Chapter XII: Conclusion (4)

Or rather, because Fortune gave unto the city of _Rome_ her first originall and beginning of so mightie an empire.

Or lieth not herein some deeper cause, which we are to fetch out of the secrets of Nature and Philosophie; namely, that Fortune is the principle of all things, insomuch, as Nature consisteth by Fortune; namely, when to some things concurring casually and by chance, there is some order and dispose adjoined.

107.

_What is the reason that the Romans call those who act comedies and other
theatricall plaies_, Histriones?

IS it for that cause, which as _Claudius Rufus_ hath left in writing? for he reporteth that many yeeres ago, and namely, in those daies when _Cajus Sulpitius_ and _Licinius Stolo_ were Consuls, there raigned a great pestilence at _Rome_, such a mortalitie as comsumed all the stage plaiers indifferently one with another. Whereupon at their instant praier and request, there repaired out of _Tuscane_ to _Rome_, many excellent and singular actours in this kinde: among whom, he who was of greatest reputation, and had caried the name longest in all theaters, for his rare gift and dexteritie that way, was called _Hister_; of whose name all other afterwards were tearmed _Histriones_.

108.

_Why espoused not the Romans in mariage those women who were neere of kin
unto them?_

WAS it because they were desirous to amplifie and encrease their alliances, and acquire more kinsfolke, by giving their daughters in mariage to others, and by taking to wife others than their owne kinred?

Or for that they feared in such wedlock the jarres and quarrels of those who be of kin, which are able to extinguish and abolish even the verie lawes and rights of nature?

Or else, seeing as they did, how women by reason of their weaknesse and infirmitie stand in need of many helpers, they would not have men to contract mariage, nor dwell in one house with those who were neere in blood to them, to the end, that if the husband should offer wrong and injurie to his wife, her kinsfolke might succour and assist her.

109.

_Why is it not lawfull for_ Jupiters _priest, whom they name_ Flamen
Dialis _to handle or once touch meale or leaven_.

FOR meale, is it not because it is an unperfect and raw kind of nourishment? for neither continueth it the same that it was, to wit, wheat, &c. nor is that yet which it should be, namely bread: but hath lost that nature which it had before of seed, and withall hath not gotten the use of food and nourishment. And hereupon it is, that the poet calleth meale (by a Metaphor or borrowed speech) _Mylephaton_, which is as much to say, as killed and marred by the mill in grinding: and as for leaven, both it selfe is engendered of a certaine corruption of meale, and also corrupteth (in a maner) the whole lumpe of dough, wherein it is mixed: for the said dough becommeth lesse firme and fast than it was before, it hangeth not together; and in one word the leaven of the paste seemeth to be a verie putrifaction and rottennesse thereof. And verely if there be too much of the leaven put to the dough, it maketh it so sharpe and soure that it cannot be eaten, and in verie truth spoileth the meale quite.

110.

_Wherefore is the said priest likewise forbidden to touch raw flesh?_

IS it by this custome to withdraw him farre from eating of raw things?

Or is it for the same cause that he abhorreth and detesteth meale? for neither is it any more a living animall, nor come yet to be meat: for by boiling and rosting it groweth to such an alteration, as changeth the verie forme thereof: whereas raw flesh and newly killed is neither pure and impolluted to the eie, but hideous to see to; and besides, it hath (I wot not what) resemblance to an ougly sore or filthie ulcer.

111.

_What is the reason that the Romans have expresly commaunded the same
priest or_ Flamen _of_ Jupiter, _not onely to touch a dogge or a goat,
but not so much as to name either of them_?

TO speake of the Goat first, is it not for detestation of his excessive lust and lecherie; and besides for his ranke and filthie savour? or because they are afraid of him, as of a diseased creature and subject to maladies? for surely, there seemeth not to be a beast in the world so much given to the falling sicknesse, as it is; nor infecteth so soone those that either eat of the flesh or once touch it, when it is surprised with this evill. The cause whereof some say to be the streightnesse of those conduits and passages by which the spirits go and come, which oftentimes happen to be intercepted and stopped. And this they conjecture by the small and slender voice that this beast hath; & the better to continue the same, we do see ordinarily, that men likewise who be subject to this malady, grow in the end to have such a voice as in some sort resembleth the bleating of goats. Now, for the Dog, true it is haply that he is not so lecherous, nor smelleth altogether so strong and so ranke as doth the Goat; and yet some there be who say, that a Dog might not be permitted to come within the castle of _Athens_, nor to enter into the Isle of _Delos_, because forsooth he lineth bitches openly in the sight of everie man, as if bulls, boares, and stalions had their secret chambers, to do their kind with females, and did not leape and cover them in the broad field and open yard, without being abashed at the matter.

