Chapter XI: Part 11

XXX. When news reached Rome that the Pirates' war was at an end and that Pompeius being now at leisure was visiting the cities, Manlius,[248] one of the tribunes, proposed a law, that Pompeius should take all the country and force which Lucullus commanded, with the addition of Bithynia, which Glabrio[249] had, and should carry on the war against the kings Mithridates and Tigranes, with both the naval force and the dominion of the sea on the terms on which he received it originally. This was in short for the Roman dominion to be placed at the disposal of one man. For the provinces which alone he could not touch under the former law, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, Armenia, these he now had together with the armies and resources with which Lucullus defeated Mithridates and Tigranes. But though Lucullus was thus deprived of the glory of his achievements and was receiving a successor in a triumph rather than in a war, the aristocratical party thought less of this, though they considered that the man was treated unjustly and ungratefully, but they were much dissatisfied with the power of Pompeius which they viewed as the setting up of a tyranny, and they severally exhorted and encouraged one another to oppose the law and not to give up their freedom. But when the time came, the rest kept back through fear of the people and were silent, except Catulus, who after finding much fault with the law and the tribune, yet without persuading any one, urged the Senate from the Rostra, repeating it many times, to seek for a mountain,[250] like their ancestors, and a rock, to which they might fly for refuge and preserve their liberty. Accordingly the law was ratified, as they say, by all the tribes[251] and Pompeius in his absence was put in possession of nearly everything which Sulla got after he had made himself master of the city by arms and war. On receiving the letters and reading the decrees in the presence of his friends who were congratulating him, Pompeius is said to have contracted his eyebrows and to have struck his thigh, and to have spoken like a man who was already tired and averse to command, "Oh, the endless toils, how much better it were to have been one unknown to fame, if there shall never be an end to my military service and I shall never elude this envy and live quietly in the country with my wife."[252] On hearing these expressions not even his intimate friends could endure his hypocritical pretences, as they knew that he was the more delighted, inasmuch as his difference with Lucullus gave additional fire to his innate ambition and love of command.

XXXI. And in truth his acts soon discovered his real temper: for he issued counter-edicts in all directions by which he required the presence of the soldiers and summoned to him the subject rulers and kings. And as he traversed the country, he let nothing that Lucullus had done remain undisturbed, but he both remitted the punishments of many, and took away what had been given, and in short he left nothing undone in his eagerness to prove to the admirers of Lucullus[253] that he was entirely without power. Lucullus through his friends complained to Pompeius, and it was agreed that they should have a meeting. They met in Galatia: and as they were most distinguished generals and had won the greatest victories, their lictors met with the fasces wreathed with bay; but Lucullus advanced from green and shady parts, and Pompeius happened to have crossed an extensive tract without trees and parched. Accordingly the lictors of Lucullus seeing that the bays of Pompeius were faded and completely withered, gave them some of their own which were fresh, and so decorated and wreathed the fasces of Pompeius with them. This was considered a sign that Pompeius was coming to carry off the prizes of victory and the glory that was due to Lucullus. As to the order of his consulship and in age also Lucullus had the priority, but the reputation of Pompeius was more exalted on account of his two triumphs. However they managed their first interview with as much civility and friendliness as they could, magnifying the exploits of each other, and congratulating one another on their victories: in their conferences however they came to no reasonable or fair settlement, but even fell to mutual abuse, Pompeius charging Lucullus with avarice, and Lucullus charging Pompeius with love of power; and they were with difficulty separated by their friends. Lucullus being in Galatia assigned portions of the captured land and gave other presents to whom he chose; while Pompeius, who was encamped at a short distance, prevented any attention being paid to the orders of Lucullus, and took from him all his soldiers except sixteen hundred, whose mutinous disposition he thought would make them useless to himself, but hostile to Lucullus. Besides this, Pompeius disparaged the exploits of Lucullus and openly said that Lucullus had warred against tragedies and mere shadows of kings, while to himself was reserved the contest against a genuine power and one that had grown wiser by losses, for Mithridates was now having recourse to shields, and swords and horses. Lucullus retorting said, that Pompeius was going to fight with a phantom and a shadow of war, being accustomed, like a lazy bird, to descend upon the bodies that others had slaughtered and to tear the remnants of wars; for so had he appropriated to himself the victories over Sertorius, Lepidus and Spartacus, though Crassus, Metellus and Catulus had respectively gained these victories: it was no wonder then, if Pompeius was surreptitiously trying to get the credit of the Armenian and Pontic wars, he who had in some way or other contrived to intrude himself into a triumph over runaway slaves.

