Chapter I: Front Matter

{581}

NOTES AND QUERIES:

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CONTENTS.

NOTES:-- Page

Memoirs of Grammont, by W. H. Lammin, &c. 583

Bohn's Reprint of Woodfall's "Junius," by H. Martin 584

MINOR NOTES:--Mutilating Books--The Plymouth Calendar--
Divinity Professorships 585

QUERIES:--

Sepulchral Monuments 586

Roger Ascham and his Letters, by J. E. B. Mayor 588

MINOR QUERIES:--Symbolism in Raphael's Pictures--
"Obtains"--Army Lists for Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries--Anonymous Poet--John Bale--A short Sermon 589

MINOR QUERIES WITH ANSWERS:--Quakers' Calendar--"Rodondo,
or the State Jugglers"--Rathlin Island--Parochial
Registers--"Trevelyan," &c.--Grammar School of
St. Mary de Crypt, Gloucester 589

REPLIES:--

Cranmer's Martyrdom, by John P. Stilwell, &c. 590

Coleridge's Unpublished Manuscripts, by
C. Mansfield Ingleby 591

Life 591

Inscriptions on Bells, by Peter Orlando Hutchinson,
Cuthbert Bede, Rev. H. T. Ellacombe, &c. 592

De Beauvoir Pedigree, by Edgar MacCulloch 596

Right of Refuge in the Church Porch, by
Goddard Johnson, &c. 597

Ferdinand Charles III., Duke of Parma, by
J. Reynell Wreford, &c. 598

PHOTOGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE:--Mr. Townsend's Wax-paper
Process--Photographic Litigation 598

REPLIES TO MINOR QUERIES:--Vandyking--Monteith--A. M. and
M. A.--Greek denounced by the Monks--Caldecott's
Translation of the New Testament--Blue Bells of
Scotland--"De male quæsitis gaudet non tertius
hæres"--Mawkin--"Putting a spoke in his wheel"--Dog
Latin--Swedish Words current in England--Mob--"Days
of my Youth"--Encore--Richard Plantagenet, Earl of
Cambridge--Right of redeeming Property--Latin Inscription
on Lindsey Court-house--Myrtle Bee--Mousehunt--Longfellow's
"Hyperion"--Benjamin Rush--Quakers executed in North
America 599

MISCELLANEOUS:--

Notices to Correspondents 603

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_LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 24, 1854._

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Notes.

MEMOIRS OF GRAMMONT.

(Vol. viii., pp. 461. 549.; Vol. ix., pp. 3. 204. 356.)

"Des gens qui écrivent pour le Comte de Grammont peuvent compter sur
quelque indulgence."--Vide Introduction to the Memoirs.

Grammont's first visit to England may have been in Nov. 1655, when Bordeaux, the French ambassador, concluded a treaty with Cromwell, whereby France agreed totally to abandon the interests of Charles II.; and Cromwell, on his part, declared war against Spain, by which we gained Jamaica. Another opportunity occurred in 1657, when Cromwell's son-in-law, Lord Fauconberg, was sent to compliment Louis XIV. and Cardinal Mazarin, who were near Dunkirk. The ambassador presented some horses to the King and his brother, and also to the Cardinal. They made the ambassador handsome presents, and the King sent the Duke de Crequi as his ambassador extraordinary to the Protector, accompanied by several persons of distinction.

Grammont was at the siege of Montmedi, which surrendered on the 6th August, 1657.

He accompanied his brother, the Marshal, to Madrid in 1660, to demand the hand of the Infanta for his sovereign. On the Kings entry into Paris the same year with his Queen, Madame de Maintenon writes:

"The Chevalier de Grammont, Rouville, Bellefont, and some other
courtiers, followed the household of Cardinal Mazarin, which surprised
everybody: it was said it was out of flattery. The Chevalier was
dressed in a flame-coloured suit, and was very brilliant."

In 1662 he was disgraced on account of Madlle de la Motte Houdancourt, aggravated also, it is said, by his having watched the King getting over the tiles into the apartments of the maids of honour, and spread the report about.

The writer of the notes to the _Memoirs_ supposes that the Count's circumstances were not very flourishing on his arrival in England, and that he endeavoured to support himself by his literary acquirements. A scarce little work in Latin and French on King Charles's coronation was attributed to him, the initials to which were P. D. C., which it was said might stand for Philibert de Cramont. There seems no reason for this supposition: his finances were no worse in England than they had been in France; and there is no doubt he made his appearance at the Court of England under the greatest advantages. His family were specially protected by the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, the favourite sister of King Charles; and the Count was personally known to the King and to the Duke of York; and from a letter of Comminges', dated 20th Dec. 1662, it may be almost inferred that the Duke sent his own yacht to fetch the Count to London. Bussi-Rabutin writes of the Count, that he wrote almost worse than any one, and therefore not very likely to recruit his finances by authorship.

The exact date of Grammont's marriage has yet to be fixed: probably a search at Doctors' Commons for the licence, or in the Whitehall Registers, if such exist, would determine the day. The first child, a boy, was born on the 28th August, O. S., 7th September, 1664, but did not live long. This would indicate that the marriage took place in December, 1663. From Comminges' letters, dated in that month, it must have been on a day subsequent to the 24th December. Their youngest child, who was afterwards an abbess, was born on the 27th December, 1667.