But ignorant they are of the true cause indeed: which is, for that a Dog is by nature fell, and quarelsome, given to arre and warre upon a verie small occasion: in which respect men banish them from sanctuaries, holy churches, and priviledged places, giving thereby unto poore afflicted suppliants, free accesse unto them for their safe and sure refuge. And even so verie probable it is, that this _Flamen_ or priest of _Jupiter_ whom they would have to be as an holy, sacred, and living image for to flie unto, should be accessible and easie to be approached unto by humble suters, and such as stand in need of him, without any thing in the way to empeach, to put backe, or to affright them: which was the cause that he had a little bed or pallet made for him, in the verie porch or entrie of his house; and that servant or slave, who could find meanes to come and fall downe at his feet, and lay hold on his knees was for that day freed from the whip, and past danger of all other punishment: say he were a prisoner with irons, and bolts at his feet that could make shift to approch neere unto this priest, he was let loose, and his gives and fetters were throwen out of the house, not at the doore, but flung over the verie roofe thereof.

But to what purpose served all this, and what good would this have done, that he should shew himselfe so gentle, so affable, and humane, if he had a curst dog about him to keepe his doore, and to affright, chase and scarre all those away who had recourse unto him for succour. And yet so it is, that our ancients reputed not a dog to be altogether a clean creature: for first and formost we doe not find that he is consecrated or dedicated unto any of the celestial gods; but being sent unto terrestrial & infernall _Proserpina_ into the quarrefires and crosse high waies to make her a supper, he seemeth to serve for an expiatorie sacrifice to divert and turne away some calamitie, or to cleanse some filthie ordure, rather than otherwise: to say nothing, that in _Lacedæmon_, they cut and slit dogs down along the mids, and so sacrifice them to _Mars_ the most bloody god of all others. And the Romanes themselves upon the feast _Lupercalia_, which they celebrate in the lustrall moneth of Purification, called February, offer up a dog for a sacrifice: and therefore it is no absurditie to thinke, that those who have taken upon them to serve the most soveraigne and purest god of all others, were not without good cause forbidden to have a dog with them in the house, nor to be acqainted and familiar with him.

112.

_For what cause was not the same priest of_ Jupiter _permitted, either to
touch an ivie tree, or to passe thorow a way covered over head with a
vine growing to a tree, and spreading her branches from it_?

IS not this like unto these precepts of _Phythagoras_: Eat not your meat from a chaire: Sit not upon a measure called _Chœnix_: Neither step thou over a broome or [149]besoome. For surely none of the Pythagoreans feared any of these things, or made scruple to doe, as these words in outward shew, and in their litterall sense do pretend: but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else: even so this precept: Go not under a vine, is to be referred unto wine, and implieth this much; that it is not lawfull for the said Priest to be drunke; for such as over drinke themselves, have the wine above their heads, and under it they are depressed and weighed downe, whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure, and in no wise to be subject unto it. And thus much of the vine.

As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for mans use: and moreover is so weake, as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe, but had need of other trees to support and beare it up: and besides, with the coole shadowe that it yeelds, and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene, it dazeleth, and as it were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke upon it: for which causes, men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house, because it bringeth no profit; nor suffer it to claspe about any thing, considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them, whiles it sticketh fast in the ground: and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of the celestiall gods, and their priests are debarred from using it: neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of _Juno_ at _Athens_, nor of _Venus_ at _Thebes_, any wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at the sacrifices and services of _Bacchus_, which are performed in the night and darknesse, it is used.

Or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition, of such blind dances and fooleries in the night, as these be, which are practised by the priests of _Bacchus_? for those women which are transported with these furious motions of _Bacchus_, runne immediately upon the ivie, and catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces, or else chew it betweene their teeth; in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly, who say, that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stirreth and mooveth to madnesse; turneth mens mindes to furie; driveth them to extasies; troubleth and tormenteth them; and in one word maketh them drunke withoute wine, and doth great pleasure unto them, who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fanaticall ravishments of their wit and understanding.

