the temples on the regular days, but after dark on
account of his youthful charm, seeing that he attracted many
women by his comeliness and high lineage; though often tempted
by them he seems never to have been enticed. Not only did the
watchful care of his mother, who guarded him and forbade
his wandering, protect him but he too was prudent now that
he was advancing in age. During the Latin festival when the
consuls had to ascend the Alban Mount to perform the customary
sacrifices,[24] the priests meanwhile succeeding to the
jurisdiction of the consuls, Octavius sat on the tribunal in the
centre of the forum.[25] And there came many people on legal
business[26] and many on no business at all except for a sight
of the boy; for he was well worth beholding especially when he
assumed the dignity and honorable aspect of office.

6. Caesar had by this time completed the wars in Europe,[27] had
conquered Pompey in Macedonia,[28] had taken Egypt,[29] had
returned from Syria and the Euxine[30] sea, and was intending to
advance into Libya[31] in order to put down what was left of war
over there; and Octavius wanted to take the field with him in
order that he might gain experience in the practice of war. But
when he found that his mother Atia was opposed he said nothing
by way of argument but remained at home. It was plain that
Caesar, out of solicitude for him, did not wish him to take the
field yet, lest he might bring on illness to a weak body through
changing his mode of life and thus permanently injure his health.
For this cause he took no part in the expedition.

7. After finishing that war also, Caesar returned to Rome,[32]
having granted pardon to a very few of the captives who fell to
him because they had not learned wisdom in the earlier wars.[33]
Then the following incident occurred: There was a particular
associate and friend of Octavius, Agrippa,[34] who had been
educated at the same place and who was a very special friend of
his. His brother was with Cato and treated with much respect; he
had participated in the Libyan War, but was at this time taken
captive. Although Octavius had never yet asked anything of Caesar
he wanted to beg the prisoner off, but he hesitated because
of modesty and at the same time because he saw how Caesar was
disposed toward those who had been captured in that war. However,
he made bold to ask it, and had his request granted. Thereupon
he was very glad at having rescued a brother for his friend and
he was praised by others for employing his zeal and right of
intercession first of all for a friend’s safety.

8. After this, Caesar celebrated his triumphs for the Libyan War
and the others which he had fought;[35] and he ordered the
young Caesar, whom he had now adopted, and who was in a way
a son even by nature, on account of the closeness of their
relationship,[36] to follow his chariot, having bestowed upon him
military decorations, as if he had been his aide in war. Likewise
at the sacrifices and when entering the temples he stationed him
at his side and he ordered the others to yield precedence to him.
Caesar already bore the rank of Imperator, which was the highest
according to the Roman usage,[37] and he was highly esteemed in
the state. The boy, being his companion both at the theatre and
at the banquets, and seeing that he conversed kindly with him, as
if with his own son, and having by this time become somewhat more
courageous, when many of his friends and citizens asked him to
intercede for them with Caesar, in matters in which they were in
need of aid, looking out for the opportune moment he respectfully
asked and was successful; and he became of great value to many
of his kinsfolk, for he took care never to ask a favor at an
inopportune time, nor when it was annoying to Caesar. And he
displayed not a few sparks of kindness and natural intelligence.

9. Caesar wished Octavius to have the experience of directing the
exhibition of theatrical productions (for there were two
theatres,[38] the one Roman, over which he himself had charge,
and the other Greek). This he turned over to the care of
Octavius. The latter, wishing to exhibit interest and benevolence
in the matter, even in the hottest and longest days, never left
his post before the end of the play; with the result that he fell
ill, for he was young and unaccustomed to toil. Being very ill,
every one felt considerable apprehension regarding him, lest a
constitution such as his might suffer some mishap, and Caesar
most of all. Accordingly, every day he either called himself
and encouraged him or else sent friends to do so, and he kept
physicians in continuous attendance. On one occasion word was
brought to him while he was dining that Octavius was relaxed
and was dangerously ill. He sprang up and ran barefooted to the
place where the patient was, and in great anxiety and with great
emotion questioned the physicians, and he sat down by the bedside
himself. When Octavius’ full recovery[39] was brought about he
showed much joy.