It has been stated that Grammont was the hero of Molière's _Mariage forcée_, which was performed before the Court at Versailles in 1664. Comminges' letter of May 19-24, 1664, may allude to the Count's conduct to Miss Hamilton. He was twenty years older than the lady.

Under date of October 24-November 3, 1664, Comminges announces the departure from London of the Count and Countess de Grammont.

The Count was present with the King at the conquest of Franche Comte in 1660, and in particular at the siege of Dôle in February, 1668. The Count and Countess were subsequently in England, as King Charles himself writes to the Duchess of Orleans on the 24th October, 1669, that the Count and Countess, with their family, were returning to France by way of Dieppe.

In 1668, according to St. Evremond, the Count was successful in procuring the recall of his nephew, the Count de Guiche.

Evelyn mentions in his _Diary_ dining on the 10th May, 1671, at Sir Thomas Clifford's, "where dined Monsieur de Grammont and several French noblemen."

Madame de Sévigné names the Count in her letter of 5th January, 1672.

He was present at the siege of Maestricht, which surrendered to the King in person on the 29th June, 1673.

Madame de Sévigné names the Count again in her letter of the 31st July, 1675.

The Duchess of Orleans (the second) relates the great favour in which the Count was with the King.

He was present at the sieges of Cambray and Namur in April, 1677, and February, 1678.

We obtain many glimpses of the Count and Countess in subsequent years in the pages of Madame de Sévigné, Dangeau, and others, which may be consulted in preference to filling your columns with extracts. {584}

In 1688, Grammont was sent by the Duke of Orleans to congratulate James II. on the birth of his son; in the _Ellis Correspondence_, under the date of 10th July, 1688, it appears there was to have been an exhibition of fire-works, but it was postponed, and the following intimation of the cause was hinted at by a person behind the scenes:

"The young Prince is ill, but it is a secret; I think he will not hold.
The foreign ministers, Zulestein and Grammont, stay to see the issue."

Grammont died on the 30th January, 1707, aged eighty-six years; his Countess survived him only until the 3rd June, 1708, when she expired, aged sixty-seven years. They only left one child, namely, Claude Charlotte, married on the 6th April, 1694, to Henry Howard, Earl of Stafford; Marie Elizabeth de Grammont, born the 27th December, 1667, Abbess of Sainte Marine de Poussey, in Lorraine, having died in 1706, previous to her parents.

Maurepas says that Grammont's eldest daughter was maid of honour to the second Duchess of Orleans, who suspected her of intriguing with her son, afterwards the celebrated Regent. The Duchess, he adds, married her to Lord Stafford.

Another writer says, that although Grammont's daughters were not handsome, yet they caused as much observation at Court as those who were.

W. H. LAMMIN.

Fulham.

Count Hamilton is little to be trusted to in his chronology, from a mischievous custom that he has of, whenever he has to record a marriage or love affair between two parties considerably different in age, adding to that difference extravagantly, to make the thing more ridiculous. Sir John Denham is a well-known instance of this; but another, which is not noticed by the editor of Bohn's edition, nor any other that I have seen, is his making out Col. John Russell, a younger brother of the first Duke of Bedford, to have been seventy years of age in 1664, although his eldest brother was born in 1612, and the colonel could have been little older than, if as old as, De Grammont himself.

J. S. WARDEN.

* * * * *

BOHN'S REPRINT OF WOODFALL'S "JUNIUS."

When a publisher issues a series of such works as are comprised in _Bohn's Standard Library_, and thereby brings expensive publications within the reach of the multitude, he is entitled to the gratitude and the active support of the reading portion of the public; but, if he wish to be ranked amongst the respectable booksellers, he ought to see to the accuracy of his reprints. Bohn's edition of Woodfall's _Junius_, in two volumes, purports to contain "the entire work, as originally published." This it does not. Some of the notes are omitted; and the text is, in many instances, incorrect. I have examined the first volume only; and I shall state some of the errors which I have found, on comparing it with Woodfall's edition, three volumes 8vo., 1814. The pages noted are those of Bohn's first volume.

P. 87. In his Dedication, Junius says: "If an honest, and, I may truly affirm, a laborious zeal." Bohn turns it into nonsense, by printing it: "If an honest _man_, and I may truly," &c.

P. 105. In Letter I., Junius speaks of "distributing the _offices_ of state, by rotation." Bohn has it "_officers_."

P. 113. In Letter II., Sir W. Draper says that "all Junius's _assertions_ are false and scandalous." Bohn prints it "_exertions_."

P. 206. In Letter XXII., Junius says, "it may be advisable to _gut_ the resolution." Bohn has it "to _put_."

P. 240. In Letter XXX., Junius says: "And, if possible, to perplex _us with_ the multitude of their offences." Bohn omits the words "_us with_."

P. 319. In Letter XLII., Junius speaks of the "future _projects_" of the ministry. Bohn prints it "future _prospects_."

P. 322. In the same letter, Junius says: "How far people may be animated _to resistance_, under the present administration." Bohn omits "_to resistance_."