113.

_What is the reason that these Priests and Flamins of_ Jupiter _were not
allowed, either to take upon them, or to sue for any government of State,
but in regard that they be not capable of such dignities, for honour sake
and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect, they have an
usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods, yea and a curall
chaire of estate to sit upon_?

IS it for the same cause, that as in some cities of _Greece_, the sacerdotall dignitie was equivalent to the royall majestie of a king, so they would not chuse for their priests, meane persons and such as came next to hand.

Or rather, because Priests having their functions determinate and certaine, and the kings, undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not possible, that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant, one and the same person should be sufficient for both: for it could not otherwise be, but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones, he should pretermit the one or the other, and by that meanes one while offend and fault in religion toward God, and anotherwhile do hurt unto citizens and subjects.

Or else, considering, that in governments among men, they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority; and that he who is to rule a people (as _Hippocrates_ said of a physician, who seeth many evill things, yea and handleth many also) from the harmes of other men, reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne: they thought it not in policy good, that any one should sacrifice unto the gods, or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things; who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens; yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies, like as it befell sometime to _Brutus_.

THE END.

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Notes

[1] Livy, x. 47, 7, _Ep._ 11; Val. Max., I. viii. 2; Strabo, xii. p. 567;
Ovid, _F._, i. 291; _M._, xv. 622; Oros, iii. 22; Lactant., _Inst._,
II. vii. 13; Arnob., vii. 44; Augustin, _C. D._, iii. 17; Aurel.
Vict., _De V. Ill._, 25; Dion., v. 13; Pliny, _N. H._, 29, 16.

[2] Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_, p. 162.

[3] _Religionsgeschichte_, ii. 203.

[4] Meyer, _Indogermanische Mythen_, ii. p. 612.

[5] Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_^2, iii. p. 2.

[6] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, i. 173.

[7] _Ibid._; _cf._ Roscher, _Lexikon_, s.v. _Ianus_.

[8] Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube_, ii. 136.

[9] Wuttke, _Deutscher Volksaberglaube_^2, § 57.

[10] _Ibid._, § 177, 388.

[11] _Ibid._, § 395; _cf._ Pliny, _N. H._, 28, 86.

[12] Marquardt, iii. 6.

[13] De la Saussaye, ii. 203.

[14] Marquardt, p. 7.

[15] De la Saussaye, i. 53.

[16] Marquardt, p. 6.

[17] _Folk-Lore_, vol. ii. p. 235.

[18] Marquardt, p. 25.

[19] "Chez les Chinois _Ti_ est bien et uniquement la terre ... qui n'a
aucun personalité, aucun aspect anthropologique."—De Rialle,
_Mythologie Comparée_, i. 235. As in Rome, so in China, though the
sky advanced to the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich.

[20] Preller, _R. M._, i. 1 and 2, points out that Italian mythology is
"quite different" from the Greek; that it is only in "a certain
sense" that there can be said to be a Roman mythology; that it is a
very different thing from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and
Scandinavian mythology; that the Romans had not advanced far in
personifying and individualising their gods, and consequently could
not develop much mythology. Finally, Italian religion was "far less
widely removed" from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion
and mythology were.

[21] Livy, ii. 21; Dion., vi. i.

[22] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_, i. 482 _ff._

[23] According to Schwegler, _Röm. Gesch._, i. 354-383, Εὔανδρος is simply
Greek for _Faunus_ = _Favinus_, "the benevolent" or "good" god. _Cf._
Fauna = Bona Dea.

[24] "Rapi ... similatur virgo ex gremio matris ... cum ad virum trahitur,
quod videlicet ea res feliciter Romulo cessit."—Festus, s.v. _rapi_.

[25] _E.g._, among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mordwins, Vedic
Hindoos, and Bohemians.

[26] For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off evil spirits
from a wedding, see Schroeder, _Hochzeitsbräuche der Ester_, 99-102.

[27] For the sacredness of the head especially, see the _Golden Bough_, i.
187-193.