10. While Octavius was convalescent, still weak physically though
entirely out of danger, Caesar had to take the field on an
expedition[40] in which he had previously the intention of taking
the boy. This however he could not now do on account of his
attack of sickness. Accordingly, he left him behind in the care
of a number of persons who were to take particular charge of
his mode of life; and giving orders that if Octavius should grow
strong enough, he was to follow him, he went off to the war. The
eldest son of Pompeius Magnus had got together a great force[41]
in a short time, contrary to the expectations of everyone, with
the intention of avenging his father’s death, and, if possible,
of retrieving his father’s defeat. Octavius, left behind in Rome,
in the first place gave his attention to gaining as much physical
strength as possible, and soon he was sufficiently robust. Then
he set out from home toward the army, according to his uncle’s
instructions (for that is what he called him). Many were eager
to accompany him on account of his great promise but he rejected
them all, even his mother herself, and selecting the speediest
and strongest of his servants he hastened on his journey and
with incredible despatch he covered the long road and approached
Caesar, who had already completed the whole war in the space of
seven months.[42]

11. When Octavius reached Tarraco it was hard to believe that he
had managed to arrive in so great a tumult of war. Not finding
Caesar there, he had to endure more trouble and danger. He caught
up with Caesar in Spain near the city of Calpia.[43] Caesar
embraced him as a son and welcomed him, for he had left him at
home, ill, and he now unexpectedly saw him safe from both enemies
and brigands. In fact, he did not let him go from him, but he
kept him at his own quarters and mess. He commended his zeal and
intelligence[44] inasmuch as he was the first of those who had
set out from Rome to arrive. And he made the point of asking
him concerning many things in the course of their conversation,
for he was anxious to make a trial of his understanding; and
finding that he was sagacious, intelligent, and concise in his
replies and that he always answered to the point, his esteem
and affection for him increased. After this they had to sail
for Carthago Nova, and arrangements were made whereby Octavius
embarked in the same boat as Caesar, with five slaves, but, out
of affection, he took three of his companions aboard in addition
to the slaves, though he feared that Caesar would be angry when
he found this out. However, the reverse was the case, for Caesar
was pleased in that Octavius was fond of his comrades and he
commended him because he always liked to have present with him
men who were observant and who tried to attain to excellence;
and because he was already giving no little thought to gaining a
good reputation at home.

12. Caesar duly arrived at Carthago Nova, intending to meet with
those who were in need of him. A great many came to see him,
some for the purpose of settling any differences they might
have with certain persons, others because of matters of civil
administration, others in order to obtain the rewards for deeds
of courage which they had performed. Regarding these matters he
gave them audience. Many other officers had congregated there
also. The Saguntini came to Octavius asking for assistance, for
there were a number of charges against them. He acted as their
spokesman, and speaking before Caesar skillfully secured their
release from the charges. He sent them home delighted, singing
his praises to everyone and calling him their savior. Thereupon
many people approached him, asking for his patronage, and he
proved of considerable value to them. Some he relieved of the
charges brought against them, for others he secured rewards,
and he placed still others in offices of state. His kindness,
humanity, and the prudence he had revealed at these gatherings
were subjects of comment to all. In fact, Caesar himself
cautiously....[45]

13. ... of silver, according to the ancestral custom;[46] nor to
associate with young fellows who drank freely, nor to remain
at banquets till nightfall, nor to dine before the tenth hour,
except at the house of Caesar or Philippus or Marcellus,[47]
his sister’s husband, a man of sobriety and of the best Roman
descent. Modesty, which one might assume was fitting for one of
that age (for nature has assigned it an earlier place than the
other virtues) was apparent in his actions and continued during
his whole life. Therefore Caesar made much of him and not, as
some think, entirely because of relationship. Some time before
he had decided to adopt him, but fearing that elated at the hope
of such good fortune, as those usually are who are brought up in
wealth, he might become forgetful of virtue and depart from his
accustomed mode of life, Caesar concealed his intention but he
adopted him as son in his will[48] (for he had no male children
of his own) and made him residuary legatee of his entire estate,
after bequeathing one fourth of his property to friends and
townsmen, as was afterwards known.[49]