P. 382. In Letter LIII., Horne says: "And in case of refusal, _threaten_ to write them down." Bohn omits "_threaten_."

P. 428. In Letter LXI., Philo-Junius says, "his view is to change a court of _common law into a court of_ equity." Bohn omits the words "_common law into a court of_."

P. 437. In Letter LXIII., Junius writes, "love _and kindness_ to Lord Chatham." Bohn omits "_and kindness_."

P. 439. In Letter LXIV., Junius speaks of "a multitude of _prerogative writs_." Bohn has it "a multitude of _prerogatives_."

P. 446. In Letter LXVIII., Junius says to Lord Mansfield: "If, on your part, you should have no plain, substantial _defence_." Bohn substitutes "_evidence_" for "_defence_."

These are the most important errors, but not all that I have found in the text. I now turn to the reprint of Dr. Mason Good's Preliminary Essay. The editor says: "The omission of a quotation or two, of no present interest, and the correction of a few inaccuracies of language, are the only alterations that have been made in the Preliminary Essay." We shall see how far this is true. Such alterations as "arrogance" for "insolence," p. 2.; "classic purity" for "classical chastity," p. 3.; "severe" for "atrocious," p. 15., I shall not particularise farther; but merely observe that, so far from being merely "corrections {585} of inaccuracies of language," they are frequently changes of meaning.

At pp. 4. and 5., extracts from speeches by Burke and North are introduced into the text. In Woodfall, they are given in a note, so as not to interrupt the writer's argument.

Occasionally, a sentence is partly rewritten. I take one specimen. Dr. Good says that, "But for the Letters of Junius, the Commons of England might still ... have been exposed to the absurd and obnoxious harassment of parliamentary arrests, upon a violation of privileges undefined and incapable of being appealed against--defrauded of their estates upon an arbitrary and interested claim of the crown." In Bohn, p. 5., the words are altered to "have been exposed to arbitrary violations of individual liberty, under undefined pretexts of parliamentary privileges, against which there _were_ (?) no appeal--defrauded of their estates upon capricious and interested claims of the crown."

Dr. Good, to show that Burke could not be Junius, cites several passages from his works; and then proves, by quotations from Junius, that the opinions of the one were opposed to those of the other. In Bohn's edition all these quotations, which occupy twelve octavo pages in Woodfall, are omitted as unnecessary, although the writer's argument is partly founded upon them; and yet the editor has retained (evidently through carelessness), at p. 66., Dr. Good's subsequent reference to these very quotations, where, being about to give some extracts from General Lee's letters, he says: "They may be compared with those of Junius, _that follow the preceding extracts from Mr. Burke_." This reference is retained, but the extracts spoken of are omitted.

Some of Woodfall's notes are wholly left out; but I will not lengthen these remarks by specially pointing them out. The new notes of Bohn's editor offer much matter for animadversion, but I confine myself to one point. In a note to Sir W. Draper's first letter (p. 116.), we are told that Sir William "married a Miss De Lancy, who died in 1778, _leaving him a daughter_." In another note relating to Sir William (p. 227.), it is stated that "he married a daughter of the second son of the Duke of St. Alban's. Her ladyship died in 1778, _leaving him no issue_." How are we to reconcile these statements?

H. MARTIN.

Halifax.

[The work professes to be edited by Mr. Wade. Mr. Wade therefore, and
not Mr. Bohn, is responsible for the errors pointed out by our
correspondent.--ED.]

* * * * *

Minor Notes.

_Mutilating Books._--Swift, in a letter to Stella, Jan. 16, 1711, says, "I went to Bateman's the bookseller, and laid out eight-and-forty shillings for books. I bought three little volumes of Lucian in French, for our Stella." This Bateman would never allow any one to look into a book in his shop; and when asked the reason, he would say, "I suppose you may be a physician, or an author, and want some recipe or quotation; and if you buy it I will engage it to be perfect before you leave me, but not after; as I have suffered by leaves being torn out, and the books returned, to my very great loss and prejudice.

ABHBA.

_The Plymouth Calendar._--To your collection of verses (Vol. vii. _passim_) illustrative of local circumstances, incidents, &c., allow me to add the following:

"The West wind always brings wet weather,
The East wind wet and cold together;
The South wind surely brings us rain,
The North wind blows it back again.
If the Sun in red should set,
The next day surely will be wet;
If the Sun should set in grey,
The next will be a rainy day."

BALLIOLENSIS.

_Divinity Professorships._--In the last number of _The Journal of Sacred Literature_ (April, 1854), there is a well-deserved eulogium on the biblical labours of Dr. Kitto; who, though in the enjoyment of the title of D.D. (conferred on him some years ago by a Continental University), is nevertheless a layman, and not, as is very commonly imagined, in orders. The article, however, to which I refer, contains a curious mistake. Michaelis is cited (p. 122.) as an instance of a layman being able, on the Continent, to hold a professorship relating to theology and biblical science, in contrast to what is assumed to be the invariable system at the English Universities. It is true, indeed, that for the most part such professorships are here held by clergymen; but from several of them laymen are not excluded by any law. At Cambridge, the Norrisian Professor of Divinity, for example, may be a layman.

