Chapter I (2)

(279.) A third class of optical phenomena, which were likewise discovered while Newton was yet engaged in his optical researches, was that exhibited by doubly refracting crystals. In what the phenomenon of double refraction consists, we have already had occasion to explain. The fact itself was first noticed by Erasmus Bartolin in the crystal called Iceland spar; and was studied with attention by Huyghens, who ascertained its laws, and referred it with remarkable ingenuity and success to his theory of light, by the additional hypothesis of such a constitution of his ethereal medium within the crystal as should enable it to convey an impulse faster in one direction than another: as if, for example’s sake, we should suppose a sound conveyed through the air with different degrees of rapidity in a vertical and horizontal direction.

(280.) Some remarkable facts accompanying the double refraction produced by Iceland spar, which Bartolin, Huyghens, and Newton, had observed, led the latter to conceive the singular idea that a ray of light after its emergence from such a crystal acquires _sides_, that is to say, distinct relations to surrounding space, which it carries with it through its whole subsequent course, and which give rise to all those curious and complicated phenomena which are now known under the name of the _polarization of light_. These results, however, appeared so extraordinary, and offered so little handle for further enquiry, that their examination dropped, as if by common consent; Newton himself resting content with urging strongly the apparent incompatibility of these properties with the Huyghenian doctrine, but without making any attempt to explain them by his own.

(281.) From the period of Newton’s optical discoveries to the commencement of the present century, no great accession to our knowledge of the nature of light was made, if we except one, which, from its invaluable practical application, must ever hold a prominent place in the annals both of art and science: we mean, the discovery of the principle of the achromatic telescope, which originated in a discussion between the celebrated geometer Euler, Klingenstierna, an eminent Swedish philosopher, and our own countryman, the admirable optician Dollond, on the occasion of certain abstract theoretical investigations of the former, which led him to speculate on its _possibility_, and which ultimately terminated in its complete and happy _execution_ by the latter; a memorable case in science, though not a singular one, where the speculative geometer in his chamber, apart from the world, and existing among abstractions, has originated views of the noblest practical application.[49]

(282.) The explanation which our knowledge of optical laws affords of the mechanism of the eye, and the process by which vision is performed, is as complete and satisfactory as that of hearing by the propagation of motion through the air. The camera obscura, invented by Baptista Porta in 1560, gave the first idea how the actual images of external objects might be conveyed into the eye, but it was not till after a considerable interval that Kepler, the immortal discoverer of those great laws which regulate the periods and motions of the planets, pointed out distinctly the offices performed by the several parts of the eye in the act of vision. From this to the invention of the telescope and microscope there would seem but a small step, but it is to accident rather than design that it is due; and its re-invention by Galileo, on a mere description of its effects, may serve, among a thousand similar instances, to show that inestimable practical applications lie open to us, if we can only once bring ourselves to conceive their possibility, a lesson which the invention of the achromatic telescope itself, as we have above related it, not less strongly exemplifies.

(283.) The little instrument with which Galileo’s splendid discoveries were made was hardly superior in power to an ordinary finder of the present day; but it was rapidly improved on, and in the hands of Huyghens attained to gigantic dimensions and very great power. It was to obviate the necessity of the enormous length required for these telescopes, and yet secure the same power, that Gregory and Newton devised the reflecting telescope, which has since become a much more powerful instrument than its original inventors probably ever contemplated.

(284.) The telescope, as it exists at present, with the improvements in its structure and execution which modern artists have effected, must assuredly be ranked among the highest and most refined productions of human art; that in which man has been able to approximate most closely to the workmanship of nature, and which has conferred upon him, if not another sense, at least an exaltation of one already possessed by him that merits almost to be regarded as a new one. Nor does it appear yet to have reached its ultimate perfection, to which indeed it is difficult to assign any bounds, when we take into consideration the wonderful progress which workmanship of every kind is making, and the delicacy, far superior to that of former times, with which materials may now be wrought, as well as the ingenious inventions and combinations which every year is bringing forth for accomplishing the same ends by means hitherto unattempted.[50]

