Chapter X: Part 10

VII. Now there rose up against him three hostile generals at once, Carinna,[200] and Clœlius and Brutus, not all in front, nor yet all from the same quarter, but they surrounded him with three armies, with the view of completely destroying him. Pompeius was not alarmed, but getting all his force together he attacked one of the armies, that of Brutus, placing in the front his cavalry, among whom he himself was. From the side of the enemy the Celtæ rode out to meet him, when Pompeius with spear in hand struck the first and strongest of them and brought him down; on which the rest fled and put the infantry also into confusion, so that there was a general rout. Hereupon the generals quarrelled among themselves and retired, as each best could, and the cities took the part of Pompeius, seeing that the enemy had dispersed in alarm. Next came Scipio[201] the consul against him, but before the lines had come close enough to discharge their javelins, the soldiers of Scipio saluted those of Pompeius and changed sides, and Scipio made his escape. Finally, near the river Arsis,[202] Carbo himself attacked Pompeius with several troops of horse, but Pompeius bravely stood the attack, and putting them to flight pursued and drove all of them upon difficult ground where no cavalry could act; and the men, seeing that there was no hope of saving themselves, surrendered with their arms and horses.

VIII. Sulla had not yet received intelligence of these events, but upon the first news and reports about Pompeius, being alarmed at his being among so many hostile generals of such reputation, he made haste to relieve him. Pompeius being informed that Sulla was near, ordered his officers to arm the forces and to display them in such manner that they might make the most gallant and splendid appearance to the Imperator, for he expected to receive great honours from him; and he got more than he expected. For when Sulla saw him approaching and his army standing by, admirable for the brave appearance of the men and elated and rejoicing in their success, he leapt down from his horse, and being addressed, according to custom, by the title of Imperator, he addressed Pompeius in return by the title of Imperator, though nobody would have expected that Sulla would give to a young man who was not yet a member of the Senate, the title for which he was fighting against the Scipios and the Marii. And indeed everything else was in accordance with the first greeting, for Sulla used to rise from his seat as Pompeius approached and take his vest from his head, which he was not observed to do generally to any other person, though there were many distinguished men about him. Pompeius, however, was not made vain by these marks of distinction, but on being immediately sent into Gaul by Sulla, where Metellus[203] commanded and appeared to be doing nothing correspondent to his means, Pompeius said it was not right to take the command from a man who was his senior and superior in reputation; however he said he was ready to carry on the war in conjunction with Metellus, if he had no objection, in obedience to his orders and to give him his assistance. Metellus accepted the proposal and wrote to him to come, on which Pompeius entering Gaul, performed noble exploits, and he also fanned into a flame again and warmed the warlike and courageous temper of Metellus, which was now near becoming extinct through old age, as the liquid, heated stream of copper by flowing about the hard, cold metal is said to soften and to liquefy it into its own mass better than the fire. But as in the case of an athlete[204] who has obtained the first place among men and has gloriously vanquished in every contest, his boyish victories are made of no account and are not registered; so the deeds which Pompeius then accomplished, though of themselves extraordinary, yet as they were buried under the number and magnitude of his subsequent struggles and wars, I have been afraid to disturb them, lest if we should dwell too long on his first exploits, we should miss the acts and events which are the most important and best show the character of the man.

IX.[205] Now when Sulla was master of Italy and was proclaimed Dictator, he rewarded the other officers and generals by making them rich and promoting them to magistracies and by granting them without stint and with readiness what they asked for. But as he admired Pompeius for his superior merit and thought that he would be a great support to his own interests, he was anxious in some way to attach him by family relations. Metella, the wife of Sulla, had also the same wish, and they persuaded Pompeius to put away Antistia and to take to wife Aemilia, the step-daughter of Sulla, the child of Metella by Scaurus, who was then living with her husband and was pregnant. This matter of the marriage was of a tyrannical character, and more suited to the interests of Sulla than conformable to the character of Pompeius, for Aemilia, who was pregnant, was taken from another to be married to him, and Antistia was put away with dishonour and under lamentable circumstances, inasmuch as she had just lost her father also, and that, too, on her husband's account; for Antistius was murdered in the Senate-house because he was considered to be an adherent of Sulla for the sake of Pompeius; and the mother of Antistia having witnessed all this put an end to her life, so that this misfortune was added to the tragedy of the marriage; and in sooth another besides, for Aemilia herself died immediately afterwards in child-birth in the house of Pompeius.