With respect to the degree of D.D., it is observed by the Writer of the article, p. 127.:

"In Germany this degree is given to laymen, but in England it is
exclusively appropriated to the clergy. This led to the very general
impression among strangers, that Dr. Kitto is a clergyman."

ABHBA.

[We have frequently seen the celebrated Nonjuror Henry Dodwell noticed
as in orders, perhaps from his portrait exhibiting him in gown and
bands as Camden Professor of History at Oxford. Miss Strickland, too,
in her _Lives of the Queens of England_, vol. vii. p. 202., and vol.
viii. p. 352., edit. 1853, speaks of that worthy layman, Robert Nelson,
both as a _Doctor_ and a clergyman!--ED.]

{586}

* * * * *

Queries.

SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS.

(_Concluded from_ p. 539.)

A divine, reasoning philosophically with a lady on the possibility of the appearance of ghosts, was much perplexed by her simple inquiry as to where the clothes came from. If then the mediæval effigies are alive, how can the costume be reconciled with their position? Where do their clothes come from? The theory advanced in the two preceding Numbers seems to offer a ready solution. Another corroborative fact remains to be stated, that when a kneeling attitude superseded the recumbent, the brasses were placed upon the wall, testifying, in some degree at least, that the horizontal figures were not traditionally regarded as living portraits. In anticipation of objections, it can only be said that "they have no speculation in their eyes;" that out of the thousands in existence, a few exceptions will only prove the rule; and that their incongruities were conventional.

It is now my purpose to offer a few more reasons for releasing the sculptors of the present day from a rigid adherence to the uplifted hands and the straight head. That there is grace, dignity, and pious serenity occasionally perceptible in these interesting relics of bygone days, which so appropriately furnish our magnificent cathedrals, and embellish numbers of our parochial churches, is freely admitted; but that they are formal, conventional, monotonous, and consequently unfitted for modern imitation, cannot reasonably be denied by a person with pretensions to taste. From the study of anatomy, the improvement in painting, the invention of engraving, our acquaintance with the matchless works of Greece, and other causes, this branch of art has made considerable advance. Why, then, should a sculptor be now "cabin'd, cribb'd, confined, bound in," by such inflexible conditions? If some variation is discoverable in the ancient types, why should he not have the advantage of selection, and avail himself of that attitude best adapted to the situation of the tomb and the character of the deceased? Not to multiply examples of deviation--the Queen of Henry IV., in Canterbury Cathedral, has one arm reposing at her side, and the other upon her breast. The arms of Edward III., in Westminster Abbey, are both stretched at his side. An abbot of Peterborough, in that cathedral, holds a book and a pastoral staff. The hands of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, in his beautiful chapel, are raised, but separate. Several have the arms crossed, expressive of humility and resignation. Others (lay as well as clerical) press a holy book to their bosom; and some place the right hand upon the heart, denoting the warmth of their love and faith. In his description of Italian monuments, Mr. Ruskin remarks, that "though in general, in tombs of this kind, the face of the statue is slightly turned towards the spectator, in one case it is turned away" (_Stones of Venice_, vol. iii. p. 14.); and instances are not unfrequent of similar inclinations of the head at home. Why then should this poor choice be denied? Why should he be fettered by austere taskmasters to this stereotyped treatment, to the proverbial stiffness of "our grandsires cut in alabaster." Indignation has been excited in many quarters against that retrograde movement termed "pre-Raphaelism," yet what in fact is this severe, angular, antiquated style, but identically the same thing in stone? What but pre-Angeloism? Upon the supposition that the effigies have departed this life, or even that the spirit is only about to take its flight, anatomical and physiological difficulties present themselves, for strong action would be required to hold the hands in this attitude of prayer. The drapery, too, hanging in straight folds, has been always apparently designed from upright figures, circumstances evincing how little the rules of propriety were then regarded. Their profusion occasions a familiarity which demands a change, for the range is here as confined as that of the sign-painter, who could only depict lions, and was therefore precluded from varying his signs, except by an alteration in the colour. Such is the yearning of taste for diversity, that in the equestrian procession on the frieze of the Parthenon, out of about ninety horses, not two are in the same attitude; yet to whatever extent our churches may be thronged with these sepulchral tombs, all must be, as it were, cast in the same mould, till by repetition their beauty

"Fades in the eye and palls upon the sense."

It is evidently imitating the works of antiquity under a disadvantage, inasmuch as modern costume is far inferior in picturesque effect to the episcopal vestments, the romantic armour, and numerous elegant habiliments of an earlier day. Every lesser embellishment and minuteness of detail are regarded by an artist who has more enlarged views of his profession as foreign to the main design; yet the robes, millinery, jewellery, and accoutrements usually held a place with the carvers of that time of equal importance with the face, and engaged as large a share of their attention.

The comparative easiness of execution forms another argument. Having received the simple commission for a monument (specifications are needless), the workmen (as may be imagined) fixes the armour of the defunct knight upon his table, places a mask moulded from nature on the helmet-pillow, fits on a pair of hands with which, like an {587} assortment of gloves, his studio is provided, diligently applies his compasses to insure exact equality by means of a receipt, perchance imparts some devotional expression, and the work is ready to be transferred to stone.

