Chapter II: Part 2

24. Meanwhile the assassins were making ready, some of them
stationing themselves beside his chair, others in front of it,
others behind it. The augurs brought forward the victims for him
to make his final sacrifice before his entry into the senate
room. It was manifest that the omens were unfavorable. The augurs
substituted one animal after another in the attempt to secure a
more auspicious forecast. Finally they said that the indications
from the gods were unfavorable and that there was plainly some
sort of curse hiding in the victims. In disgust, Caesar turned
away toward the setting sun,[114] and the augurs interpreted
this action still more unfavorably. The assassins were on hand
and were pleased at all this. Caesar’s friends begged that he
postpone the present session on account of what the soothsayers
had said; and for his part, he was just giving the order[115] to
do this, but suddenly the attendants came to summon him, saying
that the senate had a quorum. Then Caesar cast a look toward his
friends. And Brutus approached him again and said: ‘Come, sir,
turn your back on these people’s nonsense and do not postpone
the business that deserves the attention of Caesar and of the
great empire but consider your own worth a favorable omen.’ Thus
persuading him, he at the same time took him by the hand and led
him in, for the senate-chamber was near by. Caesar followed in
silence. When he came in and the senate saw him, the members rose
out of respect to him. Those who intended to lay hands on him
were all about him. The first to come to him was Tullius Cimber,
whose brother Caesar had exiled, and stepping forward as though
to make an urgent appeal on behalf of his brother, he seized
Caesar’s toga, seeming to act rather boldly for a suppliant,[116]
and thus prevented him from standing up and using his hands if
he so wished. Caesar was very angry, but the men held to their
purpose and all suddenly bared their daggers and rushed upon him.
First Servilius Casca stabbed him on the left shoulder a little
above the collar bone, at which he had aimed but missed through
nervousness. Caesar sprang up to defend himself against him, and
Casca called to his brother, speaking in Greek in his excitement.
The latter obeyed him and drove his sword into Caesar’s side. A
moment before Cassius had struck him obliquely across the face.
Decimus Brutus struck him through the thigh. Cassius Longinus
was eager to give another stroke, but he missed and struck Marcus
Brutus on the hand. Minucius, too, made a lunge at Caesar but he
struck Rubrius on the thigh. It looked as if they were fighting
over Caesar. He fell, under many wounds, before the statue of
Pompey, and there was not one of them but struck him as he lay
lifeless, to show that each of them had had a share in the deed,
until he had received thirty-five wounds, and breathed his
last.[117]

25. A tremendous uproar arose from those who had no knowledge of
the plot and who were rushing terror-stricken from the senate
house, thinking that the same awful thing was going to happen to
themselves also; and from those of Caesar’s associates who were
outside and who thought that the whole senate was involved and
that a large army was on hand for the purpose; and from those
who, ignorant of the affair, were terrified and thrown into
confusion from the suddenness of the noise and from what burst
upon their view (for all at once the assassins, with bloody
daggers in their hands...).[118] The whole place was full of
people running and shouting. There was a crowd, too, in the
theatre, which got up and rushed out in disorder (there happened
to be a gladiatorial exhibition in progress) knowing nothing
definite of what had happened but frightened by the shouting all
about them. Some said that the senate was being slaughtered by
gladiators, others that Caesar had been murdered and that his
army had started to pillage the city; some got one impression,
others another. There was nothing clear to be heard, for there
was a continuous tumult until the people saw the assassins and
Marcus Brutus trying to stop the outcry and exhorting[119] the
people to be of good courage, for that no evil had taken place.
The sum and substance of his words (as the rest of the assassins
also loudly boasted) was that they had slain a tyrant. It was
proposed by some of the conspirators that they ought to put out
of the way still others who were likely to oppose them and again
try to gain control. They say that Marcus Brutus restrained
them,[120] declaring that it was not right to kill, for the
sake of vague suspicion, people against whom there was no clear
charge; and this view prevailed. Then rushing forth the assassins
fled in haste through the forum up to the Capitoline, carrying
their swords bare and shouting that they had acted in behalf
of common freedom. A great crowd of gladiators and slaves, who
had been prepared for the purpose, followed them. There was
much running in the streets and through the forum, now that the
news that Caesar had been murdered became known to the throng.
The city looked as if it had been occupied by an enemy. After
the conspirators had ascended the Capitoline, they distributed
themselves in a circle about the place and mounted guard, fearing
that Caesar’s soldiers would attack them.

26. The body of Caesar lay just where it fell, ignominiously
stained with blood--a man who had advanced westward as far as
Britain and the Ocean, and who had intended to advance eastward
against the realms of the Parthians and Indi,[121] so that,
with them also subdued, an empire of all land and sea might be
brought under the power of a single head. There he lay, no one
daring to remain to remove the body. Those of his friends who
had been present had run away, and those who were away remained
hidden in their houses, or else changed their clothing and went
out into the country districts nearby. Not one of his many
friends stood by him, either while he was being slaughtered or
afterward, except Calvisius Sabinus and Censorinus,[122] but
these also, though they offered some slight opposition when
Brutus and Cassius and their followers made their attack, had
to flee because of the greater number of their opponents. All
the others looked out for themselves and some even acquiesced in
what had occurred. They say that one of them thus addressed the
body: ‘Enough of truckling to a tyrant.’ A little later, three
slaves,[123] who were nearby, placed the body on a litter and
carried it home through the forum, showing, where the covering
was drawn back on each side, the hands hanging limp and the
wounds on the face. Then no one refrained from tears, seeing
him who had lately been honored like a god. Much weeping and
lamentation accompanied them from either side, from mourners
on the roofs, in the streets, and in the vestibules. When they
approached his house, a far greater wailing met their ears, for
his wife rushed out with a number of women and servants, calling
on her husband and bewailing her lot in that she had in vain
counseled him not to go out on that day. But he had met with a
fate far worse than she ever expected.

