Chapter XII: Conclusion (1)

After writing a hundred pages as though one knew something, it is a relief to confess one's ignorance. So I shall do myself the pleasure of concluding with a list of Romane Questions which are too hard for me. Why _they kept the temple of the goddesse Horta open alwaies_ I own to me is a mystery yet. I cannot even conjecture _what is the reason that Quintus Metellus forbad to observe auspices after the moneth Sextilis_, nor why _they thought Aruspices ought to have their lanterns and lampes alwaies open_, nor why _obsserve they the vultures most of any other fowles in taking of presages_. White, as a mourning colour, which is prescribed in _R. Q._ 26, may be paralleled in the customs of Gambreion, in Asia Minor, and in Argos, but the explanation is beyond me. The origin of the proverb _Sardi venales_, and of the interesting custom associated with it (_R. Q._ 53), can scarcely be said to be explained either by Festus (p. 322) or by Cicero (VII. _Fam._, 24). Nor do I know why boys were named on the ninth, whereas girls were named on the eighth day of birth. And _why_ did the Romans of old time invariably, when they went out to supper, take with them _their young sonnes_, _even when they were but in their very infancie and childhood_?

ROMANE QVESTIONS,

THAT IS TO SAY,

AN ENQUIRIE INTO THE

CAUSES OF MANIE FASHIONS AND CUSTOMES OF ROME.

_A Treatise fit for them who are conversant in the reading_ of Romane histories and antiquities, giving a light _to many places otherwise obscure and hard_ to be understood.

ROMANE QVESTIONS.

1.

_What is the reason that new wedded wives are bidden to touch fire and
water?_

Is it because that among the elements and principles, whereof are composed naturall bodies, the one of these twaine, to wit, fire is the male, and water the female, of which, that infuseth the beginning of motion, and this affoordeth the propertie of the subject and matter?

2. Or rather, for that, as the fire purgeth, and water washeth; so a wife ought to continue pure, chaste and cleane all her life.

3. Or is it in this regard, that as fire without humidity, yeeldeth no nourishment, but is dry; and moisture without heat is idle, fruitlesse and barren; even so the male is feeble, and the female likewise, when they be apart and severed a sunder: but the conjunction of two maried folke yeeldeth unto both, their cohabitation and perfection of living together.

4. Or last of all, because man and wife ought not to forsake and abandon one another, but to take part of all fortunes; though they had no other good in the world common betweene them, but fire and water onely.

2.

_How is it, that they use to light at weddings five torches, and neither
more nor lesse, which they call Wax-lights._

1. WHETHER is it as _Varro_ saith, because the Prætours or generals of armies use three, and the Aediles two: therefore it is not meet that they should have more than the Prætours and Aediles together: considering that new maried folke goe unto the Aediles to light their fire?

2. Or, because having use of many numbers, the odde number seemed unto them as in all other respects better, and more perfect than the even: so it was fitter and more agreeable for mariage: for the even number implieth a kinde of discord and division, in respect of the equall parts in it, meet for siding, quarrell, and contention: whereas the odde number cannot be divided so just and equally, but there will remaine somewhat still in common for to be parted. Now among al odde numbers, it seemeth that Cinque is most nuptial, & best beseeming mariage; for that Trey is the first odde number, & Deuz the first even; of which twaine, five is compounded, as of the male and the female.

3. Or is it rather, because light is a signe of being and of life: and a woman may beare at the most five children at one burden; and so they used to cary five tapers or waxe candels?

4. Or lastly, for that they thought, that those who were maried had need of five gods and goddesses: namely, _Jupiter_[131] genial, _Juno_ genial, _Venus_, _Suade_, and above all _Diana_; whom (last named) women in their labour and travell of childe-birth, are wont to call upon for helpe.

3.

_What is the cause that there being many Temples of_ Diana _in_ Rome,
_into that onely which standeth in the Patrician street, men enter not_.

1. IS it not because of a tale which is told in this maner: In old time a certeine woman being come thither for to adore and worship this goddesse, chaunced there to bee abused and suffer violence in her honor: and he who forced her, was torne in pieces by hounds: upon which accident, ever after, a certeine superstitious feare possessed mens heads, that they would not presume to goe into the said temple.

4.

_Wherefore is it, that in other temples of_ Diana _men are woont
ordinarily to set up and fasten Harts hornes; onely in that which is upon
mount_ Aventine; _the hornes of oxen and other beefes are to be seen_.