Mr. Petit, in the preface (page x.) to his _Architectural Studies_, after due praise, asserts--

"That no sculptor anxious to advance his own reputation and art will
ever set up a mediæval statue as his model. He may acknowledge its
merits, and learn much from a careful examination of it, but still he
will not look up to its designer as his master and guide."

Again, the efforts of genius are cramped by such uncompromising terms. The feet must unavoidably be directed towards the east; still, whatever the situation of the tomb may chance to be, from whatever point it may be viewed, or whether the light may fall on this side or on that, no way of escape is open, and no ingenuity can be employed to grapple with the uncontrollable obstruction. Portrait painters can choose the position most favourable to the features, but the monumental sculptor of the nineteenth century may only exhibit what is generally shunned, the direct profile; the contour of the face, and the wide expanse of brow, which might probably give the most lively indications of intellectual power, amiability of disposition, and devout tranquillity of soul, must be sacrificed to this unbending law "which altereth not." Sculptors, we are told, should overcome difficulties; but here they are required to "strive with impossibilities, yea, get the better of them." Whether painted windows, or some other ornament, or a tomb alone in harmony with the architecture (the form and features of the individual being elsewhere preserved), may constitute a more desirable memorial, is a separate question, but as statues are only admissible in a recumbent posture, some little latitude must be allowed. Like our reformers in higher things, it behoves us to discard what is objectionable in art, while we cherish that which is to be admired. Instead of treading in the footsteps of those lofty spirits, we should endeavour to follow the same road. Fully appreciating their excellences, let us avoid the distorted drawing of their brilliant glass, their irregularities in architectural design, the irreverence of their carving, and the conventionalism of their monumental sculpture.

C. T.

I agree with C. T. in thinking that the usual recumbent figure on mediæval tombs was intended to represent a dead body, and more particularly to represent the body as it had lain in state, or had been borne to the grave; and I will add one or two additional reasons for this opinion. In the description in Speed, of the intended monument of Henry VIII., taken from a MS. given to Speed by that industrious herald master, Charles Lancaster, the following direction occurs:--

"Item, upon the same basement shall be made two tombes of blacke touch,
that is to say, on either side one, and upon the said tombes of blacke
touch shall be made the image of the King and Queen, on both sides, not
as death [dead], but as persons sleeping, because to shewe that famous
princes leaving behind them great fame never doe die, and shall be in
royall apparels after the antique manner."--Speed's _Hist. of Great
Brit._, p. 1037. ed. 1632.

The distinction here taken between a dead and a sleeping figure, and the reason assigned for the latter, show, I think, that at that time a recumbent figure generally was supposed to represent death. In a monument of Sir Roger Aston, at Cranford, Middlesex, in Lysons' _Environs of London_, the knight and his two wives are represented praying, and by the side of the knight _lies_ the infant son who had died in his lifetime. In the monument of Pope Innocent VIII. (Pistolesi, _Il Vaticano_, vol. i. plate 63.), the Pope is in one part represented in a living action, and in another as lying on his tomb, and from the contrast which would thus be afforded between life and death, the latter representation seems to indicate death.

The hands raised in prayer are accounted for by C. T. Open eyes, I think, may be intended to express, by their direction towards heaven, the hope in which the deceased died. This is suggested by the description of the funeral car of Henry V.

"Preparations were made to convey the body of Henry from Rouen to
England. It was placed within a car, on which reclined his figure made
of boiled leather, elegantly painted. A rich crown of gold was on its
head. The right hand held a sceptre, and the left a golden ball. _The
face seemed to contemplate the heavens._"--Turner's _Hist. of Eng._,
vol. ii. p. 465.

I must, however, add that on referring to Monstrelet, I doubt whether Turner does not go too far in this last particular. Monstrelet merely says, "le visage vers le ciel." (Monst. _Chron._ vol. i. 325. ed. 1595.) Speed adds an additional circumstance: "The body (of this figure) was clothed with a purple roabe furred with ermine." From the mutilated state of the tomb it is impossible to say how far the recumbent effigy resembled this boiled figure, but it is evidently just such a representation of the king as might have been laid on his tomb, and so far it tends to support the opinion that the effigy on a tomb represents the deceased as he had lain in state, or was borne to and placed in his tomb, an opinion fully borne out by the agreement which, in some cases, has been found to exist between the effigy on a tomb and the body discovered within it, or between the effigy and the description of the body as it had lain in state. See the tombs of King {588} John, Robert Lord Hungerford, and Henry II., in Stothard's _Monumental Effigies of Great Britain_, and the Introduction to that work.

I think it is not irrelevant to remark that at a very early period a recumbent figure was sometimes placed on a tomb as in a state of death. The recumbent Etruscan figures generally represent a state of repose or of sensual enjoyment; but there is one given by Micali (_Monumenti inediti a Illustrazione degli Antichi Popoli Italiani_, Tav. 48. p. 303.), which is, undoubtedly, that of a dead person. In his description of it, Micali says, "On the first view of it one would say it was a sepulchral monument of the Middle Ages, so greatly does it resemble one." Mrs. Gray, too (_Tour to the Sepulchres of Etruria_, p. 264.), mentions a sepulchral urn, "very large, with a woman robed, and with a dog upon it, exactly like an English monument of the Middle Ages." If it were not for the dog, I should suppose this to be the one given by Micali. Though it may be too much to suppose that this form of representation may have been not uncommon, and may have passed into early Christian monuments, the instance in Micali at least shows that the idea of representing a dead body on a tomb is a very ancient one. It may be added, perhaps, that it is an obvious one.