26 b. These were now preparing for his burial, but the assassins had
secured a number of gladiators some time previous to the deed
when they were about to attack him and had placed them under
arms, between the senate house and the theatre in Pompeius’
arcade. Decimus Brutus had got them ready under the pretext that
he wished to seize one of the gladiators who were assembling in
that theatre, a man whom he had previously hired. (The contests
were taking place at that time,[124] and as he was going to
conduct some himself, he pretended that he was jealous of the
present exhibitor.) As a matter of fact, this preparation was
more with reference to the assassination, so that, in case
any resistance should be offered by Caesar’s guards,[125]
the conspirators should have assistance at hand. With these
gladiators and an additional throng of slaves they descended
from the Capitoline. Calling together the people, they decided
to test them and the magistrates, finding out how they were
regarded by them; whether they were looked upon as having ended
a tyranny or as murderers. ...[126] that still greater ills
were likely to burst forth in consequence of the late deed; for
the action had taken place with no inconsiderable forethought
and preparation on the part of those who accomplished it, and
on the part of those against whom the plot was laid; and that
there was a considerable number of Caesar’s auxiliary troops
and important commanders still left, who would take over the
task of carrying out his plans. There was profound silence then
because of the unusual nature of the situation, for men’s minds
were confused, everyone watching eagerly to see what bold move
might first be made in such a crisis, and be the beginning of a
revolution. Meanwhile since the people were quietly awaiting the
consequences, Marcus Brutus (honored throughout his whole life
because of his discretion and the renown of his ancestors and
the fairness which he was supposed to have) made the following
speech.[127] (See my work: ‘Concerning Public Speeches.’)

27. After this harangue the conspirators withdrew again to the
Capitoline and took council[128] as to what ought to be done
under the present circumstances. They decided to send envoys to
Lepidus and Antonius to persuade them to come to them in the
temple[129] and there confer with them in planning the future
of the state; and to promise them that everything which they
possessed from Caesar’s hands would be considered as authorized
gifts, so that there would be no cause for dissent on these
grounds.[130] When the envoys arrived Antonius and Lepidus said
that they would answer on the following day. These things were
done in the late evening, and a greater confusion laid hold on
the city. Everyone saw to his own property, deserting the public
interests, for they feared sudden plots and attacks, seeing
that the leaders were encamped under arms in opposition to each
other; nor was it yet clear to them who would gain complete
control. When night came on they dispersed. On the following day
the consul Antonius was under arms; and Lepidus,[131] having
collected a considerable force of auxiliaries proceeded through
the middle of the forum, having decided to avenge Caesar. When
those who had previously been in doubt saw this, they joined
Antonius and Lepidus, with their respective retinues under arms,
and the result was an army of considerable size. There were some
who acted thus through fear, not wishing to seem too delighted
at Caesar’s death, and at the same time looking to their future
interests by joining the consuls.

Many messages were sent to those who had benefitted at
Caesar’s hands (whether through grants of dwelling places in
cities, through grants of land, or allotments of money) saying
that everything would be changed unless some strenuous efforts
were exerted by them as well. Then his friends received many
mournful entreaties, reminding those especially who had once
taken the field with him how he had suffered death abandoned
by his friends, great as he was. Accordingly, many joined the
consuls out of compassion and friendship, finding a chance for
private gain as well as what would result from a revolution,[132]
especially since the course of their opponents seemed to lack
vigor and was not what they previously expected it to be when
they believed that they had a stronger force. Now it was openly
said that Caesar must be avenged, and that this was the only
thing to do, and that his death must not go unpunished. Gathering
into groups they expressed various views, some suggesting one
course, others another.

However, those who advocated a republican form of government
were gratified at the whole change, and only blamed Caesar’s
murderers because they had not done away with more of the people
who were at that time viewed with suspicion, and thus brought
about a real liberty; for those who were still left would be
likely to give considerable trouble. There were also men who had
a reputation for greater foresight, and who had gained knowledge
from experience with what had happened before in Sulla’s time;
they cautioned one another to keep to a middle course, for at
the time of Sulla those who were thought to have been destroyed,
suddenly took fresh courage and drove out their late conquerors.
They declared that Caesar would give his murderers and their
companions much trouble, even though he was dead, since here was
a large force threatening them, with energetic men in charge of
it.

Antonius and his associates before preparing for action sent a
legation to parley with the forces on the Capitoline, but later,
emboldened by the amount of their arms and the number of their
men, they felt justified in taking full charge of the government,
and ending the disturbance in the city. First of all they took
council (having asked their friends to be present) how they ought
to act toward the assassins. Lepidus proposed that they should
fight them and avenge Caesar.[133] Hirtius thought that they
should discuss the matter with them and come to friendly terms.
Someone else,[134] supporting Lepidus, expressed the opposite
opinion, saying that it would be sacrilegious to pass by the
murder of Caesar unavenged, and furthermore, it would not be
safe for all those who had been his friends; ‘for even if the
murderers are inactive now, yet as soon as they get more power,
they will go still further.’ Antonius favored the proposal of
Hirtius, and voted to save them. There were others who urged that
they be dismissed from the city under truce.[135]