X. After this, news arrived that Perpenna[206] was securing Sicily for himself, and that the island was supplying to those who remained of the opposite faction a point for concentrating their forces; for Carbo[207] was afloat in those parts with a navy, and Domitius had fallen upon Libya, and many other fugitives of note were crowding there, who had escaped from the proscriptions. Against these Pompeius was sent with a large force: and Perpenna immediately evacuated Sicily upon his arrival. Pompeius relieved the cities which had been harshly treated, and behaved kindly to them all except to the Mamertini in Messene. For when the Mamertini protested against the tribunal and the Roman administration of justice, on the ground that there was an old Roman enactment which forbade their introduction, "Won't you stop," said he, "citing laws to us who have our swords by our sides?" It was considered also that Pompeius triumphed over the misfortunes of Carbo in an inhuman manner. For if it was necessary to put Carbo to death, as perhaps it was, he ought to have been put to death as soon as he was taken, and then the act might have been imputed to him who gave the order. But Pompeius produced in chains a Roman who had three times been Consul, and making him stand in front of the tribunal while he was sitting, sat in judgment on him, to the annoyance and vexation of those who were present; after which he ordered him to be removed and put to death. They say that when Carbo had been dragged off, seeing the sword already bared, he begged them to allow him to retire for a short time as his bowels were disordered. Caius Oppius,[208] the friend of Cæsar, says that Pompeius behaved inhumanly to Quintus Valerius also; for Pompeius, who knew that Valerius was a learned man and a particular lover of learning, embraced him, and after walking about with him and questioning him about what he wanted to know, and getting his answer, he ordered his attendants to take Valerius away and immediately put him to death. But when Oppius is speaking of the enemies or friends of Cæsar, it is necessary to be very cautious in believing what he says. Now as to those enemies of Sulla who were of the greatest note and were openly taken, Pompeius of necessity punished them; but as to the rest he allowed as many as he could to escape detection, and he even aided some in getting away. Pompeius had determined to punish the inhabitants of Himera which had sided with the enemy; but Sthenis the popular leader having asked for a conference with him, told Pompeius that he would not do right, if he let the guilty escape and punished the innocent. On Pompeius asking who the guilty man was, Sthenis replied, it was himself, for he had persuaded those citizens who were his friends, and forced those who were his enemies. Pompeius admiring the bold speech and spirit of the man pardoned him first and then all the rest. Hearing that his soldiers were committing excesses on the march, he put a seal on their swords, and he who broke the seal was punished.

XI. While he was thus engaged in Sicily and settling the civil administration, he received a decree of the Senate and letters from Sulla which contained an order for him to sail to Libya and vigorously oppose Domitius,[209] who had got together a power much larger than that with which Marius no long time back had passed over from Libya to Italy and put all affairs at Rome in confusion by making himself a tyrant after having been a fugitive. Accordingly making his preparations with all haste Pompeius left in command in Sicily Memmius,[210] his sister's husband, and himself set sail with a hundred and twenty large ships, and eight hundred transports which conveyed corn, missiles, money, and engines. On his landing with part of his vessels at Utica and the rest at Carthage, seven thousand men deserted from the enemy and came over to him; he had himself six complete legions. It is said that a ludicrous thing occurred here. Some soldiers having fallen in with a treasure, as it seems, got a large sum of money. The matter becoming known, all the rest of the soldiers got a notion that the place was full of money, which they supposed to have been hid during the misfortunes of the Carthaginians. The consequence was that Pompeius could do nothing with the soldiers for many days while they were busy with looking after treasure, but he went about laughing and looking on so many thousands all at one time digging and turning up the ground, till at last the men were tired and told their commander to lead them were he pleased, as they had been punished enough for their folly.

XII. Domitius had posted himself to oppose Pompeius, with a ravine in his front which was difficult to pass and rough; but a violent rain accompanied with wind commenced in the morning and continued, so that Domitius giving up his intention of fighting on that day ordered a retreat. Pompeius taking advantage of this opportunity advanced rapidly and began to cross the ravine. But the soldiers of Domitius were in disorder and confusion, and what resistance they offered was neither made by the whole body nor yet in any regular manner: the wind also veered round and blew the storm right in their faces. However the storm confused the Romans also, for they did not see one another clearly, and Pompeius himself had a narrow escape with his life, not being recognised by a soldier to whom he was somewhat slow in giving the word on being asked for it. Having repulsed the enemy with great slaughter (for it is said that out of twenty thousand only three thousand escaped) they saluted Pompeius with the title of Imperator. But Pompeius said that he would not accept the honour, so long as the enemy's encampment was standing, and if they thought him worthy of this title they must first destroy the camp, upon which they forthwith rushed against the rampart, and Pompeius fought without a helmet for fear of what just had happened. The camp was taken and Domitius fell. Some of the cities immediately submitted, and others were taken by storm. Pompeius also made a prisoner of Iarbas,[211] one of the kings, who had sided with Domitius, and he gave his kingdom to Hiempsal. Availing himself of his success and the strength of his army he invaded Numidia. After advancing many days' march and subduing all whom he met with, and firmly establishing the dread of the Romans among the barbarians which had now somewhat subsided, he said that he ought not to leave even the wild beasts of Libya, without letting them have some experience of the strength and courage of the Romans. Accordingly he spent a few days in hunting lions and elephants;[212] and in forty days in all, as it is said, he defeated his enemies, subdued Libya, and settled all the affairs of the kings, being then in his four and twentieth year.