MAY it not be, that this is respective to the remembrance of an ancient occurrent that sometime befell? For reported it is that long since in the Sabines countrey, one _Antion Coratius_ had a cow, which grew to be exceeding faire and woonderfull bigge withall above any other: and a certeine wizard or soothsaier came unto him and said: How predestined it was that the citie which sacrificed that cow unto _Diana_ in the mount _Aventine_, should become most puissant and rule all _Italy_: This _Coratius_ therefore came to _Rome_ of a deliberate purpose to sacrifice the said cow accordingly: but a certaine houshold servant that he had, gave notice secretly unto king _Servius Tullius_ of this prediction delivered by the abovesaid soothsaier: whereupon _Servius_ acquainted the priest of _Diana_, _Cornelius_, with the matter: and therefore when _Antion_ _Coratius_ presented himselfe for to performe his sacrifice, _Cornelius_ advertised him, first to goe downe into the river, there to wash; for that the custome and maner of those that sacrificed was so to doe: now whiles _Antion_ was gone to wash himselfe in the river, _Servius_ steps into his place, prevented his returne, sacrificed the cow unto the goddesse, and nailed up the hornes when he had so done, within her temple. _Juba_ thus relateth this historie, and _Varro_ likewise, saving that _Varro_ expressely setteth not downe the name of _Antion_, neither doth he write that it was _Cornelius_ the priest, but the sexton onely of the church that thus beguiled the Sabine.

5.

_Why are they who have beene falsly reported dead in a strange countrey,
although they returne home alive, not received nor suffred to enter
directly at the dores, but forced to climbe up to the tiles of the house,
and so to get downe from the roufe into the house?_

_Varro_ rendreth a reason heereof, which I take to be altogether fabulous: for hee writeth, that during the Silician warre, there was a great battell fought upon the sea, and immediately upon it, there ranne a rumour of many that they were dead in this fight; who notwithstanding, they returned home safe, died all within a little while after: howbeit, one there was among the rest, who when he would have entred into his owne house, found the dore of the owne accord fast shut up against him; and for all the forcible meanes that was made to open the same, yet it would not prevaile: whereupon this man taking up his lodging without, just before his dore, as he slept in the night, had a vision which advertised and taught him how he should from the roofe of the house let himselfe downe by a rope, and so get in: now when he had so done, he became fortunate ever after, all the rest of his life; and hee lived to be a very aged man: and heereof arose the foresaid custome, which alwaies afterwards was kept and observed.

But haply this fashion may seeme in some sort to have beene derived from the Greeks: for in _Greece_ they thought not those pure and cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to be enterred; or whose sepulchre and funerals were solemnized or prepared: neither were such allowed to frequent the company of others, nor suffred to come neere unto their sacrifices. And there goeth a report of a certaine man named _Aristinus_, one of those who had beene possessed with this superstition, how he sent unto the oracle of _Apollo_ at _Delphos_, for to make supplication and praier unto the god, for to bee delivered out of this perplexed anxietie that troubled him by occasion of the said custome or law then in force: and that the prophetesse _Pythia_ returned this answer:

_Looke whatsoever women doe in childbed newly laid,
Unto their babes, which they brought foorth, the verie same I say
See that be done to thee againe: and after that be sure,
Unto the blessed gods with hands to sacrifice, most pure._

Which oracle thus delivered, _Aristinus_ having well pondered and considered, committed himselfe as an infant new borne unto women for to be washed, to be wrapped in swadling clothes, and to be suckled with the brest-head: after which, all such others, whom we call _Hysteropotmous_, that is to say, those whose graves were made, as if they had beene dead, did the semblable. Howbeit, some doe say, that before _Aristinus_ was borne, these ceremonies were observed about those _Histropotmi_, and that this was a right auncient custome kept in the semblable case: and therefore no marvell it is, that the Romans also thought, that such as were supposed to have beene once buried, and raunged with the dead in another world, ought not to enter in at the same porch, out of which they goe, when they purpose to sacrifice unto the gods, or at which they reenter when they returne from sacrifice: but would have them from above to descend through the tiles of the roufe into the close house, with the aire open over their heads: for all their purifications ordinarily they performed without the house abroad in the aire.

6.

_Why doe women kisse the lips of their kinsfolks?_

IS it as most men thinke, for that women being forbidden to drinke wine, the manner was brought up: That whensoever they met their kinsfolke, they should kisse their lips, to the end they might not be unknowen, but convicted if they had drunke wine? or rather for another reason, which _Aristotle_ the philosopher hath alledged? for as touching that occasion, which is so famous and commonly voiced in every mans mouth, yea, and reported of divers and sundrie places; it was no doubt the hardy attempt executed by the dames of _Troie_, and that upon the coasts of _Italy_; for when the men upon their arrivall were landed; the women in the meanewhile set fire upon their ships, for very desire that they had to see an end once, one way or other of their long voiage, & to be delivered frõ their tedious travel at sea: but fearing the fury of their men, when they should returne, they went forth to meet their kinsfolke and friends upon the way, and welcomed them with amiable embracing & sweet kisses of their lips: by which means having appeased their angrie mood, and recovered their favours, they continued ever after, the custome of kind greeting and loving salutation in this manner.

Or was not this a priviledge granted unto women for their greater honour and credit; namely, to be knowen and seen for to have many of their race and kinred, and those of good worth and reputation?