14. Octavius asked permission to go home to see his mother, and
when it was granted, he set out. When he reached the Janiculan
hill near Rome, a man who claimed to be the son of Caius Marius
came with a large crowd of people to meet him.[50] He had taken
also some women who were relatives of Caesar, for he was anxious
to be enrolled in the family, and they testified to his descent.
He did not succeed in persuading Atia at all, nor her sister,
to make any false statement concerning their family; for the
families of Caesar and Marius were very close,[51] but this
young man was really no relative whatever. So then, he came up
to the young Caesar with a great multitude and tried to gain his
authority also for being enrolled in the family. The citizens who
accompanied him were also earnestly persuaded that he was Marius’
son. Octavius was in quite a quandary and began to consider what
he should do. It was a difficult thing to greet a stranger as
a relative, one whose origin he did not know, and for whom his
mother did not vouch; and on the other hand, to repudiate the
youth and the crowd of citizens with him would be very difficult
particularly for one so modest as he. Accordingly, he quietly
answered and dismissed the fellow, saying that Caesar was the
head of their family, and the chief of the state and of the whole
Roman government. He should therefore go to him and explain to
him the kinship, and if he convinced Caesar, then both they and
the other relations would accede to his decision quite convinced;
otherwise there could be no ground for their connection with
him. In the meanwhile, until Caesar decided, he should not come
to Octavius nor ask for anything that might be expected of a
relative. Thus sensibly he answered and everyone there commended
him; nevertheless the young fellow followed him all the way home.

15. When he arrived in Rome he lodged near the house of Philippus
and his mother and passed his time with them, seldom leaving
them, except at times when he wished to invite some of his young
friends to dine with him; but that was not often. While he was
in the city, he was declared a patrician by the senate.[52]
Octavius lived soberly and in moderation; and his friends knew of
something else about him that was remarkable. For an entire year
at the very age at which youths, particularly those of wealth,
are most wanton, he abstained from sexual gratification out of
regard for both his voice and his strength. (End of the history
of Nicolaus Damascenus and of the life of the young Caesar.
Concerning virtue and vice.)[53]

16. Octavius spent three months in Rome and then came and sojourned
here.[54] He was admired by his friends and companions, revered
by everyone in the city, and praised by his instructors.[55]
In the fourth month of his stay, a freedman came from home, in
excitement and dismay, sent by his mother and carrying a letter
which said that Caesar had been killed in the senate by Cassius
and Brutus and their accomplices. She asked her son to return to
her as she did not know what the outcome of affairs would be.
She said he must show himself a man now and consider what he
ought to do and put his plans in action, according to fortune and
opportunity. His mother’s letter made all this clear, and the
man who brought it gave a similar report. He said he had been
sent immediately after Caesar’s murder, and he had wasted no time
on the way, so that hearing the news as quickly as possible,
Octavius would be able to make his plans accordingly. He added
that the relatives of the murdered man were in great danger, and
it was necessary to consider first of all how this was to be
avoided. The group of murderers was not small, and they would
drive out and murder Caesar’s relatives.

When they heard this they were greatly disturbed (it was
just about the time that they were going to dinner). Speedily
a report spread to those out of doors and through the whole
city, revealing nothing accurately, but only that some great
calamity had befallen. Then when the evening was fully come
many of the foremost Apollonians came up with torches, asking
with kind intent what the news was. After taking counsel with
his friends Octavius decided to tell the most distinguished of
them, but to send the rabble away. He and his friends did so, and
when the crowd was with difficulty persuaded by the leaders to
leave, Octavius had the opportunity of taking counsel with his
friends (much of the night already having been spent) as to what
ought to be done and how he should improve the situation. After
thoroughly considering the case, some of his friends advised him
to go and join the army in Macedonia; it had been sent out for
the Parthian War, and Marcus Acilius[56] was in command of it.
They advised him to take the army for the sake of safety, to go
to Rome, and to take vengeance upon the murderers. The soldiers
would be hostile toward the murderers because they had been fond
of Caesar, and their sympathy would increase when they saw the
boy. But this seemed a difficult course for a very young man,
and too much for his present youth and inexperience, especially
since the disposition of the people toward him was not clear as
yet and many enemies were at hand. Hence this suggestion was not
adopted.