28. After the great Caesar’s death and burial, his friends
counselled Octavian to cultivate Antonius’ friendship, and put
him in charge of his interests....[136] And though there were
many other contributory causes toward disagreement between
them, he[137] seemed the more to incite enmity between them,
for he was at odds with Octavian, and a partisan of Antonius.
Octavian, however, in no wise frightened, because of his high
spirit, gave some exhibitions on the occasion of the festival of
Venus Genetrix which his father had established. He again[138]
approached Antonius with a number of his friends, requesting that
permission be given for the throne and wreath to be set up in his
father’s honor. Antonius made the same threat as before, if he
did not drop that proposal and keep quiet. Octavian withdrew and
made no opposition to the veto of the consul. When he entered
the theatre, however, the people applauded him loudly, and his
father’s soldiers, angered because he had been prevented from
paying tribute to the honored memory of his father, gave him, as
a mark of their approval, one round of applause after another
all through the performance. Then he counted out for the people
their allotted money, and that secured him their especial good
will.[139]

From that day Antonius was manifestly still more ill disposed
toward Octavian who stood in the way of the people’s zeal for
him. Octavian saw (what had become very plain to him from the
present situation) that he was in need of political authority. He
also saw that the consuls,[140] secure in much power, were openly
resisting him and appropriating still more power for themselves.
Even the city treasury, which his father had filled with funds,
they had emptied within two months[141] after Caesar’s death,
wasting money in large lots on any excuse that offered in the
general confusion; and furthermore they were on good terms with
the assassins.[142] So Octavian was the only one left to avenge
his father, for Antonius let the whole matter pass, and was even
in favor of an amnesty for the assassins. A number of men,
indeed, joined Octavian, but many joined Antonius and Dolabella
also. There were others who, from a middle ground, tried to
foment enmity between them, and in doing so....[143] The chief
of these were the following men: Publius, Vibius, Lucius, and
especially Cicero.[144] Octavian was not ignorant of the reason
why they associated themselves with him, trying to provoke him
against Antonius, but he did not repel them, for he wished to
have their assistance and a more powerful guard thrown around
him, though he was aware that each of these men was very little
concerned over public interests but that they were looking about
for an opportunity to acquire public office and supreme power. To
their mind, the man who had previously enjoyed that power was out
of the way, and Octavian was altogether too young and not likely
to hold out against so great a tumult, with one man looking out
for one thing, another for another, and all of them seizing what
they could for their own gain. For with all attention to public
welfare put away, and with the foremost citizens separated into
many factions, and everyone trying to encompass all the power for
himself, or at least as much of it as could be detached, the rule
showed many strange aspects.

Lepidus, who had broken off a part of Caesar’s army and who was
trying to seize the command himself, was in nearer Spain; he also
held the part of Gaul which borders on the upper sea.[145] Gallia
Comata Lucius Munatius Plancus, the consul elect, held with
another army.[146] Further Spain was in charge of Gaius Asinius,
with another army.[147] Decimus Brutus held Cisalpine Gaul[148]
with two legions, against whom Antonius was just preparing to
march. Gaius Brutus[149] laid claim to Macedonia,[150] and was
just about to cross over to that place from Italy; Cassius
Longinus laid claim to Syria, though he had been appointed
praetor for Illyria.[151] So many were the armies that had been
assembled at that time, so many the commanders in charge, each
of whom was trying to get complete power into his own hands
without consideration of law and justice, every matter being
decided according to the amount of force that was available for
application in each case. Octavian alone, to whom all the power
had justly been bequeathed,[152] in accordance with the authority
of him who had obtained it in the first instance, and because
of his relationship to him, was without any share of authority
whatever, and he was buffeted between the political envy and
greed of men who were lying in wait to attack him and seize
the supreme command. Divine providence finally ordered these
things aright. But for the present fearing for his life, knowing
Antonius’ attitude toward him and yet quite unable to change it,
Octavian remained at home and awaited his opportunity.

29. The first move in the city came from his father’s
soldiers,[153] who resented Antonius’ contempt for them. At first
they discussed their own forgetfulness of Caesar in allowing his
son to be thus insulted, that son for whom they all ought to act
as guardians if they were to take any account of what was just
and righteous. Then gathering in a great company and reproaching
themselves still more bitterly they set out for Antonius’ house
(for he also was relying on them) and made some plain statements
to him: that he ought to treat Octavian more fairly and keep in
mind his father’s instructions; that it was their sacred duty
not to overlook these, but to carry out even the details of his
memoranda, not to mention supporting the man he had named as his
son and successor; that they saw that to Antonius and Octavian
a reconciliation would be most advantageous at the present time
because of the multitude of foes pressing on from every side.
After this speech Antonius in order not to seem to be opposing
their endeavor, for he happened to be really in need of their
services,[154] said that he approved of and desired that very
course, if only Octavian would also act with moderation and
render him the honor which was his due; that he was ready to have
a conference with him in their presence and within their hearing.
They were satisfied with this and agreed to conduct him into the
Capitol and act as mediators in the reconciliation if he should
so desire. He then assented and immediately went up into the
temple of Jupiter, and sent them after Octavian.