Or because it was not lawfull to espouse women of their blood and kinred, therefore permitted they were to entertaine them kindly and familiarly with a kisse, so they proceeded no farther; insomuch as this was the onely marke and token left of their consanguinitie. For before time, they might not marrie women of their owne blood; no more than in these daies their aunts by the mothers side, or their sisters: and long it was ere men were permitted to contract marriage with their cousin germains; and that upon such an occasion as this. There was a certaine man of poore estate and small living, howbeit otherwise of good and honest cariage, and of all others that managed the publike affairs of State most popular and gracious with the commons: who was supposed to keepe as his espoused wife a kinswoman of his and cousin germain, an inheritresse; by whom he had great wealth, and became verie rich: for which he was accused judicially before the people; but upon a speciall favour that they bare unto him, they would not enquire into the cause in question; but not onely suppressed his bill of enditement, and let her go as quit of all crime, but also even they, enacted a statute; by vertue whereof, lawfull it was for all men from that time forward to marrie, as far as to their cousin germains, but in any higher or neerer degree of consanguinitie, they were expresly forbidden.

7.

_Wherefore is it not lawfull either for the husband to receive a gift of
his wife, or for the wife of her husband._

MAY it not be, for that, as _Solon_ ordained that the donations and bequests, made by those that die shall stand good, unlesse they be such as a man hath granted upon necessitie, or by the inducement and flatterie of his wife: in which proviso, he excepted necessitie, as forcing and constraining the will; and likewise pleasure, as deceiving the judgement; even so have men suspected the mutuall gifts passing between the husband and the wife, and thought them to be of the same nature.

Or was it not thought, that giving of presents was of all other the least & worst signe of amity and goodwill (for even strangers and such as beare no love at all use in that sort to be giving) and in that regard they would banish out of marriage such kind of pleasing and curring favour; to the end that the mutuall love and affection between the parties should be free and without respect of salarie and gaine, even for it selfe and nothing else in the world.

Or because women commonly admit and entertaine straungers, as corrupted by receiving of presents and gifts at their hands, it was thought to stand more with honour and reputation, that wives should love their owne husbands, though they gave them nothing by way of gift.

Or rather, for that it was meet and requisit, that the goods of the husband should be common to the wife, and to the wife likewise of the husband: for the partie who receiveth a thing in gift, doth learne to repute that which was not given, to be none of his owne, but belonging to another: so that man and wife in giving never so little one to another, despoil and defraud themselves of all that is beside.

8.

_What might be the cause that they were forbidden to receive any gift
either of [132]Sonne in law, or [133]Father in law?_

OF Sonne in law, for feare lest the gift might be thought by the meanes of the Father to passe about the returne unto the wife: and of the Father in law, because it was supposed meet and just, that he who gave not, should not likewise receive ought.[134]

9.

_What should be the reason that the Romans when they returned from some
voyage out of a farre and forraine countrey, or onely from their ferme
into the citie; if their wives were at home, used to send a messenger
unto them before, for to give warning and advertisement of their
comming?_

EITHER it was because this is a token of one that beleeveth and is verily perswaded that his wife intendeth no lewdnesse, nor is otherwise busied than well: whereas to come upon her at unwares and on a sodain, is a kind of forlaying and surprize. Or for that they make haste to send them good newes of their comming, as being assured that they have a longing desire, and doe expect such tidings.

Or rather because themselves would be glad to heare from them some good newes, to wit, whether they shall find them in good health when they come, and attending affectionately and with great devotion, their returne.

Or else because women ordinarily, when their husbands be away and from home, have many petie businesses and house affaires: and other whiles there fall out some little jarres and quarrels within doores with their servants, men or maidens: to the end therefore all such troubles and inconveniences might be overblowen, and that they might give unto their husbands a loving and amiable welcome home, they have intelligence given unto them before hand of their arrivall and approch.

10.

_What is the cause that when they adore and worship the gods, they cover
their heads: but contrariwise when they meet with any honourable or
worshipfull persons, if their heads haplie were then covered with their
cover, they discover the same, and are bare headed._

FOR it seemeth that this fashion maketh the former doubt and braunch of the question more difficult to be assoiled: and if that which is reported of _Aeneas_ be true; namely, that as _Diomedes_ passed along by him whiles he sacrificed, he covered his head, and so performed his sacrifice; there is good reason and consequence, that if men be covered before their enemies, they should be bare when they encounter either their friends, or men of woorth and honour: for this maner of being covered before the gods, is not properly respective unto them, but occasioned by accident, and hath, since that example of _Aeneas_, beene observed and continued.

But if we must say somewhat else beside, consider whether it be not sufficient to enquire onely of this point; namely, why they cover their heads when they worship the gods, seeing the other consequently dependeth heereupon: for they stand bare before men of dignitie and authoritie, not to doe them any more honor thereby, but contrariwise to diminish their envie, for feare they might be thought to require as much reverence and the same honor as is exhibited to the gods, or suffer themselves, and take pleasure to bee observed and reverenced equally with them: as for the gods they adored them after this sort; either by way of lowlinesse and humbling themselves before their majestie, in covering and hiding their heads; or rather because they feared lest as they made their praiers, there should come unto their hearing, from without, any sinister voice or inauspicate and ominous osse: and to prevent such an object they drew their hood over their eares: And how true it is that they had a carefull eie and regard to meet with all such accidents, it may appeere by this, that when they went to any oracle for to be resolved by answer from thence upon a scrupulous doubt, they caused a great noise to be made all about them, with ringing of pannes or brasen basons.