[28] The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also in Livy, i. 9;
Serv. ad Æn., vi. 55; and in Varro, quoted by Festus, p. 351. The
word occurs in Martial, i. 35. 6 and 7; iii. 93. 25; xii. 42. 4, 95.
5 (Friedländer says nothing), and Catullus, lxi. 134 (Robinson Ellis
has nothing to say).

[29] Hartley, _Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 279-281, for examples. The
tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, _F._, vi. 577.

[30] It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago Boxhorn, in
commenting on this passage of Plutarch, laid down a fundamental
proposition of the science of folk-lore:—"Mortales cum inquirerent in
caussas rerum, nec invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt
commenti. Sic ut fabulæ proponerentur tanquam caussæ rerum, cum res
ipsæ essent causeæ fabularum." See his edition of the _Roman
Questions_, printed in vol. v. of the _Thesaurus_ of Grævius (Lugd.,
Batavor, 1696).

[31] _Ethnology in Folk-Lore_, pp. 120 _ff._ Mr. Gomme, however, argues
that the fear of dead kindred was borrowed by the Aryans from the
non-Aryan inhabitants of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic
Aryans, as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their
development, a fear of dead kindred?

[32] My authorities for the customs quoted in the next few pages are
(unless special references are given) Wuttke, _Deutsche
Volksaberglaube_, §§ 725-756; Rochholz, _Deutscher Glaube und
Brauch_, ii. pp. 170-173; and De Rialle, _Mythologie Comparée_, i. p.
125.

[33] Weinhold, _Altnord. Leben_, 476.

[34] The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the gens Cæsia. See
Cohen, _Méd. Cons._, pl. viii, _Cæsia_.

[35] Ovid, _F._, v. 129-147.

[36] De la Saussaye, _Religionsgeschichte_, i. 281.

[37] Wuttke, § 755.

[38] Waldron's _Isle of Man_, p. 103.

[39] _Encyc. Britan._, art. "Sacrifice."

[40] Frazer, _G. B._, i. 239.

[41] _Daoine Shie_ or _Sluagh Maith_.

[42] Frazer, i. 122.

[43] De Rialle, i. 190.

[44] See _The Secret Commonwealth_ by Mr. Robert Kirk, Minister of
Aberfoyle, 1691.

[45] See Saupe's edition of the _Indiculus_, p. 9.

[46] Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, _c. Symm._, ii. 444.

[47] Frazer, ii. 332.

[48] Preller, _R. M._^3, ii. 198.

[49] Cic. _de Div._, i. 18, 36; Plut. _Ti. Gracch._, i. A similar story is
related of D. Laelius, _Jul. Op. seq._ 58.

[50] _H. N._, xxix. 72.

[51] _C. I. L._, i. 603.

[52] We have no direct evidence of this, but we may infer it from the
analogous case of Dius Fidius:—"Qui per Dium Fidium iurare vult,
prodire solet in compluvium."—Non. Marc., p. 494, quoting Varro. The
temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in the roof
("perforatum tectum," Varro, _L. L._ v. 66), under which one might
swear. Probably the temples of Hercules were similarly provided;
certainly those of Terminus were ("exiguum templi tecta foramen
habent."—Ov. _F._ ii. 672).

[53] Reifferscheid, in the _Annali dell' Instituto_ for 1867, p. 352
_ff._, identifies Hercules with the _genius Jovis_. But, in the first
place, this seems to me the wrong inference from his own facts, which
all have exclusively to do with the _genii virorum_. Next, the
_genius Jovis_ is not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before
Reifferscheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. 1, "der römische
Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der Männer."—_R. G._,
i. 367 _n._

[54] Roscher's arguments to show that Juno is the moon are not
satisfactory. He assumes without proof that Juno was always Lucina
(whereas Lucina was an independent spirit worshipped in woods,
_Lexikon_, pp. 583 and 602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is
the spirit that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that
the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which, as Birt
says, lacks proof), that the name _Juno_ indicates a light-giving
deity (whereas, though from the root *Div, it does not imply the
giving of light any more than _deus_ does, which is applied to the
_di manes_, the _di indigetes_, _dea bona_, _dea dia_, &c.). The
arguments drawn by Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy,
because borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally, the
hypothesis of a Græco-Italian period, on which Roscher relies to
prove that Juno = Hera = the moon, is now discredited.