(285.) After a long torpor, the knowledge of the properties of light began to make fresh progress about the end of the last century, advancing with an accelerated rapidity, which has continued unabated to the present time. The example was set by our late admirable and lamented countryman, Dr. Wollaston, who re-examined and verified the laws of double refraction in Iceland spar announced by Huyghens. Attention being thus drawn to the subject, the geometry of Laplace soon found a means of explaining at least one portion of the mystery of this singular phenomenon, by the Newtonian theory of light, applied under certain supposed conditions; and the reasoning which led him to the result (at that time quite unexpected), may justly be regarded as one of his happiest efforts. The prosecution of the subject, which had now acquired a high degree of interest, was encouraged by the offer of a prize on the part of the French Academy of Sciences; and it was in a memoir which received this honourable reward on that occasion, in 1810, that Malus, a retired officer of engineers in the French army, announced the great discovery of the _polarization of light_ by ordinary reflection at the surface of a transparent body.

(286.) Malus found that when a beam of light is reflected from the surface of such a body at a certain angle, it acquires precisely the same singular property which is impressed upon it in the act of double refraction, and which Newton had before expressed by saying that it possessed _sides_. This was the first circumstance which pointed out a connection between that hitherto mysterious phenomenon and any of the ordinary modifications of light; and it proved ultimately the means of bringing the whole within the limits, if not of a complete explanation, at least of a highly plausible theoretical representation. So true is, in science, the remark of Bacon, that no natural phenomenon can be adequately studied _in itself alone_, but, to be understood, must be considered _as it stands connected with all nature_.

(287.) The new class of phenomena thus disclosed were immediately studied with diligence and success, both abroad by Malus and Arago, and at home by our countryman Dr. Brewster, and their laws investigated with a care proportioned to their importance; when another and apparently still more extraordinary class of phenomena presented itself in the production of the most vivid and beautiful colours (every way resembling those observed by Newton in thin films of air or liquids, only infinitely more developed and striking,) in certain transparent crystallized substances, when divided into flat plates in particular directions, and exposed in a beam of polarized light. The attentive examination of these colours by Wollaston, Biot, and Arago, but more especially by Brewster, speedily led to the disclosure of a series of optical phenomena so various, so brilliant, and evidently so closely connected with the most important points relating to the intimate structure of crystallized bodies, as to excite the highest interest,--that sort of interest which is raised when we feel we are on the eve of some extraordinary discovery, and expect every moment that some leading fact will turn up, which will throw light on all that appears obscure, and reduce into order all that seems anomalous.

(288.) This expectation was not disappointed. So long before the time we are speaking of as the first year of the present century, our illustrious countryman, the late Dr. Thomas Young, had established a principle in optics, which, regarded as a physical law, has hardly its equal for beauty, simplicity, and extent of application, in the whole circle of science. Considering the manner in which the vibrations of two musical sounds arriving at once at the ear affect the sense with an impression of sound or silence according as they conspire or oppose each other’s effects, he was led to the idea that the same ought to hold good with light as with sound, if the theory which makes light analogous to sound be the true one; and that, therefore, two rays of light, setting off from the same origin, at the same instant, and arriving at the same place by different routes, ought to strengthen or wholly or partially destroy each other’s effects according to the difference in length of the routes described by them. That two lights should in any circumstances combine to produce darkness may be considered strange, but is _literally true_; and it had even been noticed long ago as a singular and unaccountable fact by Grimaldi, in his experiments on the inflection of light. The experimental means by which Dr. Young confirmed this principle, which is known in optics by the name of the _interference_ of the rays of light, were as simple and satisfactory as the principle itself is beautiful; but the verifications of it, drawn from the explanation it affords of phenomena apparently the most remote, are still more so. Newton’s colours of thin films were the first phenomena to which its author applied it with full success. Its next remarkable application was to those of diffraction, of which, in the hands of M. Fresnel, a late eminent French geometer, it also furnished a complete explanation, and that, too, in cases to which Newton’s hypothesis could not apparently be made to apply, and through a complication of circumstances which might afford a very severe test of any hypothesis.