Or it may well be, (as _Castor_ saith, comparing in concordance the Romane fashions with the rites of the Pythagoreans) for that the Dæmon or good angell within us, hath need of the gods helpe without, and maketh supplication with covering the head, giving thus much covertly to understand thereby, that the soule is likewise covered and hidden by the bodie.

11.

_Why sacrifice they unto_ Saturne _bare-headed_.

IS it because _Aeneas_ first brought up this fashion of covering the head at sacrifice; and the sacrifice to _Saturnus_ is much more auncient than his time?

Or, for that they used to be covered unto the celestiall gods: but as for _Saturne_ he is reputed a Subterranean or terrestriall god?

Or, in this respect, that there is nothing hidden, covered, or shadowed in Trueth? For among the Romans, _Saturne_ was held to be the father of Veritie.

12.

_Why doe they repute_ Saturne _the father of Trueth_.

IS it for that (as some Philosophers deeme) they are of opinion that [135]_Saturne_ is [136]Time? and Time you know well findeth out and revealeth the Truth.

Or, because as the Poets fable, men lived under _Saturnes_ reigne in the golden age: and if the life of man was then most just and righteous, it followeth consequently that there was much trueth in the world.

13.

_What is the reason that they sacrificed likewise unto the god whom they
tearmed_ Honor, _with bare head? now a man may interpret_ Honor _to be as
much as Glory and Reputation_.

IT is haply because Honor and glory is a thing evident, notorious, and exposed to the knowledge of the whole world: and by the same reason that they veile bonet before men of worship, dignitie, and honor, they adore also the deitie that beareth the name of Honor, with the head bare.

14.

_What may be the cause, that sonnes cary their Fathers and Mothers foorth
to be enterred, with their heads hooded and covered: but daughters bare
headed, with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose._

IS it for that Fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children, but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters, and therefore the law having given and graunted unto either sex that which is proper, hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient.

Or, it is in this regard, that unto sorrow and heaviness, that is best beseeming which is extraordinarie and unusuall: now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered: and likewise with men, to be discovered and bare headed. For even among the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie, the manner and custome is, that the women should cut of the hayres of their head, and the men weare them long; for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads, and women keepe their haire long. And to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered; in such a case, and for the said cause, a man may alledge that which _Varro_ hath written; namely, that in the solemnitie of funerals, and about the tombs of their fathers, they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods: in such sort, as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire, so soone as ever they meet with a bone, they pronounce, that he who is dead, is now become a god. On the contrary side, women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads. And we find upon record, that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was _Spurius Carbilius_, because she bare him no children; the second, _Sulpitius Gallus_, for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head: and the third _Publius Sempronius_, for standing to behold the solemnitie of the funerall games.

15.

_How it commeth to passe, that considering the Romans esteemed Terminus a
god, and therefore in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon_
Terminalia, _yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice unto him_?

IT is because _Romulus_ did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey, to the end that he might lawfully set out and take in where pleased him, and repute all that land his owne so far as, (according to that saying of the Lacedæmonian) his speare or javelin would reach? But _Numa Pompilius_ a just man and politick withall, one who knew well how to govern, and that by the rule of Philosophie, caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations, and called those frontier bonds by the name of _Terminus_ as the superintendent, over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours; and therefore he supposed, that this _Terminus_ ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood, and impollute with any murder.

16.

_What is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter
into the temple of the goddesse_ [137]Leucothea? _and the Dames of_ Rome,
_bringing in thither one alone and no more with them, fall to cuffing and
boxing her about the eares and cheeks_.

AS for the wench that is thus buffeted, it is a sufficient signe and argument, that such as she, are not permitted to come thither: now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise: that ladie _Ino_ being in times past jealous of her husband, and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers, fell mad, and was enraged against her owne sonne: this servant the Greeks say, was an Aetolian borne, and had to name Antiphera: and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of _Chæronea_, before the temple or chappell of _Matuta_, the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice: No man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere; no Aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place.

17.

_What is the cause that to this goddesse, folke pray not for any
blessings to their owne children, but for their nephews onely, to wit,
their brothers or sisters children?_

MAY it not be that _Ino_ being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well, in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers: but was infortunate in her owne children?

Or rather, because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill, inducing and moving folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds.

18.

_For what cause, were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto_
Hercules _the Disme or tenth of all their goods_?

WHY may it not be upon this occasion, that _Hercules_ himselfe being upon a time at [138]_Rome_, sacrifice the tenth cow of all the drove which he had taken from _Gerion_?

Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans from the tax and tribute of the Dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the Tuskans.

Or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie, and worthie of credit; what and if we say that unto _Hercules_ as to some great bellie god, and one who loved good cheere, they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie?

Or rather, for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish a little, their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state, as if they meant to abate and bring low (as it were) that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie, which being growen to the height is daungerous: supposing by such cutting off, and abridging of superfluities, to do honour and service most pleasing unto _Hercules_, as who joied highly in frugalitie: for that in his life time he stood contented with a little, and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever.