XXXII. Lucullus[254] now retired, and Pompeius after distributing his whole naval force over the sea between Phœnicia and the Bosporus to keep guard, himself marched against Mithridates, who had thirty thousand foot soldiers of the phalanx and two thousand horsemen, but did not venture to fight. First of all, Mithridates left a strong mountain which was difficult to assault, whereon he happened to be encamped, because he supposed there was no water there; but Pompeius, after occupying the same mountain, conjectured from the nature of the vegetation upon it and the hollows formed by the slopes of the ground that the place contained springs, and he ordered wells to be dug in all parts: and immediately the whole army had abundance of water, so that it was a matter of surprise that Mithridates had all along been ignorant of this. Pompeius then surrounded Mithridates with his troops and hemmed him in with his lines. After being blockaded forty-five days Mithridates succeeded in stealing away with the strongest part of his army, after having first massacred those who were unfit for service and were sick. Next, Pompeius overtook him on the Euphrates and pitched his camp near him; and fearing lest Mithridates should frustrate his design by crossing the river, he led his army against him in battle order at midnight, at which very hour it is said that Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was going to happen. He dreamed that he was sailing on the Pontic sea with a fair wind, and was already in sight of the Bosporus, and congratulating his fellow voyagers, as a man naturally would do in his joy at a manifest and sure deliverance; but all at once he saw himself abandoned by everybody and drifting about upon a small piece of wreck. While he was suffering under this anguish and these visions, his friends came to his bed-side and roused him with the news that Pompeius was attacking them. The enemy accordingly must of necessity fight in defence of their camp, and the generals leading their forces out put them in order of battle. Pompeius, seeing the preparations to oppose him, hesitated about running any risk in the dark, and thought that he ought only to surround the enemy, to prevent their escape, and attack them when it was daylight, inasmuch as their numbers were greater. But the oldest centurions by their entreaties and exhortations urged him on; for it was not quite dark, but the moon which was descending in the horizon still allowed them to see objects clear enough. And it was this which most damaged the king's troops. For the Romans advanced with the moon on their backs, and as the light was much depressed towards the horizon, the shadows were projected a long way in front of the soldiers and fell upon the enemy, by reason of which they could not accurately estimate the distance between them and the Romans, but supposing that they were already at close quarters they threw their javelins without effect and struck nobody. The Romans perceiving this rushed upon the enemy with shouts, and as they did not venture to stand their ground, but were terror-struck and took to flight, the Romans slaughtered them to the number of much more than ten thousand, and took their camp. Mithridates at the commencement with eight hundred horsemen cut his way through the Romans, but the rest were soon dispersed and he was left alone with three persons, one of whom was his concubine Hypsikratia,[255] who on all occasions showed the spirit of a man and desperate courage; and accordingly the king used to call her Hypsikrates. On this occasion, armed like a Persian and mounted on horseback, she was neither exhausted by the long journeys nor ever wearied of attending to the King's person and his horse, till they came to a place called Inora,[256] which was filled with the King's property and valuables. Here Mithridates took costly garments and distributed among those who had flocked to him after the battle. He also gave to each of his friends a deadly poison to carry about with them, that none of them might fall into the hands of the Romans against his will. Thence he set out towards Armenia to Tigranes, but Tigranes forbade him to come and set a price of a hundred talents upon him, on which Mithridates passed by the sources of the Euphrates and continued his flight through Colchis.[257] XXXIII. Pompeius invaded Armenia at the invitation of young Tigranes,[258] who had now revolted from his father, and he met Pompeius near the river Araxes,[259] which rises in the same parts with the Euphrates, but turns to the east and enters the Caspian Sea. Pompeius and Tigranes received the submission of the cities as they advanced: but King Tigranes, who had been lately crushed by Lucullus, and heard that Pompeius was of a mild and gentle disposition, admitted a Roman garrison into his palace,[260] and taking with him his friends and kinsmen advanced to surrender himself. As he approached the camp on horseback, two lictors of Pompeius came up to him and ordered him to dismount from his horse and to enter on foot: they told him that no man on horseback had ever been seen in a Roman camp. Tigranes obeyed their orders, and taking off his sword presented it to them; and finally, when Pompeius came towards him, pulling off his cittaris,[261] he hastened to lay it before his feet, and what was most humiliating of all, to throw himself down at his knees. But Pompeius prevented this by laying hold of his right hand and drawing the king towards him; he also seated Tigranes by his side, and his son on the other side, and said that Tigranes ought so far to blame Lucullus only, who had taken from him Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Galatia, and Sophene,[262] but that what he had kept up to that time, he should still have, if he paid as a compensation to the Romans for his wrongful deeds six thousand talents, and his son should be King of Sophene. Tigranes assented to these terms, and being overjoyed by the Romans saluting him as king, he promised to give every soldier half a mina of silver,[263] to a centurion ten minæ, and to a tribune a talent. But his son took this ill, and on being invited to supper he said that he was not in want of Pompeius to show such honour as this, for he would find another Roman.[264] In consequence of this he was put in chains and kept for the triumph. No long time after Phraates the Parthian sent to demand the young man, as his son-in-law, and to propose that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the two powers. Pompeius replied that Tigranes belonged to his father rather than to his father-in-law, and that as to a boundary he should determine that on the principles of justice.