[55] In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was produced (Liv. v. 32. 6, 50. 6, 52.
11); in 211 a Rediculus Tutanus (Festus s.v.); in or after 269 a
spirit of silver coin, Argentinus (August., _C. D._ iv. 21 and 28);
but no spirit was forthcoming for gold coin, which was first struck
in B.C. 217. See further Roscher's _Lexikon_, s.v. _Indigitamenta_.

[56] So called "quod marem effuso semine liberat."—Augustin, _C. D._ vii.
2.

[57] Finally, with regard to _Matuta_, the very remarkable fact recorded
in _Romane Questions_, 17, that people prayed to her not for any
blessings to their own children, but for their nephews only
(brothers' or sisters' children), immediately suggests that we have
here an indication that the Nair type of family was once known in
Italy. But the indication, being isolated, has perhaps not much
value.

[58] She occurs in the following series:—Fluvionia, Mena, Vitumnus,
Sentinus, Alemona, Nova, Decima, Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which
see S. August., _C. D._ vii. 3; Tertull., _De An._ 37, and _Ad Nat._
ii. 11.

[59] Liv. v. 47; Dion. Hal. i. 32; Serv. on Æn. viii. 337; W. Becker,
_Handb. d. röm. Altert._, i. 137.

[60] Derived probably from Varro, _R. R._ II. xi. 5.

[61] Livy, i. 45. 3; Dionys., iv. 25; Aur. Vict., _De Vir. Ill._, vii. 9.

[62] As Preller does, _R. M._^3, i. 313.

[63] _e.g._, _C. I. L._ vi. 656, 658, &c.

[64] _C. I. L._, vii. 451.

[65] Grimm, _D. M._^4, iii. 104; _cf._ Gummere, _Germanic Origins_, 383.
"Special influence over cattle is ascribed to wood-spirits" (_Golden
Bough_, i. 105).

[66] Gummere, p. 387; _cf._ Bugge, _Studien_, p. 393 _ff._

[67] _Golden Bough_, i. 187 _ff._

[68] _Ibid._, 188. The date of the rite was 13th August; _cf._ Auson., _De
Fer. Rom._, 6; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The asylum for runaway slaves
afforded by the temple finds a folk-lore explanation in a
folk-etymology. "Ædem Dianæ dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelæ
sint cervi, a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos" (Festus, p.
343^a, 7, s.v. _Servorum dies_). Birt (Roscher's _Lexikon_, i. 1008)
seems to take this explanation seriously; but the temple on the
Aventine was precisely the temple in which the goddess of _cervi_ was
not worshipped. Possibly the right of asylum was conferred on the
temple as part of the political changes brought about by the
formation of the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious
centre of the Latin alliance, "Commune Latinorum Dianæ templum"
(Varro, _L. L._ v. 43). Hence, then, the folk-story that Servius
Tullius, "natus servus" (Festus, _l.c._), built the temple and gave
it the right of asylum.

[69] For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331.

[70] _Golden Bough_, i. 37 _ff._

[71] _Ibid._, i. 39.

[72] _Golden Bough_, ch. ii.

[73] _Röm. Mythol._^3, i. 201.

[74] Kæmpfer, _History of Japan_, quoted by Mr. Frazer, i. 110.

[75] Kæmpfer, _History of Japan_, quoted by Mr. Fraser, i. 110.

[76] With _Q. R._, 111, _cf._ _Golden Bough_, i. 207; with _Q. R._, 112,
_cf._ _G. B._, i. 183; and generally see i. 117.

[77] _G. B._, i. 130.

[78] For instances see Hartland, _Science of Fairy Tales_, pp. 272-274.

[79] Momms., _R. H._, i. 25.

[80] _Ibid._, i. 60.

[81] _G. B._, i. 170. I may point out that in some parts of Europe these
taboos still survive. For six weeks after delivery, the young mother
is forbidden to enter a strange house, or go shopping, or draw water
from a well, or walk over a sowed field (Grimm, _D. M._^4, iii. pp.
435, 464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a new-born
child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it as dangerous (_Ibid._,
p. 488, No. 28). For the death-dealing qualities of women, _cf._
Burchard von Worms, _Samlung der Decrete_, Coln, 1548, p. 201_a_
(quoted by Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the
Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the house for six
weeks (Reclus, _Primitive Folk_, 36); she is also tabooed by the
Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills (_Ibid._, 192).