XIII. On his return to Utica he received letters from Sulla, with orders to disband the rest of the army, and to wait there with one legion for his successor in the command. Pompeius was annoyed at this and took it ill, though he did not show it; but the army openly expressed their dissatisfaction, and when Pompeius requested them to advance, they abused Sulla, and they said they would not let Pompeius be exposed to danger without them, and they advised him not to trust the tyrant. At first Pompeius endeavoured to mollify and quiet them, but finding that he could not prevail, he descended from the tribunal and went to his tent weeping. But the soldiers laid hold of him and again placed him on the tribunal, and a great part of the day was spent in the soldiers urging him to stay and be their leader, and in Pompeius entreating the soldiers to be obedient and not to mutiny, till at last, as they still urged him and drowned his voice with their cries, he swore he would kill himself, if they forced him; and so at last with great difficulty they were induced to stop. Sulla at first received intelligence that Pompeius had revolted, on which he said to his friends, it was his fate now that he was old to fight with boys, alluding to the fact that Marius, who was very young, gave him most trouble, and brought him into the extremest danger; but on hearing the true state of affairs, and perceiving that everybody with right good will was eager to receive Pompeius and to escort him, he made haste to outdo them. Accordingly he advanced and met Pompeius, and receiving him with all possible expressions of good-will, he saluted him with a loud voice by the name of Magnus,[213] and he bade those who were present to address him in the same way. The word Magnus means Great. Others say that it was in Libya first that the whole army with acclamation pronounced the name, and that it obtained strength and currency by being confirmed by Sulla. But Pompeius himself, after everybody else, and some time later when he was sent into Iberia as proconsul against Sertorius, began to call himself in his letters and edicts Magnus Pompeius; for the name was no longer invidious when people had been made familiar with it. And here one may justly admire and respect the old Romans, who requited with such appellations and titles not success in war and battles only, but honoured therewith political services and merits also. Two men accordingly the people proclaimed Maximi, which means the Greatest; Valerius,[214] because he reconciled the senate to the people when there was a misunderstanding between them; and Fabius Rullus,[215] because he ejected from the senate certain rich persons the children of freedmen who had been enrolled in the list of senators.

XIV. After this Pompeius asked for a triumph, but Sulla opposed his claim: for the law gives a triumph to a consul or to a prætor[216] only, but to no one else. And this is the reason why the first Scipio, after defeating the Carthaginians in greater and more important contests in Iberia, did not ask for a triumph, for he was not consul, nor yet prætor. Sulla considered that if Pompeius, who was not yet well bearded, should enter the city in triumph, he who, by reason of his age, was not yet a member of the senate, both his own office and the honour given to Pompeius would be exposed to much obloquy. Sulla made these remarks to Pompeius, to show that he did not intend to let him have a triumph, but would resist him and check his ambition, if he would not listen to reason. Pompeius, however, was not cowed, but he told Sulla to reflect, that more men worship the rising than the setting sun, intending him to understand that his own power was on the increase, but that the power of Sulla was diminishing and fading away. Sulla did not distinctly hear these words, but observing that those who did hear them, by looks and gestures expressed their astonishment, he asked what it was that Pompeius had said. When he heard what it was, he was confounded at the boldness of Pompeius, and called out twice, "Let him triumph!" Now many persons were annoyed, and expressed their dissatisfaction at the triumph, on which Pompeius, wishing to annoy them still more, it is said, made preparation for entering the city in a car drawn by four elephants,[217] for he brought from Libya many of the king's elephants that he had taken; but as the gate was too narrow, he gave up his project and contented himself with horses. The soldiers, who had not obtained as much as they expected, were ready to make a disturbance and impede the triumph, but Pompeius said that he cared not for it, and would rather give up the triumph than humour them; whereupon Servilius,[218] a man of distinction, who had made most opposition to the triumph of Pompeius, said, Now he perceived that Pompeius was really Great and was worthy of the triumph. It is also certain that he might then have been easily admitted into the senate, if he had chosen; but he showed no eagerness for it, seeking, as they say, reputation from what was unusual. For it was nothing surprising if Pompeius were a senator before the age, but it was a most distinguished honour for him to triumph before he was a senator. Another thing also gained him the good-will of the many in no small degree, for the people were delighted at his being reviewed among the Equites after the triumph.

XV. Sulla[219] was annoyed to see to what a height of reputation and power Pompeius was advancing, but as he was ashamed to attempt to check his career he kept quiet. However, when Pompeius had brought about the election of Lepidus as consul in spite of Sulla and against his wish, by canvassing for Lepidus, and by employing the affection of the people towards himself to induce them to favour Lepidus, Sulla seeing Pompeius retiring with the crowd through the Forum, said, "I see, young man, that you are pleased with your victory: and indeed how can it be otherwise than generous and noble, for Lepidus, the vilest of men, to be declared consul before Catulus the best, through your management of the people? However, it is time for you not to slumber, but to attend to affairs, for you have strengthened your rival against yourself." Sulla showed mainly by his testament that he was not well disposed to Pompeius, for he left legacies to his other friends, and made them his son's guardians, but he passed over Pompeius altogether. But Pompeius took this very quietly, and behaved on the occasion as a citizen should do; and accordingly, when Lepidus and some others were putting impediments in the way of the body being interred in the Field of Mars, and were not for allowing the funeral to be public, Pompeius brought his aid, and gave to the interment both splendour and security.