XXXIV. Leaving Afranius in care of Armenia, Pompeius advanced through the nations that dwell about the Caucasus,[265] as of necessity he must do, in pursuit of Mithridates. The greatest of these nations are Albani and Iberians, of whom the Iberians extend to the Moschic mountains and the Pontus, and the Albani extend to the east and the Caspian Sea. The Albani at first allowed a free passage to Pompeius at his request; but as winter overtook the Romans in the country and they were occupied with the festival of the Saturnalia,[266] mustering to the number of forty thousand they attacked the Romans, after crossing the Cyrnus[267] river, which rising in the Iberian mountains and receiving the Araxes which comes down from Armenia, empties itself by twelve mouths into the Caspian. Others say that the Araxes does not join this stream, but that it has a separate outlet, though near to the other, into the same sea. Pompeius, though he could have opposed the enemy while they were crossing the river, let them cross quietly, and then he attacked and put them to flight and destroyed a great number. As the King begged for pardon, and sent ambassadors, Pompeius excused him for the wrong that he had done, and making a treaty with him, advanced against the Iberians, who were as numerous as the Albani and more warlike, and had a strong wish to please Mithridates and to repel Pompeius. For the Iberians had never submitted either to the Medes or the Persians,[268] and they had escaped the dominion of the Macedonians also, inasmuch as Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania. However Pompeius routed the Iberians also in a great battle, in which nine thousand of them were killed and above ten thousand taken prisoners, and he entered Colchis; and on the Phasis[269] he was met by Servilius with the vessels with which he was guarding the Pontus.

XXXV. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties, as he had plunged among the nations around the Bosporus and the Mæotis; and intelligence reached Pompeius that the Albani had again revolted. Moved by passion and desire of revenge, Pompeius turned against the Albani. He again crossed the Cyrnus with difficulty and danger, for the river had been fenced off with stakes to a great extent by the barbarians; and as the passage of the river was succeeded by a long waterless and difficult march, he had ten thousand skins filled with water and then advanced against the enemy, whom he found posted on the river Abas[270] to the number of sixty thousand foot and twelve thousand cavalry, but poorly armed, and for the most part only with the skins of beasts. They were commanded by a brother of the king, named Kosis, who, when the two armies had come to close quarters, rushed against Pompeius and struck him with a javelin on the fold[271] of his breastplate, but Pompeius with his javelin in his hand pierced him through and killed him. In this battle it is said that Amazons[272] also fought on the side of the barbarians, and that they had come down hither from the mountains about the river Thermodon. For after the battle, when the Romans were stripping the barbarians, they found Amazonian shields and boots, but no body of a woman was seen. The Amazons inhabit those parts of the Caucasus which extend towards the Hyrcanian sea, but they do not border on the Albani, for Gelæ and Leges dwell between; and they cohabit with these people every year for two months, meeting them on the river Thermodon, after which they depart and live by themselves.

XXXVI. After the battle Pompeius set out to advance to the Hyrkanian[273] and Caspian sea, but he was turned from his route by the number of deadly reptiles, when he was three days' march from it. He retired to the Less Armenia; and he returned a friendly answer to the Kings of the Elymæi[274] and Medes who sent ambassadors, but against the Parthian king who had invaded Gordyene and was plundering the people of Tigranes, he sent Afranius with a force who drove him out and pursued him as far as the territory of Arbela. Of all the concubines of Mithridates who were brought to him, he knew not one, but sent all back to their parents and kin; for the greater part were the daughters and wives of generals and princes. Stratonike,[275] who was in the greatest repute and guarded the richest of the forts, was, it is said, the daughter of a harp-player, who was not rich and was an old man; and she made so sudden a conquest of Mithridates over his wine by her playing, that he kept the woman and went to bed with her, but sent away the old man much annoyed at not having been even civilly spoken to by the king. In the morning, however, when he got up and saw in his house tables loaded with silver and golden cups, and a great train of attendants, with eunuchs and boys bringing to him costly garments, and a horse standing before the door equipped like those that carried the king's friends, thinking that this was all mockery and a joke he made an attempt to escape through the door. But when the slaves laid hold of him and told him that the king had made him a present of the large substance of a rich man who had just died, and that this was but a small foretaste and sample of other valuables and possessions that were to come, after this explanation hardly convinced he took the purple dress, and leaping on the horse rode through the city exclaiming, "All this is mine." To those who laughed at him he said, this was nothing strange, but it was rather strange that he did not pelt with stones those who came in his way, being mad with delight. Of this stock and blood was Stratonike. But she gave up this place to Pompeius, and also brought him many presents, of which he took only such as seemed suitable to decorate the temples and add splendour to his triumph, and he told her she was welcome to keep the rest. In like manner when the King of the Iberians sent him a couch and a table and a seat all of gold, and begged him to accept them, he delivered them also to the quæstors for the treasury.