They were pleased and went to his house in a great body, so
that he felt some anxiety when it was announced that there was
a large crowd of soldiers outside and that some were in the
house looking for him. In his agitation, he first went upstairs
with his friends who happened to be present, and looking down,
asked the men what they wanted and why they had come, and then
he discovered that they were his own soldiers. They answered
that they had come for his own good and that of his whole party,
if he also was willing to forget what Antonius had done, for
his actions had not been pleasing to them either; that he and
Antonius ought to put aside all resentment and be reconciled
simply and sincerely. Then one of them called out in a somewhat
louder voice and bade him be of good cheer and be assured that
he had inherited all their support, for they thought of his late
father as of a god, and would do and suffer anything for his
successors. Another one shouted out still more loudly and said
that he would make away with Antonius with his own hands if he
did not observe the provisions of Caesar’s will and keep faith
with the senate. Octavian, encouraged at this, went downstairs to
them, and embracing them showed much pleasure at their eager good
will toward him. They seized him and led him in triumph through
the forum to the Capitol, vieing with each other in their zeal,
some because of their dislike of Antonius’ rule and others out
of reverence for Caesar and his heir; others led on (and rightly
enough) by the hope of obtaining great advantages at his hands,
and still others who were eager for revenge on the assassins,
believing that this would be accomplished most readily through
the boy if they had the assistance of the consul also. In fact,
all those who approached him advised him out of good will not
to be contentious but to think of their own safety, and how he
could gain more supporters, remembering how unexpected Caesar’s
death had been. Octavian heard all this and saw that the people’s
zeal for him was natural; he then entered the Capitol and saw
there many more of his father’s soldiers, on whom Antonius was
relying, but who were really far better disposed toward himself,
if Antonius should try to injure him in any way. The majority of
the throng withdrew and the two leaders with their friends were
left to discuss the situation.[155]

30. When Octavian went home after his reconciliation with
Antonius, the latter, left to himself, became provoked again at
seeing the good will of all the soldiers inclining very much
toward Octavian.[156] For they held that he was Caesar’s son
and that he had been proclaimed his heir in his will, that he
was called by the same name and that he exhibited excellent
promise from the very energy of his nature, of which Caesar had
taken cognizance in bringing about his adoption no less than
of his degree of kinship, in the belief that he alone might
be entrusted with preserving all of Caesar’s authority and the
dignity of his house. When Antonius reflected on all this he
changed his mind again, especially when he saw the Caesarian
soldiers desert him right before his eyes and escort Octavian
in a body from the temple. Some thought that he would not have
refrained from apprehending Octavian, had he not been in fear
of the soldiers, lest they should set on him and mete out
punishment, easily diverting all his faction from him; for each
of them had an army which was waiting to see how things would
turn out. Reflecting on all this, he still delayed and hesitated,
although he had changed his mind. Octavian, however, actually
believing that the reconciliation between them was in good
faith, went every day to Antonius’ house, as was quite proper,
since Antonius was consul and an older man and a friend of his
father’s; and he paid him every other respect according to his
promise until Antonius did him a second wrong in the following
manner: Having acquired the province of Gaul in exchange for
Macedonia,[157] he transferred the troops which were in the
latter place to Italy, and when they arrived he left Rome and
went down as far as Brundisium to meet them.[158] Then, thinking
that he had a suitable opportunity for what he had in mind, he
spread a report that he was being plotted against, and seizing
some soldiers, he threw them into chains, on the pretext that
they had been sent for this very purpose of killing him. He
hinted at Octavian but did not definitely name him. The report
quickly ran through the city that the consul had been plotted
against, but had seized the men who had come to attack him. Then
his friends gathered at his house, and soldiers under arms were
summoned. In the late afternoon the report reached Octavian also
that Antonius had been in danger of being assassinated, and that
he was sending for troops to guard him that night. Immediately
Octavian sent word to him that he was ready to stand beside
his bed with his own retinue to keep him safe, for he thought
that the plot had been laid by some of the party of Brutus and
Cassius. He was thus in readiness to do an act of kindness
entirely unsuspicious of the rumor Antonius had started or of
the plot. Antonius, however, did not even permit the messenger
to be received indoors, but dismissed him discourteously. The
messenger returned after hearing fuller reports and announced to
Octavian that his name was being mentioned among the men about
Antonius’ door as being himself the man who had despatched the
assassins against Antonius, who now were in prison. Octavian
when he heard this at first did not believe it because of its
improbable sound, but soon he perceived that the whole plan
had been directed against himself, so he considered with his
friends as to what he should do. Philippus and Atia[159] his
mother came also, at loss over the strange turn of affairs, and
desiring to know what the report meant and what were Antonius’
intentions. They advised Octavian to withdraw from the city at
once for a few days until the matter could be investigated and
cleared up. He, unconscious of any guilt, thought that it would
be a serious matter for him to conceal himself and in a way
incriminate himself, for he would gain nothing toward his safety
by withdrawing, while he might the more easily be destroyed in
secret if he were away from home. Such was the discussion in
which he was then engaged.

On the following morning he sat as usual with his friends and
gave orders that the doors be opened to those of his townsmen,
guests, and soldiers who were accustomed to visit him and greet
him, and he conversed with them all in his usual way, in no wise
changing his daily routine. But Antonius called an assembly of
his friends and said in their presence that he was aware that
Octavian had even earlier been plotting against him, and that
when he was to leave the city to go to the army that had come for
him, he had provided Octavian with this opportunity against him.
That one of the men sent to accomplish the crime had, by means of
substantial bribes, turned informer in the matter; and hence he
had seized the others; and he had now called his friends together
to hear their opinions as to what should be done in the light of
the recent events. When Antonius had spoken the members of his
council asked to be shown where the men were who had been seized,
so that they might find out something from them. Then Antonius
pretended that this had nothing to do with the present business,
since, forsooth, it had already been confessed to; and he turned
the discourse into other channels, watching eagerly for someone
to propose that they ought to take vengeance on Octavian and not
quietly submit. However, they all sat in silent thought, since no
apparent proof lay before them, until someone said that Antonius
would do well to dismiss the assembly, saying that he ought
to act moderately and not stir up any disturbance, for he was
consul. After this discussion, Antonius dismissed the assembly.
Two or three days afterward, he set out for Brundisium to take
over the army which had now arrived there. There was no further
discussion about the plot, and when he left, his friends who
remained behind dismissed the whole matter, and no one ever saw
any of the conspirators who were alleged to have been taken.[160]