Avengers of Caesar were expected to appear from among those
who in his lifetime had come upon good fortune at his hands or
who had received from him power, riches, and valuable gifts,
such as they had not hoped for even in dreams. Octavius received
advice of various sorts from different people, as is always the
case in times when a situation is obscure and unsettled, but
he determined to postpone decision in the whole matter until
he could see those of his friends who were preeminently mature
and wise and secure the aid of their counsel also. He decided
therefore to refrain from action, but to go to Rome, and having
first arrived in Italy, to find out what had taken place after
Caesar’s murder, and to take counsel with the people there
concerning the entire affair.

17. His retinue then began preparations for the voyage.
Alexander[57] pleading his age and ill health, returned to his
home at Pergamum. The inhabitants of Apollonia came in multitudes
and for some time affectionately begged Octavius to stay with
them, saying that they would put the city to any use that
he wished, out of good will toward him and reverence for the
deceased.[58] They thought that it would be better for him to
await developments in a friendly city, since so many enemies were
abroad. However, since he desired to participate in whatever was
done, and to avail himself of any opportunity for action, he did
not change his decision, but said that he must set sail. Then he
praised the Apollonians, and afterward when he became master of
Rome he conferred on them autonomy and immunity and some other
not inconsiderable favors, and made it one of the most fortunate
of cities.[59] All the people in tears escorted him at his
departure, admiring his restraint and wisdom that he had revealed
in his sojourn there; and at the same time they were sorry for
his lot.

There came to him from the army not a few from the cavalry
and infantry, both tribunes and centurions, and many others for
the sake of serving him, but some for their own gain. Then they
exhorted him to take up arms and they promised that they would
take the field with him and persuade others also, in order to
avenge Caesar’s death. He commended them, but said that he had no
need of them at present; when, however, he would call them to
take vengeance, he asked that they be ready; and they agreed to
this.

Octavius put out to sea on ships which were at hand, though
it was still quite perilously wintry, and crossing the Ionian
Sea, arrived at the nearest promontory of Calabria, where the
news regarding the revolution at Rome had not yet been clearly
announced to the inhabitants. He came ashore here and started on
foot for Lupiae.[60] When he arrived there he met people who had
been in Rome when Caesar was buried; and they told him, among
other things, that he had been named in the will as Caesar’s son,
inheriting three fourths of his property, the remaining share
having been set aside to pay the sum of seventy five drachmae
to each man in the city.[61] He had enjoined Atia, the youth’s
mother, to take charge of his burial, but a great crowd had
forced its way into the forum and had there cremated the body and
interred the remains. They told Octavius that Brutus and Cassius
and the other murderers had taken possession of the Capitol, and
were obtaining, through the promise of freedom, the slaves as
allies. On the first two days while Caesar’s friends were still
panic stricken[62] many men came and joined the murderers; but
when colonists from the neighboring cities (whom Caesar had
furnished with grants and had established in those cities) began
to come in large numbers and attach themselves to the followers
of Lepidus, the master of horse,[63] and to those of Antonius,
Caesar’s colleague in the consulship,[64] who were promising to
avenge Caesar’s death, most of the conspirators’ group dispersed.
The conspirators being thus deserted gathered some gladiators
and others who were implacably hostile to Caesar, or who had had
a share in the plot. A little later, all these came down from
the Capitoline, having received pledges of safety from Antonius
who now had a large force, but who for the present had given
up his plan to avenge Caesar’s murder. (That was why they were
allowed to leave Rome safely and go to Antium.)[65] Even their
houses were besieged by the people, not under any leader, but the
populace itself was enraged on account of the murder of Caesar,
of whom they were fond, and especially when they had seen his
bloody garment and newly slain body brought to burial when they
had forced their way into the forum and had there interred it.