XVI. As soon as Sulla's death made his prophetic warnings manifest, and Lepidus was attempting to put himself in Sulla's place, not by any circuitous movement or contrivance, but by taking up arms forthwith, and again stirring up and gathering round him the remnants of the factions which had long been enfeebled and had escaped from Sulla; and his colleague Catulus, to whom the most honest and soundest part of the Senate and the people attached themselves, was the first of the Romans of the day for reputation of temperance and integrity, but was considered to be better adapted for the conduct of civil than of military affairs, and circumstances themselves were calling for Pompeius, he did not hesitate what course to take, but attaching himself to the optimates,[220] he was appointed commander of a force to oppose Lepidus, who had already stirred up a large part of Italy and held with an army under the command of Brutus, Gaul within the Alps. Now Pompeius easily defeated the rest whom he attacked, but at Mutina[221] in Gaul he sat down for some time opposite to Brutus, while Lepidus having hurried on to Rome and posted himself before the walls was demanding a second consulship and terrifying the citizens with a numerous army. But the alarm was ended by a letter from Pompeius, who had brought the war to a fortunate issue without a battle. For Brutus, whether it was that he gave up his force himself or was betrayed by his army changing sides, surrendered his person to Pompeius and with some horsemen as an escort retired to one of the small towns near the Padus, where after the interval of a single day he was put to death by Geminius, whom Pompeius sent to him; and Pompeius was much blamed for this. For at the very commencement of the affair of the army changing sides, he wrote to the Senate that Brutus[222] had voluntarily surrendered, and he then sent another letter in which he criminated the man after he was put to death. This Brutus was the father of the Brutus who together with Cassius killed Cæsar, a man who neither fought nor died like his father, as is told in his Life. As soon as Lepidus was driven from Italy, he made his escape into Sardinia, where he fell sick and died of vexation, not at the state of affairs, as they say, but from finding some writing by which he discovered that his wife had committed adultery.

XVII. But a general, Sertorius,[223] who in no respect resembled Lepidus, was in possession of Iberia and was hovering over the other Romans, a formidable adversary; for the civil wars had concentrated themselves as in a final disease in this one man, who had already destroyed many of the inferior commanders, and was then engaged with Metellus Pius, who was indeed a distinguished soldier and of great military ability, but owing to old age was considered to be following up the opportunities of war somewhat tardily, and was anticipated in his plans by the quickness and rapidity of Sertorius, who attacked him at all hazards and somewhat in robber fashion, and by his ambuscades and circuitous movements confounded a man well practised in regular battles and used to command a force of heavy-armed soldiers trained to close fighting. Upon this Pompeius, who had an army under his command, bestirred himself to be sent out to support Metellus; and though Catulus ordered him to disband his force he would not obey, but kept under arms in the neighbourhood of the city continually inventing excuses, until the command was given to him on the proposal of Lucius Philippus. It was on this occasion, as it is said, that some one in the Senate asked Philippus with some surprise, if he thought that Pompeius ought to be sent out as Proconsul,[224] and Philippus replied, "Not as Proconsul, as I think, but in place of the Consuls," meaning that both the consuls of that year were good for nothing. I

XVIII. When Pompeius arrived in Iberia, as it usually happens with the reputation of a new commander, he gave the people great hopes, and the nations which were not firmly attached to the party of Sertorius began to stir themselves and change sides; whereupon Sertorius gave vent to arrogant expressions against Pompeius, and scoffingly said, he should only need a cane and a whip for this youth, if he were not afraid of that old woman, meaning Metellus. However he conducted his military operations with more caution, as in fact he kept a close watch on Pompeius and was afraid of him. For contrary to what one would have expected, Metellus had become very luxurious in his mode of life and had completely given himself up to pleasure, and there had been all at once a great change in him to habits of pride and extravagance, so that this also brought Pompeius a surpassing good-will and reputation, inasmuch as he maintained a frugal mode of living, a thing that cost him no great pains, for he was naturally temperate and well regulated in his desires. Though there were many vicissitudes in the war, the capture of Lauron by Sertorius gave Pompeius most annoyance; for while he supposed that Sertorius was surrounded, and had uttered certain boasting expressions, all at once it appeared that he himself was completely hemmed in, and as for this reason he was afraid to stir, he saw the city burnt before his face. But he defeated, near Valentia, Herennius and Perpenna, who were men of military talent, and among others had fled to Sertorius and served under him; and he slaughtered above ten thousand of their men.