19.

_Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth Januarie?_

FOR in old time the moneth of March was reckoned first, as a man may collect by many other conjectures, and by this specially, that the fift moneth in order after March was called _Quintilis_, and the sixt moneth _Sextilis_, and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last, which they named December, because it was the tenth in number after March: which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke & say, that the Romans (in those daies) determined and accomplished their compleat yeere, not in twelve moneths but in ten: namely, by adding unto everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie. Others write, that December indeed was the tenth moneth after March; but Januarie was the eleventh, and Februarie the twelfth: in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices, yea, and offered oblations unto the dead (as it were) to make an end of the yere. Howbeit afterwards they transposed this order, and ranged Januarie in the first place, for that upon the first day thereof, which they call the Calends of Januarie; the first Consuls that ever bare rule in _Rome_ were enstalled, immediatly upon the deposition and expulsion of the kings out of the citie. But there seemeth to be more probability & likelihood of truth in their speech, who say, that _Romulus_ being a martiall prince, and one that loved warre and feats of armes, as being reputed the sonne of _Mars_, set before all other moneths, that which caried the name of his father: howbeit _Numa_ who succeeded next after him, being a man of peace, and who endevored to withdraw the hearts and minds of his subjects and citizens from warre to agriculture, gave the prerogative of the first place unto Januarie, and honoured _Janus_ most, as one who had beene more given to politick government, and to the husbandrie of ground, than to the exercise of warre and armes.

Consider moreover, whether _Numa_ chose not this moneth for to begin the yeere withall, as best sorting with nature in regard of us; for otherwise in generall, there is no one thing of all those that by nature turne about circularly, that can be said first or last, but according to the severall institutions and ordinances of men, some begin the time at this point, others at that. And verely they that make the Winter solstice or hibernall Tropick the beginning of their yeere, do the best of all others: for that the Sunne ceasing then to passe farther, beginneth to returne and take his way againe toward us: for it seemeth, that both according to the course of nature, and also in regard of us, this season is most befitting to begin the yeere: for that it increaseth unto us the time of daie light, and diminisheth the darknesse of night, and causeth that noble starre or planet to approch neerer and come toward us, the lord governour and ruler of all substance transitorie and fluxible matter whatsoever.

20.

_Why do women when they dresse up and adorne the chappell or shrine of
their feminine goddesse, whom they call_ Bona, _never bring home for that
purpose any branches of Myrtle tree: and yet otherwise have a delight to
employ all sorts of leaves and flowers_?

MAY it not be, for that, as some fabulous writers tell the tale, there was one [139]_Flavius_ a soothsaier had a wife, who used secretely to drinke wine, and when she was surprised and taken in the manner by her husband, she was well beaten by him with myrtle rods: and for that cause they bring thither no boughs of myrtle: marry they offer libations unto this goddesse of wine, but forsooth they call it Milke.

Or is it not for this cause, that those who are to celebrate the ceremonies of this divine service, ought to be pure and cleane from all pollutions, but especially from that of _Venus_ or lechery? For not onely they put out of the roome where the service is performed unto the said goddesse _Bona_, all men, but also whatsoever is besides of masculine sex; which is the reason that they so detest the myrtle tree, as being consecrated unto _Venus_, insomuch as it should seeme they called in old time that _Venus_, _Myrtea_, which now goeth under the name, of _Murcia_.

21.

_What is the reason that the Latines doe so much honour and reverence the
Woodpecker, and forbeare altogether to do that bird any harme?_

IS it for that _Picus_ was reported in old time by the enchantments and sorceries of his wife, to have changed his owne nature, and to be metamorphozed into a Woodpecker; under which forme he gave out oracles, and delivered answeres unto those who propounded unto him any demaunds?

Or rather, because this seemeth a meere fable, and incredible tale: there is another storie reported, which carieth more probabilitie with it, and soundeth neerer unto trueth. That when _Romulus_ and _Remus_ were cast foorth and exposed to death; not onely a female woolfe gave them her teats to sucke, but also a certeine Woodpecker flew unto them, and brought them food in her bill, and so fedde them: and therefore haply it is, that ordinarily in these daies wee may see, as _Nigidius_ hath well observed; what places soever at the foot of an hill covered and shadowed with oakes or other trees a Woodpecker haunteth, thither customably you shall have a woolfe to repaire.

Or peradventure, seeing their maner is to consecrate unto every god one kinde of birde or other, they reputed this Woodpecker sacred unto _Mars_, because it is a couragious and hardy bird, having a bill so strong, that he is able to overthrow an oke therewith, after he hath jobbed and pecked into it as farre as to the very marrow and heart thereof.

22.

_How is it that they imagine_ Janus _to have had two faces, in which
maner they use both to paint and also to cast him in mold_.

IS it for that he being a Græcian borne, came from _Perrhœbia_, as we finde written in histories; and passing forward into _Italy_, dwelt in that countrey among the Barbarous people, who there lived, whose language and maner of life he changed?