18. When Octavius heard this he was moved to tears and grief
because of his memory and affection for the man, and his sorrow
stirred anew. Then he stopped and waited for other letters from
his mother and friends in Rome, although he did not disbelieve
those who had reported the events, for he saw no reason why
they should fabricate any falsehood. After this he set sail for
Brundisium, for he had now learned that none of his enemies
were there, though previously he had been suspicious lest the
city might be held by some of them, and consequently he had not
recklessly approached it directly from the other shore.[66] There
arrived from his mother also a letter in which was written an
urgent request for him to return to her and the whole household
as soon as possible, so that no treachery should come upon him
from without, seeing that he had been designated Caesar’s son.
It bore out the earlier news, and said that the whole populace
was aroused against Brutus and Cassius and their party, and was
greatly vexed at what they had done. His step-father Philippus
sent him a letter asking him not to take steps to secure Caesar’s
bequest but even to retain his own name[67] because of what had
happened to Caesar and to live free from politics and in safety.
Octavius knew that this advice was given with kind intent, but he
thought differently, as he already had his mind on great things
and he was full of confidence; he therefore took upon himself the
toil and danger and the enmity of men whom he did not care to
please. Nor did he propose to cede to anyone a name or a rule so
great as his, particularly with the state on his side and calling
him to come into his father’s honors;[68] and very rightly, since
both naturally and by law the office belonged to him, for he
was the nearest relative and had been adopted as son by Caesar
himself, and he felt that to follow the matter up and avenge his
death was the proper course to pursue. This is what he thought,
and he wrote and so answered Philippus, though he did not succeed
in convincing him. His mother Atia when she saw how glorious
his fortune was and the extent of the empire rejoiced that it
devolved upon her own son; but on the other hand knowing that the
undertaking was full of fear and danger, and having seen what
had happened to her uncle Caesar, she was not very enthusiastic;
so it looked as though she was between the view of her husband
Philippus and that of her son. Hence she felt many cares, now
anxious when she enumerated all the dangers awaiting one striving
for supreme power, and now elated when she thought of the extent
of that power and honor. Therefore she did not dare to dissuade
her son from attempting the great deed and effecting a just
requital, but still she did not venture to urge him on, because
fortune seemed somewhat obscure.[69] She permitted his use of the
name Caesar and in fact was the first to assent. Octavian, having
made inquiry as to what all his friends thought about this also,
without delay accepted both the name and the adoption, with good
fortune and favorable omen.[70]

This was the beginning of good both for himself and all
mankind, but especially for the state and the entire Roman
people. He sent immediately to Asia for the money and means[71]
that Caesar had previously despatched for the Parthian War, and
when he received it along with a year’s tribute from the people
of Asia, contenting himself with the position that had belonged
to Caesar[72] he turned the public property over to the state
treasury. At that time, too, some of his friends urged him as
they had at Apollonia to go to Caesar’s colonies and to levy an
army,[73] inducing the men to join an expedition on his behalf
by employing the prestige of the great name of Caesar.[74] They
declared that the soldiers would gladly follow the leadership of
Caesar’s son and would do everything for him; for there persisted
among them a wonderful loyalty and good will toward Caesar and a
memory of what they had accomplished with him in his lifetime,
and they desired under the auspices of Caesar’s name to win the
power which they had formerly bestowed upon Caesar. However, the
opportunity for this did not seem to be at hand. He therefore
turned his attention toward seeking legally, through a senatorial
decree, the dignity his father had held;[75] and he was careful
not to acquire the reputation of being one who was ambitious and
not a law-abiding man. Accordingly, he listened especially to the
eldest of his friends and those of the greatest experience, and
set out from Brundisium for Rome.[76]

19. From this point my narrative will investigate the manner in
which the assassins formed their conspiracy against Caesar and
how they worked out the whole affair, and what happened afterward
when the whole state was shaken. Accordingly, I shall in the
first place rehearse the circumstances of the plot itself, its
reasons, and its final momentous outcome. In the next place I
shall speak of Octavian on whose account this narrative was
undertaken; how he came into power, and how, after he had taken
his predecessor’s place, he employed himself in deeds of peace
and war.

At first a few men started the conspiracy,[77] but afterwards
many took part, more than are remembered to have taken part
in any earlier plot against a commander. They say that there
were more than eighty who had a share in it.[78] Among those
who had the most influence were: Decimus Brutus, a particular
friend of Caesar, Caius Cassius, and Marcus Brutus, second to
none in the estimation of the Romans at that time. All these
were formerly members of the opposite faction, and had tried to
further Pompeius’ interests,[79] but when he was defeated, they
came under Caesar’s jurisdiction and lived quietly for the time
being; but although Caesar tried to win them over individually by
kindly treatment, they never abandoned their hope of doing him
harm.[80] He on his part was naturally without grudge against the
beaten party, because of a certain leniency of disposition,[81]
but they, using to their own advantage his lack of suspicion, by
seductive words and pretence of deeds treated him in such a way
as to more readily escape detection in their plot. There were
various reasons which affected each and all of them and impelled
them to lay hands on the man. Some of them had hopes of becoming
leaders themselves in his place if he were put out of the way;
others were angered over what had happened to them in the war,
embittered over the loss of their relatives, property, or offices
of state. They concealed the fact that they were angry, and
made the pretense of something more seemly, saying that they
were displeased at the rule of a single man and that they were
striving for a republican form of government. Different people
had different reasons, all brought together by whatever pretext
they happened upon.