XIX. Elated by this success, and full of great designs, he hastened to attack Sertorius himself, in order that Metellus might not share the victory. They engaged on the banks of the Sucro, though it was near the close of day, both parties fearing the arrival of Metellus, one wishing to fight by himself, and the other wishing to have only one opponent. The issue of the battle was doubtful, for one wing was victorious on each side; but of the two commanders-in-chief Sertorius got the more honour, for he put to flight the enemy who were opposed to him. A man of tall stature, an infantry soldier, attacked Pompeius, who was on horseback; and as they closed and came to a struggle, the blows of the swords fell on the hands of both, but not with the same effect; for Pompeius was only wounded, but he cut off the man's hand. Now, as many men rushed upon Pompeius, and the rout had already begun, he escaped, contrary to all expectation, by quitting his horse, which had trappings of gold and decorations of great value; for while the enemy were dividing the booty and fighting about it with one another, they were left behind in the pursuit. At daybreak both commanders again placed their forces in order of battle, with the intention of securing the victory, but when Metellus approached, Sertorius retreated and his army dispersed. For the fashion of his men was to disperse and again to come together, so that Sertorius often wandered about alone, and often appeared again at the head of one hundred and fifty thousand men, like a winter-torrent suddenly swollen. Now, when Pompeius went to meet Metellus after the battle, and they were near one another, he ordered his lictors to lower their fasces out of respect to Metellus as the superior in rank. But Metellus would not allow this, and in all other respects he behaved with consideration to Pompeius, not assuming any superiority on the ground of being a consular and the elder, except that when the two armies encamped together the watchword for both armies was given out by Metellus; but the two armies generally encamped apart. For the enemy used to cut off their communications and separate them, being fertile in stratagems, and skilful in showing himself in many quarters in a short time, and in leading from one combat to another. Finally, by cutting off their supplies, plundering the country, and getting the command of the sea, he drove both Pompeius and Metellus from that part of Iberia which was under him, and they were compelled to fly to other provinces through want of provisions.

XX. Pompeius having spent most of his own property and applied it to the purposes of the war, demanded money of the senate, and said that he would come to Italy with his army if they did not send it. Lucullus, who was then consul, being at variance with Pompeius, and intriguing to get the command in the Mithridatic war for himself, bestirred himself to get money sent for fear of letting Pompeius have a reason for leaving Sertorius, and attacking Mithridates, which he wished to do, for Mithridates was considered to be an opponent whom it would be an honour to oppose and easy to vanquish. In the meantime, Sertorius[225] was assassinated by his friends, of whom Perpenna was the chief leader, and he attempted to do what Sertorius had done, having indeed the same troops and means, but not equal judgment for the management of them. Now Pompeius immediately advanced against Perpenna, and perceiving that he was floundering in his affairs, he sent down ten cohorts into the plain, as a bait, and gave them orders to disperse as if they were flying. When Perpenna had attacked the cohorts, and was engaged in the pursuit, Pompeius appeared in full force, and joining battle, gave the enemy a complete defeat. Most of the officers fell in the battle; but Perpenna was brought to Pompeius, who ordered him to be put to death, in which he did not show any ingratitude, nor that he had forgotten what had happened in Sicily, as some say, but he displayed great prudence and a judgment that was advantageous to the commonweal. For Perpenna, who had got possession of the writings of Sertorins, offered to produce letters from the most powerful men in Rome, who being desirous to disturb the present settlement and to change the constitution, invited Sertorius to Italy. Now Pompeius, apprehending that this might give rise to greater wars than those which were just ended, put Perpenna to death, and burnt the letters without even reading them.

XXI. After staying[226] long enough to extinguish the chief disturbances, and to quiet and settle those affairs which were in the most inflammatory state, he led his army back to Italy, and happened to arrive at the time when the servile war[227] was at its height. This was the reason why Crassus the commander urged on the hazard of a battle, which he gained, with the slaughter of twelve thousand three hundred of the enemy. Fortune, however, in a manner adopted Pompeius into this success also, for five thousand men who escaped from the battle fell in his way, all of whom he destroyed, and he took the opportunity of writing first to the senate, to say that Crassus indeed had conquered the gladiators in a pitched battle, but he had pulled up the war by the roots. And this was agreeable to the Romans to hear, owing to their good-will towards Pompeius, and also to speak of. As to Iberia and Sertorius, no one even in jest would have said that the conquest was due to any one else than Pompeius. But though the man was in such repute, and such expectations were entertained of him, there was still some suspicion and fear that he would not disband his army, but would make his way by arms and sovereign power straight to the polity of Sulla. Accordingly, those who through fear ran to greet him on the way, were as many as those who did it from good-will. But when Pompeius had removed this suspicion also by declaring that he would disband his army after the triumph, there still remained one subject of reproach for those who envied him, that he attached himself more to the people than to the senate, and that he had determined to restore the authority of the tribunate, which Sulla had destroyed, and to court the favour of the many, which was true. For there was nothing for which the people were more madly passionate, and nothing which they more desired, than to see that magistracy again, so that Pompeius considered the opportunity for this political measure a great good fortune, as he could not have found any other favour by which to requite the good-will of the citizens, if another had anticipated him in this.