Or rather because he taught and perswaded them to live together after a civill and honest sort, in husbandry and tilling the ground; whereas before time their manners were rude, and their fashions savage without law or justice altogether.

23.

_What is the cause that they use to sell at_ Rome _all things perteining
to the furniture of Funerals, within the temple of the goddesse_
Libitina, _supposing her to be Venus_.

THIS may seeme to be one of the sage and philosophicall inventions of king _Numa_, to the end that men should learne not to abhorre such things, nor to flie from them, as if they did pollute and defile them?

Or else this reason may be rendred, that it serveth for a good record and memoriall, to put us in minde, that whatsoever had a beginning by generation, shall likewise come to an end by death; as if one and the same goddesse were superintendent and governesse of nativitie and death: for even in the city of _Delphos_ there is a pretie image of _Venus_, surnamed _Epitymbia_; that is to say sepulchrall: before which they use to raise and call foorth the ghosts of such as are departed, for to receive the libaments and sacred liquors powred foorth unto them.

24.

_Why have the Romans in every moneth three beginnings as it were, to wit,
certeine principall and prefixed or preordeined[140] daies, and regard
not the same intervall or space of daies betweene?_

IS it because as _Juba_ writeth in his chronicles, that the chiefe magistrates were wont upon the first day of the moneth to call and summon the people; whereupon it tooke the name of _Calends_: and then to denounce unto them that the _Nones_ should be the fift day after; and as for the _Ides_ they held it to be an holy and sacred day?

Or for that they measuring and determining the time according to the differences of the moone, they observed in her every moneth three principall changes and diversities: the first, when she is altogether hidden, namely during her conjunction with the sunne; the second when she is somewhat remooved from the beames of the sunne, & beginneth to shew herselfe croissant in the evening toward the West whereas the sunne setteth; the third, when she is at the full: now that occultation and hiding of hers in the first place, they named Calends, for that in their tongue whatsoever is secret & hidden, they say it is [_Clam_] and to hide or keepe close, they expresse by this word [_Celare_;] and the first day of the moones illumination, which wee heere in _Greece_ tearme _Noumenia_, that is to say, the new-moone, they called by a most just name _Nonæ_, for that which is new and yoong, they tearme _Novum_, in manner as wee doe νὲον. As for the _Ides_, they tooke their name of this word εἶδὸς, that signifieth beautie; for that the moone being then at the full, is in the very perfection of her beautie: or haply they derived this denomination of _Dios_, as attributing it to _Jupiter_: but in this we are not to search out exactly the just number of daies, nor upon a small default to slander and condemne this maner of reckoning, seeing that even at this day, when the science of Astrologie is growen to so great an increment, the inequalitie of the motion, and course of the moone surpasseth all experience of Mathematicians, and cannot be reduced to any certeine rule of reason.

25.

_What is the cause that they repute the morrowes after_ Calends, Nones,
_and_ Ides, _disasterous or dismall daies, either for to set forward upon
any journey or voiage, or to march with an army into the field_?

IS it because as many thinke, and as _Titus Livius_ hath recorded in his storie; the Tribunes militarie, at what time as they had consular and soveraigne authoritie, went into the field with the Romane armie the morrow after the _Ides_ of the moneth _Quintilis_, which was the same that July now is, and were discomfited in a battell by the Gaules, neere unto the river _Allia_: and cõsequently upon that overthrow, lost the very city it selfe of _Rome_: by which occasion the morrow after the _Ides_, being held and reputed for a sinister and unluckie day; superstition entring into mens heads, proceeded farther (as she loveth alwaies so to doe) and brought in the custome for to hold the morrow after the _Nones_, yea, and the morrow after the _Calends_, as unfortunate, and to be as religiously observed in semblable cases.

But against this there may be opposed many objections: for first and formost, they lost that battell upon another day, and calling it _Alliensis_, by the name of the river _Allia_, where it was strucken, they have it in abomination for that cause. Againe, whereas there be many daies reputed dismal and unfortunate, they doe not observe so precisely and with so religious feare, other daies of like denomination in every moneth, but ech day apart onely in that moneth wherein such and such a disaster, hapned: and that the infortunitie of one day should draw a superstitious feare simply upon all the morrowes after _Calends_, _Nones_, and _Ides_, carieth no congruitie at all, nor apparence of reason.