Though the reasons for thinking that the ordinary mediæval figure represents death may not be conclusive, still that opinion is, I think, entitled to be looked upon as the more probable one, until some satisfactory reason is given why a _living_ person should be represented outstretched, and lying on his back--a position, as it seems to me, more inconsistent with life than the open eyes and hands joined in prayer are with death. For too much weight is not to be attached to slight inconsistencies. These would probably be disregarded for the sake of expressing some favourite idea or sentiment. Thus, in the proposed monument of Henry VIII., though the king and queen are directed to be represented as living, their souls are to be represented in the hand of "the Father."

In modern tombs the mediæval idea has been entirely departed from, and the recumbent position sometimes expresses neither death, nor even sleep, but simple repose, or contemplation, resignation, hope, &c. If it is proper or desirable to express these or other sentiments in a recumbent figure, it seems unreasonable to exclude them for the sake of a rigid adherence to a form, of which the import is either obscure, or, if rightly conjectured, has, by the change of customs, become idle and unmeaning.

F. S. B. E.

* * * * *

ROGER ASCHAM AND HIS LETTERS.

To the epistles of Roger Ascham, given in Elstob's edition, have since been added several to Raven and others[1], two to Cecil[2], and several to Mrs. Astley, Bp. Gardiner, Sir Thos. Smith, Mr. Callibut, Sir W. Pawlett, Queen Elizabeth, the Earl of Leicester, and Mr. C. H.[owe].[3] Some of your correspondents will, doubtless, be able farther to enlarge this list of printed letters.

In a MS. volume, once belonging to Bp. Moore, now in the University Library, Cambridge, is a volume of transcripts[4], containing, amongst other documents, letters from Ascham to Petre[5] and to Cecil; one (p. 44.) "written by R. A., for a gent to a gentlewoman, in waie of marriage," and one to the B. of W.[inchester], which, though without a signature, is certainly Ascham's. In another MS. volume, in the same collection (Ee. v. 23.), are copies of Ascham's letter to his wife on the death of their child[6], and of a letter to Mr. Richard Goodrich. Lastly, Ascham's College (St. John's) possesses his original letter to Cardinal Pole, written on the fly-leaf of a copy of Osorius _De nobilitate civili_[7]; and also the original MS. of the translation of Oecumenius, accompanied by a Latin letter to Seton.[8]

These unpublished letters will shortly be printed for the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Early information respecting any other MS. works of Ascham, or collations of his published letters with the originals, will be thankfully acknowledged.

J. E. B. MAYOR.

St. John's College, Cambridge.

P. S.--I may add that we have at St. John's a {589} copy of Ascham's Letters (ed. Elstob), with many dates and corrections in Baker's hand. There may be something new in Kennett's biographical notice of Ascham (Lansdowne MSS. 981. art. 41.)

[Footnote 1: In _The English Works of Roger Ascham_, London, 1815, 8vo.: this edition is reprinted from Bennet's, with additions. Bennet took these letters from Baker's extracts (in his MSS. xiii. 275-295., now in the Harleian Collection), "from originals in Mr. Strype's hands." One letter is more fully given by Mr. Tytler, _England under Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. ii. p. 124.]

[Footnote 2: In Sir H. Ellis's _Letters of Eminent Literary Men_, Camden Soc. Nos. 4 and 5. Correcter copies than had before appeared from the Lansdowne MSS.]

[Footnote 3: Most incorrectly printed in Whitaker's _History of Richmondshire_, vol. i. p. 270. seq. The letters themselves are highly important and curious.]

[Footnote 4: Dd. ix. 14. Some of the letters are transcribed by Baker, MSS. xxxii. p. 520. seq.]

[Footnote 5: This letter has many sentences in common with that to Gardiner, of the date Jan. 18 [1554], printed by Whitaker (p. 271. seq.)]

[Footnote 6: Whitaker, who prints this (p. 289. seq.) says that it had been printed before. Where?]

[Footnote 7: This, I believe, unpublished letter is referred to by Osorius, in a letter to Ascham (_Aschami Epistolæ_, p. 397.: Oxon. 1703).]

[Footnote 8: Both of these have been printed, the letter in _Aschami Epistolæ_, lib. i. ep. 4. p. 68. seq. Compare on the commentary, ibid. pp. 70. and 209.]

* * * * *

Minor Queries.

_Symbolism in Raphael's Pictures._--In some of the most beautiful pictures of "The Virgin and Child" of Raphael, and other old masters, our Lord is represented with His right foot placed upon the right foot of the blessed Virgin. What is the symbolism of this position? In the Church of Rome, the God-parent at Holy Confirmation is, if I remember right, directed by a rubric to place his or her right foot upon the right foot of the person confirmed. Is this ceremony at all connected with the symbolism I have noticed?

WM. FRASER, B.C.L.

"_Obtains._"--Every one must have observed the frequent recurrence of this word, more especially those whose study is the law: "This practice on that principle _obtains_." How did the word acquire the meaning given to it in such a sentence?