XXII. Now after a second triumph[228] and the consulship were voted to him, Pompeius was not for this reason considered an object of admiration and a great man; but the people considered it a proof of his distinction, that Crassus, though the richest of all who were engaged in public life, and the most powerful speaker and the greatest man, and though he despised Pompeius and everybody else, did not venture to become a candidate for the consulship till he had applied to Pompeius. Pompeius indeed was well pleased with this, as he had long wished to have the opportunity of doing some service and friendly act to Crassus. According he readily accepted the advances of Crassus, and in his address to the people he declared that he should be as grateful to them for his colleague as for the consulship. However, when they were elected consuls, they differed about everything, and came into collision: in the senate Crassus had more weight, but among the people the influence of Pompeius was great. For Pompeius restored the tribunate[229] to the people, and he allowed the judicia to be again transferred to the Equites by a law. But the most agreeable of all spectacles was that which Pompeius exhibited to the people when he personally solicited his discharge from service. It is the custom among the Roman Equites[230] when they have served the time fixed by law, to lead their horse into the Forum before the two men whom they call Censors, and after mentioning each general and Imperator under whom they have served, and giving an account of their service, they receive their dismissal. Honours also and infamy are awarded according to each man's conduct. Now on this occasion the Censors Gellius and Lentulus were sitting in all their official dignity, and the Equites who were to be inspected were passing by, when Pompeius was seen descending from the higher ground to the Forum, bearing the other insignia of his office, but leading his horse by the hand. When he came near and was full in sight, he bade the lictors make way for him, and he led his horse to the tribunal. The people admired, and kept profound silence; the censors were both awed and delighted at the sight. Then the elder said: "I ask you, Pompeius Magnus, if you have performed all the military services that the law requires?" Pompeius replied with a loud voice, "I have performed all, and all under my own command as Imperator." On hearing this the people broke out into loud shouts, and it was impossible to repress the acclamations, so great was their delight; but the censors rising, conducted Pompeius home to please the citizens, who followed with loud expressions of applause.

XXIII. Now when the term of office was near expiring for Pompeius, and the differences with Crassus wore increasing, one Caius Aurelius,[231] who though a man of equestrian rank did not meddle with public affairs, on the occasion of an assembly of the people ascended the Rostra, and coming forward said, that Jupiter had appeared to him in his sleep and had bid him tell the consuls not to lay down their office before they were reconciled. On this being said, Pompeius stood still, without saying a word, but Crassus making the first advance to take his hand and address him, said, "I think I am doing nothing ignoble or mean, fellow citizens, in being first to give way to Pompeius, whom you considered worthy of the name of Magnus before he had a beard, and decreed to him two triumphs before he was a senator." Upon this they were reconciled and laid down their office. Now Crassus continued the kind of life which he had originally adopted; but Pompeius withdrew himself from his numerous engagements as advocate, and gradually quitted the forum, and seldom went into public, and always with a large crowd of people. For it was no longer easy to meet with him or see him without a train; but he took most pleasure in showing himself with a numerous company close around him, and by these means he threw a dignity and importance about his presence, and thought that he ought to keep his high rank from contact or familiarity with the many. For life in the garment of peace is a hazardous thing towards loss of reputation for those who have gained distinction in arms and are ill suited for civil equality; for such men claim the first place in peace also, as in war, while those who get less honour in war cannot submit to have no advantage in peace at least. Wherefore when they meet in the Forum with the man who has been distinguished in camps and triumphs, they humble him and cast him down; but if a man renounces all pretensions to civil distinction and withdraws, they maintain his military honours and power untouched by envy. Facts soon showed this.