[82] Hartland, _S. of F. T._, p. 93 _ff._ for instances.

[83] "Make of it an image in his likeness (_i.e._, of Namtar, the plague);
apply (the image) to the living flesh of his body (_i.e._, of the
sick man). May the malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the
image" (Lenormant, _Chaldæan Magic_, p. 51). The Buddhists of Ceylon
cure disease in exactly the same way (J. Roberts, _Oriental
Illustrations of Scripture_, p. 171).

[84] _Cf._ C. F. Gordon Cumming, _Two Happy Years in Ceylon_, i. p. 278,
"The astrologer is called in to preside at baby's 'rice feast,' when
some grains of rice are first placed in its month. He selects for the
little one a name which is compounded from the name of the ruling
planet of that moment. This name he tells only to the father, who
whispers it low in baby's ear—no one else must know it, and, like the
Chinese 'infantile name,' this 'rice name' is never used lest
sorcerers should hear it and be able to work malignant spells."

[85] For instances see _Folk Lore_, iii. 137. The Romans themselves
fettered the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. 8. 5; Stat. Silv., i. 6.
4; Arnob., iv. 24; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5).

[86] _Chemnitzer Rockenphilosophie_, 16 and 325 (Grimm, _D. M._^4, iii.
435 and 445).

[87] The classical references are: Festus, p. 143 and 385; Dionys., i. 38;
Ov., _F._, i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62 _ff._; Varro, _L. L._, vii. 44;
Paul. Diac., p. 15; Lact, I. i. 21. 6; Macrob., i. 5. 10, and 11. 47;
Prudent. _C. Symmach._, ii. 295; Cicero _pro Roscio Am._, 35. 100;
Catull., xvii. 8. 23; Non. Marc., p. 358b.; Liv. i. 21, iv. 12. The
modern literature: first and foremost and final, Mannhardt, _Wald-
und Feldkulte_, p. 265 _ff._, whose explanation is adopted in
Roscher's _Lexikon_; further, Preller, _Röm. M._^3, ii. 135 _ff._;
Marquardt, 190 _ff._; Grimm, _D. M._, 733, _n._ 4. The meaning of the
word _Argei_ has received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number
of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of the
twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain for its crops.

[88] See _Rhein. Museum_, 1867, p. 129.

[89] Macrob., i. 10, 11 _ff._; Gell., _N. A._, vii. (vi.) 7; Plut.,
_Rom._, 4. 5; Lactant., i. 20. 5.

[90] "Exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quæ tunc
(_i.e._, at the Floralia) mimarum funguntur officio" (Lact. _l.c._).
_Cf._ Val. Max., 2. 10. 8; Senec., _Ep._, 97. 7; Mart., 1 _præf._;
Ov., _F._, iv. 946, v. 183; Tertull., _De Spect._, 17; Min. Felix,
25. 8; Augustin, _C. D._, ii. 27.

[91] The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, _vittis spiceis coronati_,
_C. I. L._, vi. 2104^a 16. They preserved a sheaf of corn (corn-baby,
mother, &c.) from the previous year's harvest; this is the _fruges
aridas_ of _C. I. L._, _l.c._ 6. They consecrated the old corn, the
green corn of the new year, and a loaf, _fruges aridas et virides
contigerunt et panes laureatos_, l.c.; and they sacramentally "ate
the god," _fruges libatas_.

[92] Mommsen, _Die echte und die falsche Acca Larentia_, 3 A. 3.

[93] Jordan, _Krit. Beitr._, 75, compares Italian _atta_, "mother" and
Greek ἀκκώ?

[94] "E nos Lases iuvate" = Age nos, Lares, iuvate.

[95] The classical references on this subject of beans are: Diog. Laert.,
viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle, ἤτοι ὅτι αἰδοίοις εἰσὶν ὅμοιοι),
Gellius, N. A., iv. 11; Cic., _de Div._, i. 30, ii. 58; Pliny _N.
H._, xviii. 12; Didymus in Geopon., ii. 58; Sext. Emp., _Pyrrh.
Hyp._, iii. 224; Iambl., _Vit. Pyth._, 109 and _Protrept. extr.
Symb._, 37; Anon. (e. Photio), _Vit. Pyth._, 7; Pseudo-Orig., Philos.
ii.; Apollon. Dysc., _Mirab. Hist._, c. 46; Eudocia, p. 368; Suidas,
_s. v._ Συμβ. Πυθαγ..; Eustath., _N._, p. 948.