XXXVII. In the fort Kænum[276] Pompeius found also private writings of Mithridates, which he read through with some pleasure as they gave him a good opportunity of learning the man's character. They were memoirs,[277] from which it was discovered that he had taken off by poison[278] among many others his son Ariarathes and Alkæus of Sardis because he got the advantage over the King in riding racehorses. There were registered also interpretations of dreams,[279] some of which he had seen himself, and others had been seen by some of his women; and there were lewd letters of Monime[280] to him and his answers to her. Theophanes says that there was also found an address of Rutilius[281] in which he urged the King to the massacre of the Romans in Asia. But most persons with good reason suppose this to be a malicious story of Theophanes, perhaps invented through hatred to Rutilius, who was a man totally unlike himself, or perchance to please Pompeius, whose father Rutilius in his historical writings had shown to be a thoroughly unprincipled fellow.

XXXVIII. Thence Pompeius went to Amisus,[282] where his ambition led him to reprehensible measures. For though he had abused Lucullus greatly, because while the enemy was still alive, he published edicts for the settlement of the countries and distributed gifts and honours, things which victors are accustomed to do when a war is brought to a close and is ended, he himself, while Mithridates was still ruling in the Bosporus[283] and had got together a force sufficient to enable him to take the field again, just as if everything was finished, began to do the very things that Lucullus had done, settling the provinces, and distributing gifts, many commanders and princes, and twelve barbarous kings having come to him. Accordingly he did not even deign when writing in reply to the Parthian,[284] as other persons did, to address him by the title of King of Kings, and he neglected to do this to please the other kings. He was also seized with a desire and a passion to get possession of Syria and to advance through Arabia to the Erythræan sea,[285] that in his victorious career he might reach the ocean that encompasses the world on all sides; for in Libya he was the first who advanced victoriously as far as the external sea, and again in Iberia he made the Atlantic sea the boundary of the Roman dominion; and thirdly, in his recent pursuit of the Albani he came very near to reaching the Hyrkanian sea. Accordingly he now put his army in motion that he might connect the circuit of his military expeditions with the Erythræan sea; and besides, he saw that Mithridates was difficult to be caught by an armed force, and was a harder enemy to deal with when flying than when fighting.

XXXIX. Wherefore, remarking that he would leave behind him for Mithridates an enemy stronger than himself, famine, he set vessels to keep a guard on the merchants who sailed to the Bosporus; and death was the penalty for those who were caught. Taking the great bulk of his army he advanced on his march, and falling in with the bodies still unburied of those who with Triarius[286] had fought unsuccessfully against Mithridates and fallen in battle, he buried all with splendid ceremonial and due honours. It was the neglect of this which is considered to have been the chief cause of the hatred to Lucullus. After subduing by his legate Afranius the Arabs in the neighbourhood of the Amanus,[287] he descended into Syria, which he made a province and a possession of the Roman people on the ground that it had no legitimate kings; and he subdued Judæa[288] and took King Aristobulus prisoner. He built some cities, and he gave others their liberty and punished the tyrants in them. But he spent most time in judicial business, settling the disputes of cities and kings, and in those cases for which he had no leisure, sending his friends; as for instance to the Armenians and Parthians, who referred to him the decision as to the country[289] in dispute between them, he sent three judges and conciliators. For great was the fame of his power, and no less was the fame of his virtue and mildness; by reason of which he was enabled to veil most of the faults of his friends and intimates, for he did not possess the art of checking or punishing evil doers, but he so behaved towards those who had anything to do with him, that they patiently endured both the extortion and oppression of the others.

XL. The person who had most influence with Pompeius was Demetrius, a freedman, a youth not without understanding, but who abused his good fortune. The following story is told of him. Cato the philosopher, who was still a young man, but had a great reputation and already showed a lofty spirit, went up to Antioch,[290] when Pompeius was not there, wishing to examine the city. Now Cato, as was his custom, walked on foot, but his friends who were journeying with him were on horseback. Observing before the gate a crowd of men in white vestments, and along the road, on one side the ephebi, and on the other the boys, in separate bodies, he was out of humour, supposing that this was done out of honour and respect to him who wanted nothing of the kind. However he bade his friends dismount and walk with him. As they came near, the man who was arranging and settling all this ceremony, with a crown on his head and a wand in his hand, met them and asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would arrive. Now the friends of Cato fell a-laughing, but Cato exclaimed, "O wretched city," and passed by without making further answer. However Pompeius himself made Demetrius less an object of odium to others by submitting to his caprices without complaint. For it is said that frequently when Pompeius at entertainments was waiting for and receiving his guests, Demetrius would already have taken his place at the table, reclining with haughty air, and with his vest[291] over his ears hanging down. Before he had returned to Rome, Demetrius had got possession of the most agreeable places in the suburbs, and the finest pleasure-grounds and costly gardens were called Demetrian; and yet up to his third triumph Pompeius was lodged in a moderate and simple manner. But afterwards when he was erecting for the Romans that beautiful and far-famed theatre,[292] he built, what may be compared to the small boat that is towed after a big vessel, close by a house more magnificent than he had before; and yet even this was so far from being such a building as to excite any jealousy that the person who became the owner of it after Pompeius, was surprised when he entered it, and he asked where Pompeius Magnus used to sup. Such is the story about these matters.