At first the ringleaders conspired; then many more joined, some
of their own accord because of personal grievances, some because
they had been associated with the others and wished to show
plainly the good faith in their long-standing friendship, and
accordingly became their associates. There were some who were of
neither of these types, but who had agreed because of the worth
of the others, and who resented the power of one man after the
long-standing republican constitution. They were very glad not
to start the affair themselves, but were willing to join such
company when someone else had initiated proceedings, not even
hesitating to pay the penalty if need be. The reputation which
had long been attached to the Brutus family was very influential
in causing the uprising, for Brutus’ ancestors had overthrown
the kings who ruled from the time of Romulus, and they had first
established republican government in Rome.[82] Moreover, men who
had been friends of Caesar were no longer similarly well disposed
toward him when they saw people who were previously his enemies
saved by him and given honors equal to their own. In fact, even
these others were not particularly well disposed toward him,[83]
for their ancient grudges took precedence over gratitude and made
them forgetful of their good fortune in being saved, while, when
they remembered the good things they had lost in being defeated,
they were provoked. Many also hated him because they had been
saved by him although he had been irreproachable in his behavior
toward them in every respect; but nevertheless, the very thought
of receiving as a favor the benefits which as victors they would
readily have enjoyed, annoyed them very much.

Then there was another class of men, namely those who had
served with him, whether as officers or privates, and who did
not get a share of glory. They asserted that prisoners of war
were enrolled among the veteran forces and that they received
identical pay. Accordingly, his friends were incensed at being
rated as equal to those whom they themselves had taken prisoners,
and indeed they were even outranked by some of them. To many,
also, the fact that they benefitted at his hands, both by gifts
of property and by appointments to offices, was a special source
of grievance, since he alone was able to bestow such benefits,
and everyone else was ignored as of no importance. When he became
exalted through many notable victories (which was fair enough)
and began to think himself super human[84] the common people
worshipped him, but he began to be obnoxious to the optimates and
to those who were trying to obtain a share in the government.
And so, every kind of man combined against him: great and small,
friend and foe, military and political, every one of whom put
forward his own particular pretext for the matter in hand, and
as a result of his own complaints each lent a ready ear to the
accusations of the others. They all confirmed each other in their
conspiracy and they furnished as surety[85] to one another the
grievances which they held severally in private against him.
Hence, though the number of conspirators became so great, no one
dared to give information of the fact. Some say, however, that a
little before his death, Caesar received a note in which warning
of the plot was given, and that he was murdered with it in his
hands before he had a chance to read it, and that it was found
among other notes after his death.[86]

20. However, all this became known subsequently. At that time
some wished to gratify him by voting him one honor after another,
while others treacherously included extravagant honors, and
published them, so that he might become an object of envy and
suspicion to all.[87] Caesar was of guileless disposition and
was unskilled in political practices by reason of his foreign
campaigns, so that he was easily taken in by these people,
supposing, naturally enough, that their commendations came rather
from men who admired him than from men who were plotting against
him.[88]

To those who were in authority this measure was especially
displeasing: that the people were now rendered powerless to make
appointments to office, and that Caesar was given the right of
investure to bestow upon whomsoever he pleased. An ordinance
voted not long before provided this.[89] Furthermore, all sorts
of rumors were being bandied about in the crowd, some telling one
story, others another. Some said that he had decided to establish
a capital of the whole empire in Egypt, and that Queen Cleopatra
had lain with him and borne him a son, named Cyrus, there. This
he himself refuted in his will as false.[90] Others said that he
was going to do the same thing at Troy, on account of his ancient
connection with the Trojan race.[91]