[96] For its meaning as a symbol, see Westropp, _Primitive Symbolism_, p.
28.

[97] _R. Q._, 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, 108.

[98] The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg., _Ecl._, viii. 29;
Isid., _Orig._, ix. 8; Plaut., _Cas._, IV. iv. 1; Catull., lxi. 159;
Lucan, _Phars._, ii. 358.

[99] _Ueber die römische Ehe_, p. 360.

[100] Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Hochzeitsbuch_, p. 57.

[101] _Ibid._, 84.

[102] _Ibid._, 251.

[103] Weinhold, _Die deutschen Frauen_^2, i. 410.

[104] Haas in Weber's _Ind. Stud._, v. 324, 359, 373.

[105] V. Schroeder, _Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten_, pp. 88 _ff._

[106] Plutarch, _R. Q._, 31. _Cf._ Festus, "In pelle lanata nova nupta
considere solet."

[107] Serv. ad Æn., iv. 374.

[108] Διὸς κῴδιον, Suidas, s.v.

[109] De Witte, _Descr. des Antiq. de l'Hôtel Lambert_, p. 68, pl. 22
(reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, _Dict._, s.v., and in Duruy,
_Hist. des Grecs_, i. 786). The right interpretation of this scene
was first given by Lenormant, _Contemporary Review_, 1880, p. 137.

[110] The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history, placed himself
under the protection of a series of Di Indigetes, _e.g._, Subigus,
Prema, Pertunda (S. August., _C. D._, vi. 9).

[111] The Latin phrase is "Aqua et igni accipi." The custom is testified to
by _Dion. Hal._, ii. 30; Varro, _L. L._, v. 61; Serv. ad _Æn._, iv.
167; Ov., _F._, iv. 787; Fest. s.v. Scæv., _Dig._, 24. 1. 66; Stat.,
_Silv._ I. ii. 3; Val. Fl., _Argon._, viii. 244.

[112] Weinhold, i. 375 and 408.

[113] Schrœder, 128 _ff._

[114] Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 84.

[115] "Aqua aspergebatur nova nupta," s.v. Facem in nuptiis.

[116] Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 59.

[117] Haas, 358.

[118] Reinsb.-Düringsfeld, 73.

[119] _Ibid._, 92.

[120] _Ibid._, 63.

[121] _Ibid._, 59.

[122] Cat., lxi, 81-86, 110, 119; Claud., _Fescenn._, 106; _De Rapt.
Pros._, ii. 335.

[123] Haas, 327.

[124] Schrœder, 87.

[125] F. B. Jevons, _Kin and Custom_, in the "Journal of Philology," xvi.
pp. 87 _ff._

[126] Moore, _Indian Appeals_, ii. 75.

[127] For which see _R. Q._ 6.

[128] In Chambers's _Encyclopædia_, s.v. "Family."

[129] In Chambers's _Encylopædia_, s.v. "Names."

[130] This custom also crops out in fairy tales. See Mr. J. Jacob's _Indian
Fairy Tales_, p. 28.

[131] Or, nuptiall.

[132] Daughters husband.

[133] Wives father.

[134] This may seeme to have some reference to the former question.

[135] Κρόνος.

[136] Χρόνος.

[137] Or Matuta.

[138] By _Prolepsis_, meaning the place where afterwards Rome stood.

[139] Or Phaulius.

[140] That is to say, _Kalends_, _Nones_, & _Ides_.

[141] ἔπέτειον οἰνον, or, a certeine quantitie of wine yeerely, as some
interpret it.

[142] χρηστοὺς.

[143] μηδένα χρηστὸν

[144] ἀριστερὸς, sinistra.

[145] I suspect this place to be corrupt in the originall.

[146] Or about a dog by the Hippocoontides.

[147] Or, feele paine: alluding haply _Ad rupturam Hymenis_.

[148] Or take delight and pleasure.

[149] σάρον.