31. Octavian, although now exonerated from the charge, was none
the less chagrined at the talk about him, interpreting it as
evidence of a great conspiracy against him. He thought that if
Antonius had happened to get the army on his side by means of
bribes he would not have delayed in attacking him, not because
he had been wronged in any respect, but simply led on to that
course as an outcome of his former hopes. It was manifest that a
man who had concocted this charge would go further to others and
that he would have been eager to do this from the first if he had
not had to fear the army. Accordingly Octavian was filled with
righteous indignation against Antonius and with some concern for
his own person, now that the other’s intention had become plain.
Reviewing all contingencies, he saw that he must not remain
quiet, for this was not safe, but that he must seek out some aid
wherewith to oppose the other’s power and strategems. So then,
reflecting upon this question, he decided that he had better take
refuge in his father’s colonies, where his father had granted
allotments and founded cities, to remind the people of Caesar’s
beneficence and to bewail his fate and his own sufferings, and
thus to secure their support, attracting them also by gifts of
money. He thought that this would be his only safe course, that
it would redound greatly to his fame, and that it would also
redeem the prestige of his family. It was a far better and juster
course than to be pushed aside out of his inherited honor by men
who had no claim to it, and finally to be foully and nefariously
slain just as his father had been. After consulting over this
with his friends and after sacrificing, with good fortune, to
the gods, that they might be his assistants in his just and
glorious endeavor, he set out, taking with him a considerable
sum of money, first of all into Campania where were the Seventh
and Eighth Legions (for that is what the Romans call their
regiments). He thought that he ought first to sound the feelings
of the Seventh, for its fame was greater, and with this colony
aligned in his favor, and many others with it ...[161] and in
this plan and in the events that followed, he had the approval of
his friends. These were: Marcus Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus
Juventius, Marcus Modialius, and Lucius.[162] Other officers,
centurions, and soldiers followed, as well as a multitude of
slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and the supplies.
As for his mother,[163] he decided not to acquaint her with his
plan, lest, out of affection and weakness, like a woman and a
mother, she might be a hindrance to his great purpose. He gave
out openly that he was going to Campania to sell some of his
father’s property there, to take the money and put it to the uses
that his father had enjoined. But even so, he went off entirely
without her consent.

At that time Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cassius were at
Dicaearchia,[164] and when they learned of the throng that
was accompanying Octavian from Rome (the messengers having
exaggerated the report, as usually happens) they were struck
with much fear and consternation, thinking that the expedition
was directed against themselves. They took to flight across the
Adriatic. Brutus went to Achaea, Cassius to Syria. When Octavian
arrived in Calatia in Campania,[165] the inhabitants received him
as the son of their benefactor and treated him with the highest
honor. On the following day he disclosed the whole situation to
them and he appealed to the soldiers, telling them how unjustly
his father had been killed and how he was himself being plotted
against. As he spoke, some of the decurions did not wish to
listen at all, but the people did so eagerly and with good will,
and they sympathized with him, frequently bidding him to be of
good cheer, for they would not neglect him but would assist him
in every way until he should be established in his inherited
rights. Then he invited them to his house and gave each of them
five hundred drachmae; and the next day he called together the
members of the curia and appealed to them not to be outdone in
good will by the people, but to remember Caesar who had given
them the colony and their position of honor. He promised that
they would experience no less benefits at his own hands. He
showed that it was more fitting for him to enjoy their aid and to
make use of their influence and arms than for Antonius to do so.
They were aroused to a greater zeal to help him and to undertake
trouble and danger with him if need be. Octavian commended their
zeal and asked them to accompany him as far as the neighboring
colonies, and furnish him safe-conduct. The people were pleased
at this and gladly complied, escorting him under arms to the
next colony.[166] And gathering these also into an assembly, he
addressed them. He succeeded in persuading both legions to escort
him to Rome through the other colonies to Rome and strenuously to
repel any act of violence on the part of Antonius. He attracted
other soldiers also with high pay, and on the march he trained
and instructed the new recruits, sometimes individually and
sometimes in squads, telling them that they were going against
Antonius. He sent some of his followers who were preeminent for
intelligence and daring to Brundisium,[167] to see if they could
also win the forces just arrived from Macedonia over to his
side, bidding them remember his father Caesar and not to betray
his son. He instructed his propagandists that if they could not
achieve their purpose in the open, they were to write this
out and scatter it all about so that the men could pick up the
notices and read them;[168] and in order that they might join his
party he made promises that filled the rest with hope of what
they would receive from him when he came into his power. So they
departed.

(End of the life of Augustus and of the narrative of
Nicolaus of Damascus.)

COMMENTARY

1. [1] Σεβαστός, Augustus, must be understood. The word was
doubtless given in the context immediately preceding the present
opening sentence. The title was proposed by Plancus and was
ratified by the senate on January 16, 27 B.C. (CIL 1^2 p. 307,
Suet., Aug. 7, 2; Dio 53, 16, 6-8; 20, 1; Liv., Epit. 134; Vell.
2, 91, 1; Flor. 2, 34; Mon. Anc. 6, 16). Nicolaus attaches no
significance of divinity to the title, though Suetonius and
Dio do so. Verg., Ec. 1, 6; G. 1, 24-39, speaks of Octavian as
divine, but no attribute of divinity is mentioned in the Aeneid
with reference to Augustus.