Something else, such as it was, took place which especially
stirred the conspirators against him. There was a golden statue
of him which had been erected on the rostra[92] by vote of the
people. A diadem appeared on it, encircling the head, whereupon
the Romans became very suspicious, supposing that it was a symbol
of servitude. Two of the tribunes, Lucius and Caius,[93] came up
and ordered one of their subordinates to climb up, take it down,
and throw it away. When Caesar discovered what had happened, he
convened the senate in the temple of Concordia[94] and arraigned
the tribunes, asserting that they themselves had secretly placed
the diadem on the statue, so that they might have a chance to
insult him openly and thus get credit for doing a brave deed by
dishonoring the statue, caring nothing either for him or for the
senate. He continued that their action was one which indicated a
more serious resolution and plot: if somehow they might slander
him to the people as a seeker after unconstitutional power, and
thus (themselves stirring up an insurrection) to slay him. After
this address, with the concurrence of the senate he banished
them.[95] Accordingly, they went off into exile and other
tribunes were appointed in their place. Then the people clamored
that he become king and they shouted that there should be no
longer any delay in crowning him as such, for Fortune had already
crowned him. But Caesar declared that although he would grant
the people everything because of their good will toward him,
he would never allow this step; and he asked their indulgence
for contradicting their wishes in preserving the old form of
government, saying that he preferred to hold the office of consul
in accordance with the law to being king illegally.[96]

21. Such was the people’s talk at that time. Later, in the
course of the winter, a festival was held in Rome, called
Lupercalia,[97] in which old and young men together take part in
a procession, naked except for a girdle, and anointed, railing
at those whom they meet and striking them with pieces of goat’s
hide. When this festival came on Marcus Antonius was chosen
director. He proceeded through the forum, as was the custom,
and the rest of the throng followed him. Caesar was sitting in
a golden chair on the Rostra, wearing a purple toga. At first
Licinius[98] advanced toward him carrying a laurel wreath,
though inside it a diadem was plainly visible. He mounted up,
pushed up by his colleagues (for the place from which Caesar was
accustomed to address the assembly was high), and set the diadem
down before Caesar’s feet. Amid the cheers of the crowd he placed
it on Caesar’s head. Thereupon Caesar called Lepidus, the master
of horse, to ward him off, but Lepidus hesitated.[99] In the
meanwhile Cassius Longinus, one of the conspirators, pretending
to be really well disposed toward Caesar so that he might the
more readily escape suspicion, hurriedly removed the diadem and
placed it in Caesar’s lap. Publius Casca was also with him.[100]
While Caesar kept rejecting it, and among the shouts of the
people, Antonius suddenly rushed up, naked and anointed, just as
he was in the procession, and placed it on his head. But Caesar
snatched it off, and threw it into the crowd. Those who were
standing at some distance applauded this action, but those who
were near at hand clamored that he should accept it and not repel
the people’s favor. Various individuals held different views of
the matter. Some were angry, thinking it an indication of power
out of place in a democracy; others, thinking to court favor,
approved; still others spread the report that Antonius had acted
as he did not without Caesar’s connivance. There were many who
were quite willing that Caesar be made king openly. All sorts of
talk began to go through the crowd. When Antonius crowned Caesar
a second time, the people shouted in chorus, ‘Hail, King;’[101]
but Caesar still refusing the crown, ordered it to be taken
to the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, saying that it was more
appropriate there. Again the same people applauded as before.
There is told another story, that Antonius acted thus wishing
to ingratiate himself with Caesar, and at the same time was
cherishing the hope of being adopted as his son.[102] Finally, he
embraced Caesar and gave the crown to some of the men standing
near to place it on the head of the statue of Caesar which was
near by. This they did. Of all the occurrences of that time this
was not the least influential in hastening the action of the
conspirators, for it proved to their very eyes the truth of the
suspicions they entertained.