Consider moreover and see, whether, as of moneths they used to consecrate the first to the gods celestiall; the second to the terrestriall, or infernall, wherein they performe certeine expiatorie ceremonies and sacrifices of purification, and presenting offirings and services to the dead: so of the daies in the moneth, those which are chiefe and principall, as hath beene said, they would not have to be kept as sacred and festivall holidaies; but such as follow after, as being dedicated unto the spirits, called _Dæmons_, and those that are departed; they also have esteemed cõsequently as unhappy, & altogether unmeet either for to execute or to take in hand any businesse: for the Greeks adoring and serving the gods upon their new moones and first daies of the moneth, have attributed the second daies unto the demi-gods and _Dæmons_: like as at their feasts also they drinke the second cup unto their demi-gods, and demi-goddesses. In summe, Time is a kinde of number, and the beginning of number is (I wot not what,) some divine thing, for it is Unitie: and that which commeth next after it is Deuz or two, cleane opposite unto the said beginning, and is the first of all even numbers: as for the even number it is defective, unperfect, and indefinit, whereas contrariwise, the uneven or odde number it selfe is finite, complet, and absolute: and for this cause like as the _Nones_ succeed the _Calends_ five daies after; so the _Ides_ follow the _Nones_ nine daies after them; for the uneven and odde numbers doe determine those beginnings, or principall daies; but those which presently ensue after the said principall daies being even, are neither ranged in any order, nor have power and puissance: and therefore men doe not enterprise any great worke, nor set foorth voiage or journey upon such daies: and heereto wee may to good purpose annex that pretie speech of _Themistocles_: For when the morrow (quoth he) upon a time quarrelled with the festivall day which went next before it, saying, that herselfe was busied and tooke a great deale of pains, preparing & providing with much travel those goods which the feast enjoied at her ease, with all repose, rest, and leisure: the Festivall day made this answer: Thou saidst true indeed; but if I were not, where wouldst thou be? This tale _Themistocles_ devised, and delivered unto the Athenian captaines, who came after him; giving them thereby to understand, that neither they nor any acts of theirs would ever have beene seene, unlesse hee before them had saved the citie of Athens. Forasmuch then, as every enterprise and voiage of importance hath need of provision, and some preparatives; and for that the Romans in old time upon their festivall daies, dispensed nothing, nor took care for any provision; being wholy given and devoted at such times to the service & worship of God, doing that, and nothing else; like as even yet at this day, when the priests begin to sacrifice, they pronounce with a loud voice before all the companie there assembled HOC AGE, that is to say, Minde this, and doe no other thing: verie like it is, and standeth to great reason, that they used not to put themselves upon the way for any long voiage, nor tooke in hand any great affaire or businesse presently after a festivall day, but kept within house all the morrow after, to thinke upon their occasions, and to provide all things necessarie for journey or exploit: or we may conjecture, that as at this very day the Romans after they have adored the gods, and made their praiers unto them within their temples, are woont to stay there a time, and sit them downe; even so they thought it not reasonable to cast their great affaires so, as that they should immediately follow upon any of their festivall daies; but they allowed some respit and time betweene, as knowing full well, that businesses carie with them alwaies many troubles and hinderances, beyond the opinion, expectation, and will of those who take them in hand.

26.

_What is the cause that women at_ Rome, _when they mourne for the dead,
put on white robes, and likewise weare white cawles, coifes and kerchiefs
upon their heads_.

MAY it not be that for to oppose themselves against hell and the darkenesse thereof, they conforme their raiment and attire to that colour which is cleere and bright?

Or doe they it not rather for this: that like as they clad and burie the dead corps in white clothes, they suppose, that those who are next of kin, and come neerest about them, ought also to weare their liverie? Now the bodie they doe in this wise decke, because they cannot adorne the soule so; and it they are willing to accompanie as lightsome, pure and net, as being now at the last delivered and set free, and which hath performed a great a variable combat.

Or rather, we may guesse thus much thereby: that in such cases, that which is most simple and least costly, is best beseeming; whereas clothes of any other colour died, do commonly bewray either superfluitie or curiositie: for we may say even aswell of blacke, as of purple: These robes are deceitfull: these colours also are counterfeit. And as touching that which is of it selfe blacke, if it have not that tincture by diers art, surely it is so coloured by nature, as being mixed and compounded with obscuritie: and therefore there is no colour els but white, which is pure, unmixt, and not stained and sullied with any tincture, and that which is inimitable; in which regard, more meet and agreeable unto those who are interred, considering that the dead is now become simple, pure, excempt from all mixtion, and in very trueth, nothing els but delivered from the bodie, as a staine and infection hardly scowred out and rid away. Semblably, in the citie of _Argos_, whensoever they mourned, the maner was to weare white garments, washed (as _Socrates_ said) in faire and cleere water.

27.

_What is the reason that they esteeme all the walles of the citie sacred
and inviolable, but not the gates._

IS it (as _Varro_ saith) because we ought to thinke the walles holie, to the end that we may fight valiantly, and die generously in the defence of them? for it seemeth that this was the cause, why _Romulus_ killed his owne brother _Remus_, for that he presumed to leape over an holy and inviolable place: whereas contrariwise, it was not possible to consecrate and hallow the gates, thorow which there must needs be transported many things necessary, and namely, the bodies of the dead. And therefore, they who begin to found a citie, environ and compasse first with a plough all that pourprise and precinct wherein they meant to build, drawing the said plough with an oxe and a cow coupled together in one yoke: afterwards, when they have traced out all the said place where the walles should stand, they measure out as much ground as will serve for the gates, but take out the plough-share, and so passe over that space with the bare plough, as if they meant thereby, that all the furrow which they cast up and eared, should be sacred and inviolable.

28.

_What is the reason, that when their children are to sweare by_ Hercules,
_they will not let them do it within doores, but cause them to go forth
of the house, and take their oath abroad_?