[2] Nicolaus does not necessarily infer that an imperial cult
existed at this period in Italy, and hence is not at variance
with Suet., Aug. 52; Dio 51, 20, where it is stated that Augustus
did not permit an imperial cult in Italy, although he allowed
temples to be erected to ‘Rome and Augustus’ in the provinces.
See also H. Heinen, Klio 11, pp. 139 ff.; W. S. Ferguson, Am.
Hist. Rev., 18, pp. 243 ff. J. Asbach, Rh. Mus., 37, p. 297, is
mistaken in reasoning that Augustus must have died before any
worship could have taken place. L. R. Taylor, Trans. Am. Philol.
Ass., 51, p. 124 suggests that whatever savored of an imperial
cult in Italy from 30 B.C. on, was in fact simply a cult of the
_genius_ of the emperor (Dio 51, 19, 7; Ov., Fast. 2, 637; Hor.,
Od. 4, 5, 31-35).

[3] Drusus’ expedition of 11 B.C. is probably alluded to (Vell.,
2, 97, 2-3; Suet., Aug., 21; Dio 35, 2, 4; Tac., Ann., 2, 26,
12, 39). There is a noteworthy consonance between the phrase
of Nicolaus, ‘nor had they been subject within the memory of
any one’ and Mon. Anc., 5, 44, ‘Pannoniorum gentes quas ante me
principem populi Romani exercitus nunquam adiit.’ This may be due
to the use by Nicolaus of Augustus’ memoirs.

[4] Adriatic.

[5] Tiberius succeeded Agrippa as leader of expeditions against
the Pannonians (Mon. Anc., 30; Dio 54, 36, 2-3).

[6] A remark of the excerptor is enclosed within the parentheses.

2. [7] Nicolaus employs the method of a Peripatetic in presenting
the order of events in the life of an individual. (Leo, die
Griech. Röm. Biogr., p. 190).

[8] His family was from Velitrae (Suet., Aug., 1, 94; Dio 45, 1,
1). C. Octavius the father was praetor (Cic., Q. frat. 1, 1, 7)
and proconsul for Macedonia (Suet., Aug., 3; CIL 6, 1311) and was
only prevented by death from attaining the consulship. (Cic.,
Phil., 3, 6, 15).

[9] C. Octavius is characterized as rich by Velleius (2, 59).

[10] C. Octavius died in 58 B.C. when his son was 4 years old
(Suet., Aug., 8).

[11] One of those involved was C. Toranius, who had been an
aedile with the elder C. Octavius (CIL 6, 1311). He was in due
time proscribed by Augustus, (App., 4, 12; Suet., Aug., 27) so
that Octavius’ remission of his claims and apparent satisfaction
with his remainder as expressed by Nicolaus did not prevent a
subsequent day of reckoning.

3. [12] Nicolaus’ statement of Octavius’ age is not corroborated
by Suetonius (Aug. 8) nor by Quintilian (12, 6, 1) who give
Octavius’ age as 12 years when the oration was given. Perhaps
separate occasions are referred to by Nicolaus and the other
writers. If a closer agreement is to be desired, ἐννέα could be
altered to ἕνδεκα (Müller). Suetonius identifies this occasion
with the death of Octavius’ grandmother Julia, while Nicolaus
does not expressly do so. His mention of Julia’s death in the
following sentence, however, admits of the inference that the one
occurrence suggested the other to his mind, and that there was
therefore some connection between them.

[13] With a single exception the name Atia is written Antia
throughout the excerpt. She was C. Octavius’ second wife (Plut.,
Ant. 31) and was from Aricia (Cic., Phil., 3, 6, 16; Suet., Aug.,
4).

[14] Incorrect as the text stands. Valesius indicated that L.
Marcius Philippus’ ancestor, Q. Marcius Philippus, was engaged
not with Philip V of Macedonia but with his son Perseus (CIL 1,
p. 359). Either Nicolaus was misinformed, or Φίλιππον has been
inserted in the text by attraction in place of Περσέα. Cicero
(Att. 12, 9) calls L. Philippus ‘son of Amyntas’ jokingly.
Amyntas was the father of the great Philip of Macedon.

Q. Philippus was actually in Macedonia during Philip’s lifetime
according to Livy (39, 48; 40, 2-3). The passage in Nicolaus
shows that the Marcii of Cicero’s day were descended from the
noble Marcii active during the 2nd century B.C.

[15] Octavius’ youth was spent in Rome and the vicinity (Suet.,
Aug. 94).

[16] One of the instructors was one Epidius (Suet., Rhet. 4). For
the question of his identification, see Schanz, Röm. Lit. Gesch.,
1, p. 290.

4. [17] Beginning of 49 B.C.

[18] L. Philippus had a country place near Cicero’s at Astura
(Cic., Att., 12, 16; 12, 18, 1).

[19] On October 18, 48 B.C. (CIL 10, 8375; Dessau, Ins. Lat.
Sel., 108) since Octavius was born on September 23, 63 B.C., he
was about 15 years old. Suetonius is correct in Aug. 8 where he
speaks of Octavius as in his twelfth year, that is 11 years of
age, and places the assumption of the toga virilis 4 years later.

[20] L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was killed at Pharsalus (Cic.,
Phil., 2, 71; Caes., B. C., 3, 99; Suet., Nero, 2). Culex 26
and 27, ‘Octavi venerande’ and ‘sancte puer’ show that this
was addressed to Octavius after his election to the office of
pontifex; see Class. Philol. 15, p. 26.

[21] The election of Octavius was, of course, at the request of
Julius Caesar.

[22] That of pontifex (Cic., Phil., 5, 17; Vell., 2, 59).

[23] Valesius took this to be a reference to a custom prevalent
in Rome in Cicero’s time. Foppish young men and even senators
were to be seen arrayed not in the ordinary Roman, but in Eastern
garb. See Cic., pro Rab. Post., 10, 27, where, however, there is
a slight corruption of the text.