XLI. The King of the Arabians in the neighbourhood of Petra[293] hitherto had not troubled himself at all about the Romans, but now being much alarmed he wrote to say that he was ready to submit and to do anything. Pompeius wishing to confirm him in this disposition made an expedition against Petra, wherein he did not altogether escape censure from most people. For they considered that this was evading the pursuit of Mithridates, and they urged him to turn against him who was his old antagonist and was fanning his flame and preparing according to report to lead an army through the country of the Scythians and Pæonians[294] against Italy. But Pompeius thinking it would be easier to crush the forces of Mithridates in the field than to overtake him when he was flying, did not choose to exhaust himself to no purpose in a pursuit, and he contrived to find other occupations in the interval of the war and he protracted the time. Fortune, however, settled the difficulty; for when he was at no great distance from Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and was exercising himself with his horse around the camp, letter-bearers rode up from Pontus with good tidings. This was manifest at once by the points of their spears, for they were wreathed with bay. Pompeius at first wished to finish his exercises, but as the men called out and entreated him, he leapt from his horse and taking the letters advanced into the camp. But as there was no tribunal[295] and there had not been time to make even the kind of tribunal that is used in the camp, which they are accustomed to form by digging out large lumps of earth and putting them together upon one another, in their then zeal and eagerness they piled together the loadings of the beasts of burden and raised an elevated place. Pompeius ascending this announced to the soldiers, that Mithridates was dead, having put an end to his own life because his son Pharnakes[296] rebelled against him, and Pharnakes had taken possession of everything in those parts, and put all under his own dominion and that of the Romans, as he said in his letter.

XLII. Upon this the soldiers being delighted, as was natural, occupied themselves with sacrifices and entertainments, considering that in the person of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had expired. Pompeius having brought his own undertakings and expeditions to a termination, which he had not anticipated could be so easily done, immediately retired from Arabia; and quickly traversing the intermediate provinces he arrived at Amisus, where he found that many presents had been sent by Pharnakes and many corpses of members of the royal family, and the corpse of Mithridates also, which could not well be recognised by the face (for those who had embalmed the body had neglected to destroy the brain); but those who wished to see the body, recognised it by the scars. Pompeius himself would not see the body, but fearing divine retribution[297] he sent it off to Sinope.[298] He was amazed at the dress and armour of Mithridates, both at the size and splendour of what he saw; though the sword belt, which cost four hundred talents, Publius stole and sold to Ariarathes, and the cittaris, a piece of wonderful workmanship, Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates himself gave to Faustus the son of Sulla who asked for it. Pompeius did not know this at the time; but Pharnakes who afterwards discovered it punished the thieves. After Pompeius had arranged and settled affairs in those parts, he continued his march with more pomp. On arriving at Mitylene[299] he gave the city its freedom for the sake of Theophanes, and he witnessed the usual contest there among the poets, the sole subject being his own exploits. Being pleased with the theatre he had a sketch taken of it and a plan made, with the intention of making one like it in Rome, but larger and more splendid. When he was in Rhodes, he heard all the sophists and made each a present of a talent. Poseidonius[300] put in writing the discourse which he read before Pompeius in opposition to the rhetorician Hermagoras on the doctrine of general invention. In Athens Pompeius behaved in like manner to the philosophers, and after giving also to the city fifty talents towards its restoration, he was in hopes to set foot in Italy with a reputation above that of any man and to be received by his family with the same eagerness that he had to see them. But the Dæmon[301] who takes care always to mix some portion of ill with the great and glorious good things which come from Fortune, had long been lurking on the watch and preparing to make his return more painful to him. For during the absence of Pompeius his wife Mucia[302] had been incontinent. Indeed while Pompeius was at a distance he treated the report with contempt, but when he had come near to Italy, and had examined the charge with more deliberation, as it seems, he sent her notice of divorce, though neither then nor afterwards did he say for what reason he put her away: but the reason is mentioned in Cicero's letters.

XLIII. All kinds of reports about Pompeius preceded his arrival at Rome, and there was great alarm, as it was supposed that he would forthwith lead his army against the city and that a monarchy[303] would be firmly established. Crassus taking his sons and his money secretly got away from Rome, whether it was that he really was afraid, or, what is more probable, he wished to give credibility to the calumny and to strengthen the odium against Pompeius. As soon, however, as Pompeius landed[304] in Italy, he summoned his soldiers to an assembly,and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and expressing his affectionate thanks to them, he bade them disperse among their several cities and each go to his home, remembering to meet again for his triumph. The army being thus dispersed, and the fact being generally known, a wonderful circumstance happened. For the cities seeing Pompeius Magnus unarmed and advancing with a few friends, as if he were returning from an ordinary journey, pouring forth through good will and forming an escort brought him into Rome with a larger force, so that if he had designed to make any change and revolution at that time he would not have wanted the army which he had disbanded.