IS it because (as some would have it) that they thinke _Hercules_ is not delighted with keeping close within house and fitting idely, but taketh pleasure to live abroad and lie without?

Or rather, for that of all the gods, _Hercules_ is not (as one would say) home-bred, but a stranger, come amongst them from afarre? For even so they would not sweare by _Bacchus_, under the roofe of the house, but went forth to do it; because he also is but a stranger among the gods.

Or haply, this is no more but a word in game and sport, given unto children: and besides (to say a trueth) it may be a meanes to withholde and restraine them from swearing so readily and rashly, as _Phavorinus_ saith: for this device causeth a certeine premeditate preparation, and giveth them (whiles they goe out of the house) leasure and time to consider better of the matter. And a man may conjecture also with _Phavorinus_, and say with him: That this fashion was not common to other gods, but proper to _Hercules_: for that we finde it written, that he was so religious, so respective and precise in his oath, that in all his life time he never sware but once, and that was onely to _Phileus_ the sonne of _Augias_. And therefore, the prophetisse at _Delphos_, named _Pythia_, answered thus upon a time to the Lacedæmonians:

_When all these oaths you once forfend,
Your state (be sure) shall dayly mend._

29.

_What should be the reason, that they would not permit the new wedded
bride to passe of herselfe over the doore-sill or threshold, when she is
brought home to her husband's house, but they that accompanie her, must
lift her up betweene them from the ground, and so convey her in._

IS it in remembrance of those first wives whom they ravished perforce from the Sabines, who entred not into their houses of themselves with their good will, but were carried in by them, in this maner?

Or is it perhaps, because they would be thought to goe against their willes into that place where they were to lose their maidenhead?

Or haply it may be, that a wedded wife ought not to goe foorth of her doores, and abandon her house, but perforce, like as she went first into it by force. For in our countrey of _Bæotia_, the maner is, to burne before the doore where a new married wife is to dwell, the axel tree of that chariot or coatch in which she rode when she was brought to her husbands house. By which ceremonie, thus much she is given to understand, that will she nill she, there she must now tarrie, considering that it which brought her thither, is now gone quite and consumed.

30.

_Wherefore do they at_ Rome, _when they bring a new espoused bride home
to the house of her husband_, _force her to say these words unto her
spouse_: Where you are _Cajus_, I will be _Caja_?

IS it to testifie by these words, that she entreth immediately to communicate with him in all goods, and to be a governesse and commaunder in the house as well as he? for it implieth as much, as if she should say; where you are lord and master, I will be lady and mistres. Now these names they used as being common, and such as came first to hand, and for no other reason else: like as the Civill lawiers use ordinarily these names, _Cajus_, _Seius_, _Lucius_, and _Titius_: the Philosophers in their schooles, _Dion_ and _Theon_.

Or peradventure it is in regard of _Caia Cæcilia_ a beautifull and vertuous lady, who in times past, espoused one of the sonnes of king _Tarquinius_: of which dame there is yet to be seene even at this day one image of brasse, within the temple of the god _Sanctus_: and there likewise in old time, her slippers, her distaffe and spindels laid up for to bee seene: the one to signifie that she kept the house well, and went not ordinarily abroad; the other to shew how she busied herselfe at home.

31.

_How commeth it, that they use to chaunt ordinarily at Weddings_, _this
word so much divulged_, Talassio?

IS it not of _Talasia_, the Greeke word, which signifieth yarne: for the basket wherein women use to put in their rolles of carded wooll, they name _Talosos_ in Greeke, and _Calathus_ in Latine? Certes they that lead the bride home, cause her to sit upon a fliece of wooll, then bringeth she foorth a distaffe and a spindle, and with wooll all to hangeth and decketh the dore of her husbands house.

Or rather, if it be true which historians report: There was sometime a certeine yoong gentleman, very valiant and active in feats of armes, and otherwise of excellent parts and singular wel conditioned, whose name was _Talasius_: and when they ravished and caried away the daughters of the Sabines who were come to _Rome_, for to behold the solemnitie of their festivall games and plaies: certaine meane persons, such yet as belonged to the traine & retinue of _Talasius_ aforesaid, had chosen foorth & were carying away, one damosel above the rest most beautiful of visage, and for their safety and securitie as they passed along the streets, cried out aloud _Talasio_, _Talasio_, that is to say, for _Talasius_, for _Talasius_; to the end that no man should be so hardy as to approch nere unto them, nor attempt to have away the maiden from them, giving it out, that they caried her for to be the wife of _Talasius_; and others meeting them upon the way, joined with them in company for the honour of _Talasius_, and as they followed after, highly praised their good choice which they had made, praying the gods to give both him and her joy of their marriage, and contentment to their hearts desire. Now for that this marriage prooved happy and blessed, they were woont ever after in their wedding songs to rechant and resound this name, _Talasius_, like as the maner is among the Greeks to sing in such carrols, _Hymenæus_.

32.

_What is the reason that in the moneth of May, they use at Rome to cast
over their woodden bridge into the river_, _certaine images of men, which
they call_ Argeos?