5. [24] In the autumn of 47, if both consuls were present as
Nicolaus says. The Feriae Latinae were inaugurated in 49 (CIL 1,
p. 440, Fasti Cos. Capitolini). The following year, 48, Caesar
was absent in the East, as was also the case in 46 and 45. In 45
‘a certain prefect’ conducted the Feriae (Dio 43, 48) for Caesar
was then sole consul; in 48 and 46 the other consul was probably
in charge. For 48 this was Servilius Isauricus and for 46,
Lepidus.

[25] As praefectus urbi. Nicolaus is correct and the other
authors are wrong. App., 3, 9; Dio 43, 51; Plin., N. H., 7,
147 say that Octavius became magister equitum in this year.
Gardthausen, Aug. und seine Zeit, p. 48, shows that there is a
possibility for confusion between the terms praefectus urbi and
magister equitum in the writings of the later Greek historians.
The latter office would be considerably too responsible for a
youth of 16 years, while it is conceivable that the duties of
praefectus urbi, at least during the period of the Feriae when
the city was almost entirely deserted, would not be excessively
onerous. Strabo 5, C. 229 and Dio 49, 42 show that the practice
of appointing youths for this office was continued by Augustus.

[26] The proper duty of the praefectus urbi (CIL 2, 3387).

6. [27] He started for Spain in April, 49 B.C. (Cic., Att. 10,
3a) and in due time brought about the surrender of Afranius
(Caes., B. C., 1, 37-87; App. 2, 42; Dio 41, 22; Suet., Caes. 34;
75).

[28] Pharsalus, August 9 (= June 7 corrected calendar) 48 B.C.
(Caes., B. C., 3, 75-99; App. 2, 64-82; Dio 41, 51-63; CIL 1^2 p.
324).

[29] Referring to the Bellum Alexandrinum. In point of fact,
Caesar left Egypt nominally free to be ruled by Cleopatra.

[30] The Black Sea. The reference is to the battle at Zela with
Pharnaces, son of Mithradates, whom he overcame on August 2/May
21, 47 B.C. (CIL 1^2 p. 244). This was the occasion of the
celebrated ‘veni vidi vici.’

[31] Caesar embarked at Lilybaeum on December 25, 47 B.C. (Caes.,
B. Af., 2).

7. [32] Caesar arrived July 29, 46 B.C. (Caes., B. Af. 98). The
decisive battle was Thapsus, April 6, reported in Rome about
April 20 (Cic., Fam. 9, 2).

[33] It was Caesar’s practice to put to death any who fell
captive to him a second time (Dio 41, 62; 43, 17; 44, 45; 44,
46; Suet., Caes., 75). In describing the incident which follows,
however, Nicolaus seems to have exaggerated the importance of
Octavius’ exploit, for in every case of similar circumstances
Caesar allowed each of his subordinates to secure the release of
one prisoner. Dio 43, 12-13 says further that Caesar released
Cato’s son and ‘most of the rest.’ Nicolaus evidently drew from
Augustus’ personal memoirs of his youth for this portion of the
biography, and found it advantageous to emphasize Octavius’ act
at this juncture. For a contemporary commentary, see Cic., Fam.
6, 13, 3, where Caesar is said to be especially incensed at those
involved in the African disturbance, but that with the lapse of
time he seems to have become more indulgent toward them.

[34] This is the first indication that Agrippa was already a
companion of Octavius. See Sen., Epis., 15, 2, 46.

8. [35] Caesar had 4 triumphs: for Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and
Africa (Liv., Epit., 115; App., 2, 101; Dio 43, 19).

[36] Octavius was, through his mother, grandson of Caesar’s
sister Julia. Suetonius (Caes. 83, 1) is explicit in stating
that Caesar’s will whereby Octavius was adopted as Caesar’s
son, was made on September 13, 45 B.C. Nicolaus has here either
anticipated this accepted date by something more than a year, or
else he had access to a statement in Augustus’ memoirs to the
effect that Octavius knew of the existence of an earlier will in
which he had been made Caesar’s adopted son.

[37] Nicolaus is probably referring to the ‘cognomen imperatoris’
and not to the ‘praenomen imperatoris.’ According to Dio 43, 44,
the ‘praenomen imperatoris’ was not conferred upon Caesar until
after the battle of Munda, some seven months later. However, if
Nicolaus felt any unusual significance in the title Imperator as
here mentioned, we have an indication that Caesar actually held
the new title prior to the date given by Dio. Suetonius (Caes.
76) including ‘praenomen imperatoris’ in a group of various
honors conferred upon Caesar, gives no date or correlative
occurrence in this connection. See McFayden, The History of the
Title Imperator under the Roman Empire, Chicago 1920, pp. 7 ff.

9. [38] The plays and games (Cic., Fam. 12, 18, 2; Livy, Epit.,
115; Dio 43, 22-24; App. 2, 102; Plut., Caes., 55; Suet., Aug.,
39; Vell. 2, 56) were given immediately after Caesar’s dedication
of the temple to Venus Genetrix on September 26, (= July 20
corrected calendar) 46 B.C. Augustus continued these games
annually as the ‘ludi Victoriae Caesaris’ on July 25. Vergil
seems to have them in mind in writing Aeneid 5 and Catalepton 14,
see Class. Quart. 14, p. 156. The ludi Romani and ludi Graeci
were given separately (Suet., Aug. 45; Tac., Annal. 14, 15). See
also CIL 6, 32323; Dessau, Ins. Lat., 5050, an account of the
Ludi Saeculares of 17 B.C. In addition to the Theatre of Pompey,
a temporary wooden stage was erected for the ludi Latini in 46
B.C. as in 17 B.C. (line 154 of the inscription).