XXIV. Now the power of the pirates[232] had its beginning in Cilicia, and at first its adventure was attended with hazard and sought concealment, but it gained confidence and daring in the Mithridatic war by lending itself to aid the king. Then, the Romans being engaged in the civil wars about the gates of Rome, the sea was left destitute of all protection, and this by degrees drew them on, and encouraged them not to confine their attacks to those who navigated the sea, but to ravage islands and maritime cities. And now men who were powerful by wealth and of distinguished birth, and who claimed superior education, began to embark on board piratical vessels and to share in their undertakings as if the occupation was attended with a certain reputation and was an object of ambition. There were also piratical posts established in many places and fortified beacons, at which armaments put in, which were fitted out for this peculiar occupation not only with bold vigorous crews and skilful helmsmen and the speed and lightness of the ships, but more annoying than their formidable appearance was their arrogant and pompous equipment, with their golden streamers[233] and purple sails and silvered oars, as if they rioted in their evil practices and prided themselves on them. And flutes and playing on stringed instruments and drinking along the whole coast, and capture of persons high in office, and ransomings of captured cities, were a disgrace to the Roman supremacy. Now the piratical ships had increased to above a thousand, and the cities captured by them were four hundred. They attacked and plundered the asyla and sacred places which had hitherto been unapproached, such as those of Claros,[234] Didyma, Samothrace, the temple of Chthonia in Hermione, the temple of Æsculapius in Epidaurus, and those of Neptune at the Isthmus and Tænaros and Kalauria, and those of Apollo at Actium and Leucas, and that of Juno in Samos, and in Argos, and Lacinium. They also performed strange rites on Olympus[235] and celebrated certain mysterious ceremonies, among which were those of Mithras[236] and they are continued to the present time, having been first introduced by them. But they did most insult to the Romans, and going up from the sea they robbed on their roads and plundered the neighbouring villas. They once seized two prætors Sextilius and Bellinus in their purple dress, and they carried off with them their attendants and lictors. They also took the daughter of Antonius, a man who had enjoyed a triumph, as she was going into the country, and she was ransomed at great cost. But their most insulting behaviour was in the following fashion. Whenever a man who was taken called out that he was a Roman and mentioned his name, they would pretend to be terror-struck and to be alarmed, and would strike their thighs and fall down at his knees praying him to pardon them; and their captive would believe all this to be real, seeing that they were humble and suppliant. Then some would put Roman shoes on his feet, and others would throw over him a toga, pretending it was done that there might be no mistake about him again. When they had for some time mocked the man in this way and had their fill of amusement, at last they would put a ladder down into the sea, and bid him step out and go away with their best wishes for a good journey; and if a man would not go, then they shoved him into the water.

XXV. The power of the pirates extended over the whole of our sea[237] at once in a measure, so that it could not be navigated and was closed against all trade. It was this which mainly induced the Romans, who were hard pressed for provisions and were expecting great scarcity, to send out Pompeius to clear the sea of the pirates. Gabinius,[238] one of the friends of Pompeius, drew up a law which gave Pompeius, not a naval command, but palpably sole dominion and power over all men without any responsibility. For the law gave him authority over the sea within the columns of Hercules and all the main land to the distance of four hundred stadia from the sea. There were not many places within the Roman dominions which lay beyond those limits, but the chief nations and the most powerful of the kings were comprised within them. Besides this, Pompeius was empowered to choose fifteen legati from the Senate who should command in particular parts, to take from the treasuries and from the Publicani as much money as he pleased, and two hundred ships, with full authority as to the number and levying of the armed force and of the rowers for the vessels. When these provisions of the law were read, the people received them with exceeding great satisfaction, but the chief of the Senate and the most powerful citizens considered that this unlimited and indefinite power was indeed too great to be an object of envy, but was a matter for alarm. Accordingly with the exception of Cæsar they opposed the law; but Cæsar spoke in favour of it, though indeed he cared very little for Pompeius, but from the beginning it was his plan to insinuate himself into the popular favour and to gain over the people. But the rest vehemently assailed Pompeius. One of the consuls who had observed to him that if he emulated Romulus he would not escape the end of Romulus, was near being killed by the people. When Catulus came forward to speak against the law, the people out of respect were silent for some time; but after he had spoken at length with honourable mention of Pompeius and without any invidious remark, and then advised the people to spare him and not to expose such a man to repeated dangers and wars, "What other man," he continued, "will you have, if you lose him?" when with one accord all the people replied, "Yourself." Now as Catulus could produce no effect, he retired from the Rostra; when Roscius[239] came forward, nobody listened, but he made signs with his fingers that they should not appoint Pompeius to the sole command, but should give him a colleague. At this it is said that the people being irritated sent forth such a shout, that a crow[240] which was flying over the Forum was stunned and fell down into the crowd. Whence it appears, that birds which fall, do not tumble into a great vacuum in the air caused by its rending and separation, but that they are struck by the blow of the voice, which, when it is carried along with great mass and strength, causes an agitation and a wave in the air.

XXVI. Now for the time the assembly was dissolved. But on the day on which they were going to put the law to the vote, Pompeius privately retired to the country, but on hearing that the law had passed, he entered the city by night, considering that he should make himself an object of jealousy if the people met him and crowded about him. At daybreak he came into public and sacrificed; and an assembly being summoned he contrived to get many other things in addition to what had been voted, and nearly doubled his armament. For he manned five hundred ships, and one hundred and twenty thousand heavy-armed soldiers and five thousand horse were raised. He chose out of the senate twenty-four men who had held command and served the office of prætor; and there were two quæstors. As the prices of provisions immediately fell, it gave the people, who were well pleased to have it, opportunity to say that the very name of Pompeius had put an end to the war. However, by dividing the waters and the whole space of the internal sea into thirteen parts and appointing a certain number of ships and a commander for each, with his force, which was thus dispersed in all directions, he surrounded the piratical vessels that fell in his way in a body, and forthwith hunted them down and brought them into port; but those who separated from one another before they were taken and effected their escape, crowded from all parts and made their way to Cilicia as to a hive; and against them Pompeius himself went with sixty of the best ships. But he did not sail against them till he had completely cleared of the piratical vessels the Tyrrhenian sea, the Libyan, and the seas around Sardinia, and Corsica, and Sicily, in forty days in all, by his own unwearied exertions and the active co-operation of his commanders.