22. Not long after this,[103] the praetor Cinna propitiated
Caesar to the extent of securing a decree which allowed the
exiled tribunes to return. Though in accordance with the wish
of the people they were not to resume their office, but to
remain private citizens, yet not excluded from public affairs.
Caesar did not prevent their recall, so they returned. Caesar
called the annual comitia (for he had the authority of a decree
to do so)[104] and appointed Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius as
consuls for the ensuing year; for the year after that, Decimus
Brutus, one of the conspirators, and Munatius Plancus. Directly
after this, another thing happened that greatly aroused the
conspirators. Caesar was having a large, handsome forum laid
out in Rome, and he had called together the artisans and was
letting the contracts for its construction. In the meanwhile up
came a procession of Roman nobles, to confer the honors which
had just been voted him by common consent. In the lead was the
consul (the one who was Caesar’s colleague at that time),[105]
and he carried the decree with him. In front of him were lictors,
keeping the crowd back on either side. With the consul came the
praetors, tribunes, quaestors, and all the other officials. Next
came the senate in orderly formation, and then a multitude of
enormous size--never so large. The dignity of the nobles was
awe-inspiring--they were entrusted with the rule of the whole
empire, and yet looked with admiration on another as if he were
still greater. Caesar was seated[106] while they advanced and
because he was conversing with men standing to one side, he did
not turn his head toward the approaching procession or pay any
attention to it, but continued to prosecute the business which
he had on hand, until one of his friends, nearby, said, ‘Look at
these people coming up in front of you.’ Then Caesar laid down
his papers and turned around and listened to what they had come
to say. Now among their number were[107] the conspirators, who
filled the others with ill-will toward him, though the others
were already offended at him because of this incident.

Then those also were excited who wished to lay hands on him
not to recover liberty but to destroy the entire extant system;
they were looking for an opportunity to overcome one who seemed
to be absolutely invincible. For, although he had participated
up to this time in three hundred and two battles in both Asia
and Europe, it appeared that he had never been worsted. Since,
however, he frequently came out by himself and appeared before
them, the hope arose that he could be taken by treachery. They
tried to bring about, somehow, the dismissal of his body guard
by flattering him when they addressed him, saying that he ought
to be considered sacred in the eyes of all and be called ‘pater
patriae’;[108] and by proposing decrees to that effect in the
hope that he would be thus misled and actually trust to their
affection, and that he would dismiss his spearmen in the belief
that he was guarded by the good will of everyone. This actually
came to pass, and made their task far easier.[109]

23. The conspirators never met to make their plans in the open,
but in secret, a few at a time in each other’s houses. As was
natural, many plans were proposed and set in motion by them as
they considered how and when they should commit the awful deed.
Some proposed to attack him while on his way through the ‘Via
sacra’, for he often walked there;[110] others, at the time of
the comitia, when he had to cross a certain bridge[111] to hold
the election of magistrates in the field before the city. They
would so divide their duties by lot that some should jostle him
off the bridge and the others should rush upon him and slay him.
Others proposed that he be attacked when the gladiatorial shows
were held[112] (they were near at hand), for then, because of
these contests no suspicion would be aroused in the sight of men
armed for the deed. The majority urged that he be killed during
the session of the senate, for then he was likely to be alone.
There was no admittance to non-members, and many of the senators
were conspirators, and carried swords under their togas. This
plan was adopted.[113] Fortune had a part in this by causing
Caesar himself to set a certain day on which the members of the
senate were to assemble to consider certain motions which he
wished to introduce. When the appointed day came the conspirators
assembled, prepared in all respects. They met in the portico
of Pompeius’ theatre, where they sometimes gathered. Thus the
divinity showed the vanity of man’s estate--how very unstable
it is, and subject to the vagaries of fortune--for Caesar was
brought to the house of his enemy, there to lie, a corpse, before
the statue of one whom, now dead, he had defeated when he was
alive. And fate becomes a still stronger force if indeed one
acknowledges her part in these things: on that day his friends,
drawing conclusions from certain auguries, tried to prevent him
from going to the senate room, as did also his physicians on
account of vertigoes to which he was sometimes subject, and from
which he was at that time suffering; and especially his wife
Calpurnia, who was terrified by a dream that night. She clung
to him and said that she would not let him go out that day. But
Brutus, one of the conspirators, though he was at that time
thought to be one of his most intimate friends, came up to him
and said: ‘What do you say, Caesar? Are you going to pay any
attention to a woman’s dreams and foolish men’s omens, a man such
as you? Are you going to insult the senate which has honored you
and which you yourself convened, by not going out? No; if you
take my advice you will dismiss from your mind the dreams of
these people and go, for the senate has been in session since
morning, and is awaiting you.’ He was persuaded and went out.