[39] The effects of the sunstroke were, however, apparently
lasting throughout Octavius’ life. He was unable to withstand
the Italian sun even in winter, and never went out into the open
without a hat (Suet., Aug., 82).

10. [40] To Spain. He started apparently in November of 46 B.C. He
was still in Rome on September 24 (Cic., Fam., 6, 14, 2). Nearly
a month was consumed in his journey thither (Strabo 3, 4, 9; App.
2, 103; Suet., Caes., 56).

[41] Sextus Pompeius had 11 legions in all. Caesar had sent to
Cicero in January, 45 B.C., a copy of a letter which he had
received from L. Vibius Paciaecus, one of his subordinates in
Spain who was in a position to know, and who gave this figure
(Cic., Fam., 6, 18, 2).

[42] Seven months had not elapsed between Caesar’s departure from
Rome and the battle of Munda (March 17, 45 B.C.).

11. [43] Carteia, on the Bay of Gibraltar. Octavius must have
arrived after the battle of Munda had taken place, otherwise
Nicolaus certainly would have mentioned his presence at that
encounter, Caesar’s last successful one. Caesar wrote to Cicero
from Hispalis, his next stopping point (Caes., B. Hisp., 39) on
April 30 (Cic., Att., 13, 20, 1). Octavius’ arrival at Carteia
was therefore some time in May.

[44] σύνεσιν. There seems to be no valid reason for altering the
text, with Müller, to σύντασιν, ‘exertions’.

12. [45] Lacuna of 2 pages. The information embodied in chapters
10-12 is unique with Nicolaus and hence does not permit of any
basis for comparison with other writers. Suet., Aug., 8 makes
the brief statement that Octavian proceeded to Spain to join
his great-uncle after recovering from his illness; Vell. 2,
59, 3 briefly notes that Octavius was with Caesar, and Dio 43,
41, in alluding to the prodigy of the sprouting palm, seems to
infer that Octavius was present during the entire expedition,
including Munda. This portion of Nicolaus’ biography shows
every indication of having been compiled with much dependence
upon Augustus’ memoirs. It is possible that Nicolaus enlarged
upon the importance of Octavius’ actions in these chapters over
and above the material which he found in Augustus’ memoirs;
however, the tone of the Monumentum Ancyranum shows that false
modesty, at least, was not over-evident in the character of the
autobiographer in that case, and it is conceivable therefore that
Nicolaus has repeated Augustus’ words much as he found them.

13. [46] ἀρ]γυροῦ is Müller’s restoration. The reference, if this
restoration is correct, apparently is to a silver table-service.
Dindorf attempts no restoration, but prints simply γύρου--‘of a
circle’.

[47] C. Claudius Marcellus, consul in 50 B.C., and at that time
a vigorous opponent of Julius Caesar (Cic., Brut., 64, 229;
Plin., N. H., 2, 147; Suet., Caes., 29; App. 2, 26; Dio 40,
44; Pauly-Wissowa, Claudius, 216). He and the members of his
immediate family were warmly congratulated by Cicero at the time
of his attainment of the office of consul (Cic., Fam., 15, 7;
15, 8; 15, 9; 15, 10; 15, 11), and Cicero later mentioned him as
being in accord, apparently at least, with his own views (Cic.,
Att., 10, 12, 3).

When the civil war broke out he remained in Italy, coming to
terms with Caesar. After Caesar’s death he gave his support to
his young brother-in-law Octavian. The family can be traced back
8 generations to M. Claudius Marcellus, consul in 331 B.C.

[48] Drawn, as has been noted (chap. 8, note 36) on September
13, 45 B.C. This passage proves that Nicolaus knew the facts
about the will and that the statement in chap. 8 is at least
careless.

[49] The statement as to the proportion of Octavius’ inheritance
agrees with Suet., Caes., 83, but is at variance with Liv.,
Epit., 116, where one half of the total is assigned to Octavius.
Q. Pedius and L. Pinarius were the other beneficiaries (Suet.,
Caes., 83, 2; App. 3, 22; 23; 94; Plin., N. H., 35, 21).

14. [50] Pseudo-Marius, otherwise Herophilus or Amatius, was a
well-known character (Cic., Att., 12, 49, 1; 14, 6, 1; Phil. 1,
2, 5; App. 3, 2). After Caesar’s death he erected an altar or
column on the place where Caesar’s body had been burned and was
responsible for much rioting there. Antony finally put him to
death, to the relief of Cicero (Cic., Att., 14, 7, 1; 14, 8, 1;
App. 3, 3); see also Val. Max. 9, 15, 1; Liv., Epit., 116.

[51] Caesar’s aunt, Julia, who died in 68 B.C., was the wife of
the great C. Marius (Plut., Caes., 1, 1).

15. [52] Caesar, not the senate, declared Octavius a patrician. L.
Cassius, tribune in 44 B.C. (Cic., Phil., 3, 23), introduced a
special decree whereby the senate granted Caesar the power of
declaring persons of his choice to be patricians (Tac., Ann.,
11, 25; Suet., Caes., 41; Dio 43, 47, 3). One of those chosen
thus was Octavius (Suet., Aug., 2; Dio 45, 2, 7); see E. Meyer,
Caesars Monarchie, etc. Stuttgart 1919, p. 464.

[53] Excerptor’s note.

16. [54] Apollonia. According to Nicolaus, Octavius left Rome in
December, and was therefore in Apollonia for 3 months before
the murder of Caesar. This is at variance with App. 3, 9, where
Octavius is said to have been in Apollonia for 6 months. In the
latter case he would have had to leave Rome immediately after
his return from Spain, which is not very probable in view of the
plausible details given by Nicolaus in the preceding chapter.