Y. S. M.

_Army Lists for Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries._--Where are they to be found? Not at the Horse Guards, as the records there go back only to 1795. I want particulars of many officers in both centuries; some of them who came to Ireland temp. Charles I., and during Cromwell's Protectorate, and others early in the last century.

Y. S. M.

_Anonymous Poet._--

"It is not to the people of the west of Scotland that the energetic
reproach of the poet can apply. I allude to the passage in which he
speaks of--

'All Scotia's weary days of civil strife--
When the poor Whig was lavish of his life,
And bought, stern rushing upon Clavers' spears,
The freedom and the scorn of after years.'"
_Peter's Letters to his Kinsfolk_, vol. iii. p. 263. Edin. 1819.

Who is "the poet?"

ANON.

_John Bale._--Strype, in his _Life of Parker_, book iv. sec. 3. p. 539. edit. 1711, speaking of Bale, says: "He set himself to search many libraries in Oxford, Cambridge," &c.

Bale himself, in the list of his own writings, enumerates "ex diversis bibliothecis."

Did this piece contain any account of his researches in libraries alluded to? If so, has it ever been published? Tanner makes no mention of it in his _Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica_.

H. F. S.

Cambridge.

_A short Sermon._--In an essay on Benevolence, by the Rev. David Simpson of Macclesfield, it is reported of Dean Swift, that he once delivered in his trite and laconic manner the following short sermon, in advocating the cause of a charitable institution, the text and discourse containing thirty-four words only:

"He that hath pity upon the poor lendeth unto the Lord, and that which
he hath given will He pay him again. Now, my brethren, if you like the
security, down with your money."

When and where did this occur, and what was the result?

HENRY EDWARDS.

* * * * *

Minor Queries with Answers.

_Quakers' Calendar._--What month would the Quakers mean by "12th month," a century and a half since?

D.

[Before the statute 24 Geo. II., for altering the Calendar in Great
Britain, the Quakers began their year on the 25th of March, which they
called the _first_ month; but at the yearly meeting for Sufferings in
London, Oct. 1751, a Committee was appointed to consider what advice
might be necessary to be given to the Friends in relation to the
statute in question. The opinion of the Committee was, "That in all the
records and writings of Friends from and after the last day of the
month, called December, next, the computation of time established by
the said act should be observed; and that, accordingly, the first day
of the eleventh month, commonly called January, next, should be
reckoned and deemed by Friends the first day of the _first_ month of
the year 1752." Consequently the twelfth month, a century and a half
since, would be _February_. See Nicolas's _Chronology_, p. 169.]

"_Rodondo, or the State Jugglers._"--Who was the author of this political squib, three cantos, 1763-70; reproduced in _Ruddiman's Collection_, Edinburgh, 1785? In my copy I have written Hugh Dalrymple, but know not upon what authority. It is noticed in the _Scots Mag._, vol. xxv., where it is ascribed to "a Caledonian, who has laid about him so well as to vindicate his country from the imputation of the _North Briton_, that there is neither wit nor humour on the other side the Tweed."

J. O.

[A copy of this work in the British Museum contains the following MS.
entry: "The author of the three Cantos of _Rodondo_ was Hugh Dalrymple,
Esq. He also wrote _Woodstock_, an elegy reprinted in Pearch's
_Collection of Poems_. At the time of his death he was Attorney-General
for the Grenades, where he died, March 9, 1774. His daughter married
Dr., afterwards Sir John Elliott, from whom she was divorced, and
became a celebrated courtezan."]

_Rathlin Island._--Has any detailed account of this island, which is frequently called Rahery, {590} and is a few miles from the northern coast of Ireland, appeared in print? The locality is most interesting in many particulars, historical and geological, and might therefore be made the subject of an instructive paper. A brief account was inserted, I think, a few years ago in an English periodical.

ABHBA.

[An interesting and detailed account of this island, which he calls
Raghery, is given in Hamilton's _Letters concerning the Northern Coast
of the County of Antrim_, 1790, 8vo., pp. 13-33. Consult also Lewis's
_Topographical History of Ireland_, vol. ii. p. 501.]

_Parochial Registers._--When and where were parochial registers first established? The earliest extant at the present day?

ABHBA.

[We fear our correspondent has not consulted that useful and amusing
work, Burn's _History of Parish Registers in England, also of the
Registers of Scotland, Ireland, the East and West Indies, the Fleet,
King's Bench, Mint, Chapel Royal, &c._, 8vo. 1829, which contains a
curious collection of miscellaneous particulars concerning them.]

_"Trevelyan," &c._--Who was the author of two novels, published about twenty years ago, called _A Marriage in High Life_ and _Trevelyan_: the latter the later of the two?

UNEDA.

Philadelphia.

[These works are by the Hon. Caroline Lucy Scott, at present residing
at Petersham, in Surrey.]

_Grammar School of St. Mary de Crypt, Gloucester._--Can you give me the name of the master of the Grammar School of St. Mary de Crypt in 1728?

SIGMA (1).

[Daniel Bond, B.A., was elected master March 25, 1724, and was also
vicar of Leigh. He died in 1750.]

* * * * *

Replies.