XXVII. In Rome the consul Piso, through passion and envy, was damaging the preparations for the war, and disbanding the seamen who were to man the ships, but Pompeius sent round his navy to Brundisium and himself advanced through Tyrrhenia to Rome. On hearing this all the people poured forth out of the city upon the road, just as if they had not only a few days before conducted him out of the city. And the rejoicing was caused by the speediness of the change, which was contrary to expectation, for the Forum had a superabundance of provisions. The consequence was that Piso ran the risk of being deprived of the consulship, for Gabinius had already a law drawn up. But Pompeius prevented this, and having managed everything else with moderation and got what he wanted, he went down to Brundisium and set sail. But though he was pressed by the urgency of the business and sailed past the cities in his haste, still he did not pass by Athens but he went up to it. After sacrifices to the gods and addressing the people, just as he was quitting the place he read two inscriptions, each of a single verse, addressed to him, the one within the gate,

"As thou own'st thyself a mortal, so thou art in truth a God."

and that on the outside:

"Expected, welcomed, seen, we now conduct thee forth."

Now as he treated mercifully some of the piratical crews which still held together and were cruising about the seas upon their preferring entreaties to him, and after receiving a surrender of their vessels and persons did them no harm, the rest entertaining good hopes attempted to get out of the way of the other officers, and coming to Pompeius they put themselves into his hands with their children and wives. But he spared all, and it was chiefly through their assistance that he tracked out and caught[241] those who still lurked in concealment, as being conscious that they had committed unpardonable crimes.

XXVIII. The greater part and the most powerful of the pirates had deposited their families and wealth, and their useless people, in garrisons and strong forts among the heights of the Taurus; but manning their ships the pirates themselves awaited the approach of Pompeius near Coracesium[242] in Cilicia, and a battle was fought in which they were defeated and afterwards blockaded. At last sending a suppliant message they surrendered themselves and their cities and the islands of which they had possession and in which they had built forts that were difficult to force and hard to approach. Accordingly the war was ended, and all the pirates were driven from the sea in no more than three months. Pompeius received by surrender many ships, and among them ninety with brazen beaks. The pirates, who amounted to more than twenty thousand, he never thought of putting to death, but he considered that it would not be prudent to let them go and to allow them to be dispersed or to unite again, being poor, and warlike and many in number. Reflecting then that by nature man neither is made nor is a wild animal nor unsocial, and that he changes his character by the practice of vice which is contrary to his nature, but that he is tamed by habits and change of place and life, and that wild beasts by being accustomed to a gentler mode of living put off their wildness and savageness, he determined to transfer the men to the land from the sea and to let them taste a quiet life by being accustomed to live in cities and to cultivate the ground. The small and somewhat depopulated cities of Cilicia received some of the pirates whom they associated with themselves, and the cities received some additional tracts of land; and the city of Soli,[243] which had lately been deprived of its inhabitants by Tigranes[244] the Armenian king, he restored and settled many of them in it. To the greater part he gave as their residence Dyme[245] in Achæa, which was then without inhabitants and had much good land.

XXIX. Now those who envied Pompeius found fault with these measures; but as to his conduct towards Metellus[246] in Crete, even his best friends were not pleased with it. Metellus, who was a kinsman of the Metellus who had the command in Iberia jointly with Pompeius, was sent as commander to Crete before Pompeius was chosen. For Crete was a kind of second source of pirates and next to Cilicia; and Metellus having caught many of them in the island took them prisoners and put them to death. Those who still survived and were blockaded, sent a suppliant message and invited Pompeius to the island, as being a part of his government and falling entirely within the limits reckoned from the coast. Pompeius accepted the invitation and wrote to Metellus to forbid him continuing the war. He also wrote to the cities not to pay any attention to Metellus, and he sent as commander one of his own officers, Lucius Octavius, who entering into the forts of the besieged pirates and fighting on their side made Pompeius not only odious and intolerable, but ridiculous also, inasmuch as he lent his name to accursed and godless men and threw around them his reputation as a kind of amulet, through envy and jealousy of Metellus. Neither did Achilles,[247] it was argued, act like a man, but like a youth all full of violence and passionately pursuing glory, when he made a sign to the rest of the Greeks and would not let them strike Hector,

"For fear another gave the blow and won
The fame, and he should second only come;"

but Pompeius even protected and fought in behalf of the common enemy, that he might deprive of a triumph a general who had endured so much toil. Metellus however did not give in, but he took and punished the pirates, and after insulting and abusing Octavius in his camp he let him go.