XLIV. As the law did not allow a general to enter the city before his triumph, Pompeius sent to the Senate to request they would put off the consular elections and to grant him this favour, that he might in his own person assist Piso in his canvass. As Cato opposed his request, he did not attain his object. But Pompeius admiring Cato's boldness of speech and the vigour which he alone openly displayed in behalf of the law, desired in some way or other to gain the man; and as Cato had two nieces, Pompeius wished to take one of them to wife and to marry the other to his son. Cato saw his object, which he viewed as a way of corrupting him and in a manner bribing him by a matrimonial alliance; but his sister and wife took it ill that he should reject an alliance with Pompeius Magnus. In the mean time Pompeius wishing to get Afranius[305] made consul, expended money on his behalf among the tribes, and the voters came down to the gardens of Pompeius where they received the money, so that the thing became notorious and Pompeius had an ill name for making that office which was the highest of all and which he obtained for his services, venal for those who were unable to attain to it by merit. "These reproaches however," said Cato to the women, "we must take our share of, if we become allied to Pompeius." On hearing this the women agreed that he formed a better judgment than themselves as to what was proper.

XLV. Though the triumph[306] was distributed over two days, such was its magnitude that the time was not sufficient, but much of the preparation was excluded from the spectacle, and enough for the splendour and ornament of another procession. The nations over which Pompeius triumphed were designated by titles placed in front. The nations were the following, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, the Iberians, Albani, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, the parts about Phœnice and Palestine, Judæa, Arabia, and the whole body of pirates by sea and land who had been subdued. Among these nations fortified places not fewer than a thousand were taken, and cities not far short of nine hundred, and eight hundred piratical ships; and cities forty save one were founded. Besides this it was shown on written tablets that 5000 myriads (fifty millions) were the produce of the taxes, while from the additions that he had made to the state they received 8500 myriads (eighty-five millions), and there were brought into the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold and silver twenty thousand talents, not including what had been given to the soldiers, of whom he who received the least according to his proportion received fifteen hundred drachmæ. The captives who appeared in the procession, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranes the Armenian with his wife and daughter, and Zosime a wife of King Tigranes, and Aristobulus King of the Jews, and a wife and five children of Mithridates, and Scythian women, and also hostages of the Albani and Iberians and of the King of Commagene, and numerous trophies, equal in number to all the battles, which Pompeius had won himself or by his legati. But it was the chief thing towards his glory, and what had never happened before to any Roman, that he celebrated his third triumph over the third continent. For though others before him had triumphed three times, Pompeius by having gained his first triumph over Libya, his second over Europe, and this the last over Asia, seemed in a manner to have brought the whole world into his three triumphs.

XLVI. At this time Pompeius was under four-and-thirty[307] years of age, as those affirm who in all respects compare him with Alexander and force a parallel, but in fact he was near forty. How happy would it have been if he had died at the time up to which he had the fortune of Alexander; but the period that followed brought to him good fortune accompanied with odium, and ill fortune that was past all cure. For the power which he got in the city by fair means, he employed on the behalf of others illegally; and as much strength as he gave to them, so much he took from his own reputation, and so he was overthrown by the strength and magnitude of his own power before he was aware of it. And as the strongest parts and places in cities, when the enemies have got possession of them, give to them their own strength, so Cæsar being raised up through the power of Pompeius against the State, overthrew and cast down the man by whose help he became strong against others. And it was brought about thus. Immediately upon Lucullus returning from Asia, where he had been treated with great contumely by Pompeius, the Senate gave him a splendid reception, and when Pompeius had arrived they urged Lucullus still more to take a part in public affairs, for the purpose of limiting the credit of Pompeius. Though Lucullus was in other matters now dull and chilled for all active life, having given himself up to the pleasures of ease and the enjoyment of wealth, yet he forthwith sprang up against Pompeius, and by a vigorous attack got a victory over him with respect to the arrangements of Lucullus that he had annulled, and had the advantage in the Senate with the co-operation of Cato. Pompeius, defeated and pressed on all sides, was compelled to fly to tribunes and to attach himself to young men, of whom the most scandalous and the most daring, Clodius, took up his cause, but threw him completely under the feet of the people; and by making him inconsistently with his station constantly frequent the Forum and carrying him about, he used him for the purpose of confirming everything that was said or proposed to please and flatter the people. Further, he asked of Pompeius for his reward, just as if he were not degrading him but were doing him a service, and he afterwards got what he asked, the betrayal of Cicero,[308] who was a friend of Pompeius and had served him in public matters more than any one else. For when Cicero was in danger and prayed for his aid, Pompeius would not even see him, but shut the front door upon those who came on Cicero's part and went out by another door. Cicero fearing the trial retired from Rome.