CRANMER'S MARTYRDOM.

(Vol. ix., pp. 392. 547.)

I thank G. W. R. for his courteous remarks on my note on Cranmer. Perhaps I have overstated the effect of pain on the nervous system; certainly I was wrong in making a wider assertion than was required by my case, which is, that no man could hold his hand over unconfined flame till it was "entirely consumed" or "burnt to a coal." "Bruslée à feu de souphre" does not go so far as that, nor is it said at what time of the burning Ravaillac raised his head to look at his hand.

J. H. has mistaken my intention. I have always carefully avoided everything which tended to religious or moral controversy in "N. & Q." I treated Cranmer's case on physiological grounds only. I did not look for "cotemporaneous evidence against that usually received," any more than I should for such evidence that St. Denis did not walk from Paris to Montmartre with his head in his hand. If either case is called a miracle, I have nothing to say upon it _here_; and for the same reason that I avoid such discussion, I add, that in not noticing J. H.'s opinions on Cranmer, I must not be understood as assenting to or differing from them. J. H. says:

"It would surely be easy to produce facts of almost every week from the
evidence given in coroners' inquests, in which persons have had their
limbs burnt off--to say nothing of farther injury--without the shock
producing death."

If favoured with one such fact, I will do my best to inquire into it. None such has fallen within my observation or reading.

The heart remaining "entire and unconsumed among the ashes," is a minor point. It does not seem impossible to J. H., "in its plain and obvious meaning." Do the words admit two meanings? Burnet says:

"But it was no small matter of astonishment to find his heart entire,
and not consumed among the ashes; which, though the reformed would not
carry so far as to make a miracle of it, and a clear proof that his
heart had continued true, though his hand had erred; yet they objected
it to the Papists, that it was certainly such a thing, that if it had
fallen out in any of their church, they had made it a miracle."--Vol.
ii. p. 429.

H. B. C.

U. U. Club.

Permit me to offer to H. B. C.'s consideration the case of Mutius Scævola, who, failing in his attempt to kill Porsenna in his own camp, and being taken before the king, thrust his right hand into the fire, and held it there until burnt; at the same time declaring that he knew three hundred men who would not flinch from doing the same thing. To a certain extent, I am inclined to think with ALFRED GATTY (Vol. ix., p. 246.), "that an exalted state of feeling may be attained;" which, though it will not render the religious or political martyr insensible to pain, it will yet nerve him to go through his martyrdom without demonstration of extreme suffering.

This ability to endure pain may be accounted for in either of the following ways:

1. An exalted state of feeling; instance Joan of Arc.

2. Fortitude; instance Mutius Scævola.

3. Nervous insensibility; which carries the vanquished American Indian through the most exquisite tortures, and enables him to fall asleep on the least respite of his agony.

Should these three be united in one individual, it is needless to say that he could undergo any bodily pain without a murmur.

JOHN P. STILWELL.

{591}

* * * * *

COLERIDGE'S UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPTS.

(Vol. ix., pp. 496. 543.)

Every admirer of Coleridge's writings must feel, as I do, grateful to MR. GREEN for the detailed account he has rendered of the manuscripts committed to his care. A few points, however, in his reply call for a rejoinder on my part. I will be as brief as possible.

I never doubted for an instant that, had I "sought a private explanation of the matters" comprised in my Note, MR. GREEN would have courteously responded to the application. This is just what I did _not_ want: a public explanation was what I desired. "N. & Q." (Vol. iv., p. 411.; Vol. vi., p. 533.; Vol. viii., p. 43.) will bear witness to the fact that the public required to know the reason why works of Coleridge, presumed to exist in manuscript, were still withheld from publication: and I utterly deny the justice of MR. GREEN's allegation, that because I have _explicitly_ stated the charge _implied_ by Mr. Alsop (the editor of _Letters, Conversations, and Recollections of Coleridge_) in his strictures, I have made an inconsiderate, not to say a coarse, attack upon him (MR. GREEN). When a long series of appeals to the fortunate possessor of the Coleridge manuscripts (whoever he might turn out to be) had been met with silent indifference, I felt that the time was come to address an appeal personally to MR. GREEN himself. That he has acted with the approbation of Coleridge's family, nobody can doubt; for the public (thanks to Mr. Alsop) know too well how little the greatest of modern philosophers was indebted to that family in his lifetime, to attach much importance to their approbation or disapprobation.

No believer in the philosophy of Coleridge can look with greater anxiety than I do for the forthcoming work of MR. GREEN. That the pupil of Coleridge, and the author of _Vital Dynamics_, will worthily acquit himself in this great field, who can question? But I, for one, must enter my protest against the publication of MR. GREEN's book being made the pretext of depriving the public of their right (may I say?) to the perusal of such works as do exist in manuscript, finished or unfinished. Again I beg most respectfully to urge on MR. GREEN the expediency, not to say paramount duty, of his giving to the world _intact_ the _Logic_ (consisting of the _Canon_ and other parts), the _Cosmogony_, and, as far as possible, the _History of Philosophy_. If his plea, that these works are not in a finished state, had been heretofore held good in bar of publication, we should probably have lost the inestimable privilege of reading and possessing those fragmentary works of the great philosopher which have already been made public.