XLVII. At this time Cæsar[309] returned from his government and undertook a political measure, which brought him the greatest popularity for the present and power for the future, but did the greatest damage to Pompeius and the State. For he became a candidate for his first consulship; but seeing that while Crassus was at variance with Pompeius, if he attached himself to one of them he would have the other for his enemy, he applied himself to effect a reconciliation between them, a thing which in other respects was fair and useful to the State, but was managed by him for a bad reason and with a dexterity full of treacherous design. For the strength which kept the State, just as in the case of a vessel, in a condition of equilibrium and prevented it falling over to this side or that, when brought together and united caused it to incline to one side with an irresistible force that overpowered and beat down everything. Accordingly Cato said that they were mistaken who affirmed that the State was overturned by the quarrel which afterwards broke out between Cæsar and Pompeius, for they laid the blame on the last events; for it was not their disunion nor yet their enmity, but their union and concord which was the first and greatest misfortune that befel the State. Cæsar was elected consul, and forthwith he courted the needy and poor by proposing measures for the establishment of cities, and the division of lands, wherein he stepped beyond the proprieties of his office and in a manner made his consulship into a tribunate. When his colleague Bibulus opposed him and Cato was prepared to support Bibulus most vigorously, Cæsar brought forward Pompeius on the Rostra, and put the question to him, "If he approved of the proposed laws;" upon Pompeius saying that he did, "Will you not then," said Cæsar, "if any one makes resistance to the laws, come forward before the people to maintain them?" "Certainly," said Pompeius, "I will come against those who threaten swords, with sword and shield." It was the general opinion that Pompeius up to that day had never said or done anything more arrogant, so that even his friends in his defence said that the words had escaped him at the moment. But yet it was clear from what followed that he had completely given himself up to Cæsar to do what he pleased with him: for contrary to all expectation Pompeius married Cæsar's daughter Julia, who had been betrothed to Cæpio and was going to be married to him within a few days; and to pacify Cæpio, Pompeius gave him his own daughter who was already promised to Faustus the son of Sulla. Cæsar himself married Calpurnia the daughter of Piso.

XLVIII. After this Pompeius filled the city with soldiers and managed everything by force. For the soldiers suddenly fell on the consul Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum with Lucullus and Cato, and broke the fasces; and some one bedaubed Bibulus by throwing a basket of ordure over his head, and two of the tribunes who were conducting him were wounded. By these means they cleared the Forum of their opponents and then carried the law about the distribution of lands. The people being taken with this bait were now become tame and ready to support any project of theirs, giving no trouble at all, but silently voting for what was proposed to them. Accordingly the regulations of Pompeius as to which he was at variance with Lucullus were confirmed, and Cæsar received Gaul within and without the Alps and the province of Illyricum for five years with four complete legions; and it was settled that the consuls for the next year should be Piso[310] the father-in-law of Cæsar, and Gabinius, who was the most extravagant of the flatterers of Pompeius. While this was going on, Bibulus shut himself up in his house and never went out for eight months, the remainder of the period of his consulship, but he sent out counter-edicts full of abuse and charges against both: Cato as if inspired and under divine influence foretold in the Senate what would happen to the city and to Pompeius; and Lucullus[311] renouncing public life kept quiet, on the ground that his age disqualified him for political concerns, on which Pompeius observed that for an old man luxury was more unsuitable to his age than to mingle in affairs of state. However Pompeius himself also was soon rendered inactive through passion for his young wife, with whom he passed the chief part of his time, and lived in the country and his gardens, and he paid no attention to what was going on in the Forum, so that even Clodius, who was then tribune, despised Pompeius and engaged in the most daring measures. For after Clodius had ejected Cicero and sent off Cato to Cyprus[312] under colour of giving him a command, and Cæsar was gone to Gaul, and Clodius saw that the people were devoted to him as he was doing everything and framing all his measures to please them, he immediately attempted to repeal some of the regulations of Pompeius, and seizing the person of the captive Tigranes he kept him in his own house, and he instituted prosecutions against the friends of Pompeius, and so made trial of the power of Pompeius by attacking his friends. At last when Pompeius came forward upon the occasion of a certain trial, Clodius having with him a body of men filled with insolence and arrogance took his station in a conspicuous place and put to them the following questions: "Who is Imperator unlimited? what man seeks another man? who scratches his head[313] with one finger?" The people like a Chorus trained to chant corresponding parts, while Clodius was shaking his toga,[314] at every question with loud shouts replied, "Pompeius."

XLIX. Now this also annoyed Pompeius, who was unaccustomed to be abused and had no practice in this kind of warfare; but he was still more vexed when he perceived that the Senate were pleased at the insults offered to him and at his paying the penalty for his treachery to Cicero. But when it happened that they came to blows in the Forum and even proceeded so far as to wound one another, and a slave of Clodius was detected in the crowd stealing through the bystanders up to Pompeius with a dagger in his hand, Pompeius alleging these proceedings as his excuse, and besides that, being afraid of the insolence and abuse of Clodius, came no more into the Forum so long as Clodius was in office, but kept to his house and was planning with his friends how he could pacify the resentment of the Senate and the nobles towards him. However he would not listen to Culleo,[315] who advised him to put away Julia and giving up the friendship of Cæsar to pass over to the Senate, but he followed the advice of those who recommended that Cicero[316] should be restored, who was the greatest enemy of Clodius and most beloved by the Senate. Pompeius with a strong party accompanied Cicero's brother who was going to make his entreaty to the people, and after some wounds had been inflicted in the Forum and some persons were killed, they got the advantage over Clodius. Cicero returning to the city in pursuance of a law immediately reconciled Pompeius to the Senate, and, by speaking in favour of the law relating to grain,[317] in a manner again made Pompeius master of all the land and sea that the Romans possessed. For under his control were placed harbours, places of trade, the disposal of produce, in a word, all the affairs of those who navigated the sea and cultivated the land. But Clodius complained that the law had not been made on account of the scarcity of grain, but that the scarcity of grain was caused in order that the law might be passed, and that Pompeius might again fan into a flame and recover his power, which was as it were wasting away through his want of spirit. Others explained this to have been a device of the consul Spinther, whose object was to engage Pompeius in a higher official employment, that himself might be sent out to support king Ptolemæus.[318] However Canidius the tribune proposed a measure to the effect that Pompeius without an army and with two lictors should go to bring about a reconciliation between the Alexandrians and the king. And indeed it was supposed that Pompeius was not displeased at the measure, but the Senate rejected it on the specious pretext that they feared for the safety of Pompeius. There were writings to be found scattered about the Forum and near the Senate-house, to the effect that Ptolemæus wished Pompeius to be given to him as general instead of Spinther. And Timagenes[319] says that Ptolemæus without any reason and without necessity had quitted Egypt and left it at the advice of Theophanes who was planning profitable occupation for Pompeius and a subject for a fresh command. But the villainy of Theophanes does not make this so probable, as the character of Pompeius makes it improbable, for he had no ambition of so mean and illiberal a kind.

L. Pompeius being appointed to look after the management and the supply of corn, sent his deputies and friends to many places, and he himself sailed to Sicily and Sardinia and Libya and collected grain. When he was about to set sail, there was a violent wind on the sea, and the masters of the ships were unwilling to put out, but Pompeius embarking first and bidding them raise the anchor, cried, "It is necessary to sail; there is no necessity to live." By such boldness and zeal, and the help of good fortune, Pompeius filled the markets with grain and the sea with ships, so that the superfluity of what he got together sufficed even for those who were without, and there was as from a spring an abundant overflowing for all.

LI. During this time the Celtic wars[320] raised Cæsar to great distinction; and though he was considered to be a very long way from Rome, and to be occupied with Belgæ and Suevi and Britanni, he contrived, by his skilful management, without being perceived, in the midst of the popular assemblies, and in the most important matters, to frustrate the political measures of Pompeius. For Cæsar's military force was like a body that invested him, and he was training it to toil, and making it invincible and formidable, not to oppose the barbarians, but he was disciplining his men in these contests just as if it were merely hunting wild beasts and pursuing them with dogs; and in the meantime he was sending to Rome gold and silver, and the rest of the spoil and wealth which he got in abundance from so many enemies, and by tempting people there with gifts, and assisting ædiles in their expenses, and generals and consuls and their wives, he was gaining over many of them; so that when he had crossed the Alps and was wintering in Luca, there was a great crowd of men and women who vied with one another in their eagerness to visit him, besides two hundred of the Senatorian class, among whom were Pompeius and Crassus; and one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and prætors were seen at Cæsar's doors. Now, after filling all the rest with hopes and money, he sent them off; but a compact was made between him and Crassus and Pompeius, that they should be candidates for the consulship, and that Cæsar should help them by sending many of his soldiers to vote, and that as soon as they were elected, they should secure for themselves the command of provinces and armies, and should confirm Cæsar's provinces to him for another five years. Upon this being publicly known, the first men in the State were displeased, and Marcellinus coming forward before the popular assembly, asked both Crassus and Pompeius to their faces, if they would be candidates for the consulship. The assembly bade them give him an answer, on which Pompeius spoke first, and said, that perhaps he should and perhaps he should not. Crassus replied in a manner more befitting a citizen,[321] for he said that he would act either way, as he should think it best for the common weal. But when Marcellinus stuck close to Pompeius, and was considered to be speaking in violent terms, Pompeius said that Marcellinus, of all men, showed the least regard to fair dealing, because he was not grateful to him in that he was the means of Marcellinus becoming eloquent, though he was formerly mute, and of now being so full as to vomit, though formerly he was starving of hunger.