(289.) A simple and beautiful experiment on the interferences of polarized light due to Fresnel and Arago enabled them to bring Dr. Young’s law to bear on the colours produced by crystallized plates in a polarized beam, and by so doing afforded a key to all the intricacies of these magnificent but complex phenomena. Nothing now was wanting to a rational theory of double refraction but to frame an hypothesis of some mode in which light might be conceived to be propagated through the elastic medium supposed to convey it in such a way as not to be contradictory to any of the facts, nor to the general laws of dynamics. This essential idea, without which every thing that had been before done would have been incomplete, was also furnished by Dr. Young, who, with a sagacity which would have done honour to Newton himself, had declared, that to accommodate the doctrine of Huyghens to the phenomena of polarized light it is necessary to conceive the mode of propagation of a luminous impulse through the ether, differently from that of a sonorous one through the air. In the latter, the particles of the air _advance_ and _recede_; in the former, those of the ether must be supposed to _tremble laterally_.

(290.) Taking this as the groundwork of his reasoning, Fresnel succeeded in erecting on it a theory of polarization and double refraction, so happy in its adaptation to facts, and in the coincidence with experience of results deduced from it by the most intricate analysis, that it is difficult to conceive it unfounded. If it be so, it is at least the most curiously artificial system that science has yet witnessed; and whether it be so or not, so long as it serves to group together in one comprehensive point of view a mass of facts almost infinite in number and variety, to reason from one to another, and to establish analogies and relations between them; on whatever hypothesis it may be founded, or whatever arbitrary assumptions it may make respecting structures and modes of action, it can never be regarded as other than a most real and important accession to our knowledge.

(291.) Still, it is by no means impossible that the Newtonian theory of light, if cultivated with equal diligence with the Huyghenian, might lead to an equally plausible explanation of phenomena now regarded as beyond its reach. M. Biot is the author of the hypothesis we have already mentioned of a rotatory motion of the particles of light about their axes. He has employed it only for a very limited purpose; but it might doubtless be carried much farther; and by admitting only the regular emission of the luminous particles at equal intervals of time, and in similar states of motion from the shining body, which does not seem a very forced supposition, all the phenomena of interference at least would be readily enough explained without the admission of an ether.

(292.) The optical examination of crystallized substances affords one among many fine examples of the elucidation which every branch of science is capable of affording to every other. The indefatigable researches of Dr. Brewster and others have shown that the phenomena exhibited by polarized light in its transmission through crystals afford a certain indication of the most important points relating to the structure of the crystals themselves, and thus become most valuable characters by which to recognise their internal constitution. It was Newton who first showed of what importance as a physical character,--as the indication of other properties,--the action of a body on light might become; but the characters afforded by the use of polarized light as an instrument of experimental enquiry are so marked and intimate, that they may almost be said to have furnished us with a kind of intellectual sense, by which we are enabled to scrutinize the internal arrangement of those wonderful structures which Nature builds up by her refined and invisible architecture, with a delicacy eluding our conception, yet with a symmetry and beauty which we are never weary of admiring. In this point of view the science of optics has rendered to mineralogy and crystallography services not less important than to astronomy by the invention of the telescope, or to natural history by that of the microscope; while the relations which have been discovered to exist between the optical properties of bodies and their crystalline forms, and even their chemical habitudes, have afforded numerous and beautiful instances of general laws concluded from laborious and painful induction, and curiously exemplifying the simplicity of nature as it emerges slowly from an entangled mass of particulars in which, at first, neither order nor connection can be traced.

CHAP. III.

OF COSMICAL PHENOMENA.

_Astronomy and Celestial Mechanics._

(293.) Astronomy, as has been observed in the former part of this discourse, as a science of observation, had made considerable progress among the ancients: indeed, it was the only branch of physical science which could be regarded as having been cultivated by them with any degree of assiduity or real success. The Chaldean and Egyptian records had furnished materials from which the motions of the sun and moon could be calculated with sufficient exactness for the prediction of eclipses; and some remarkable cycles, or periods of years in which the lunar eclipses return in very nearly the same order, had been ascertained by observation. Considering the extreme imperfection of their means of measuring time and space, this was, perhaps, as much as could have been expected at that early period, and it was followed up for a while in a philosophical spirit of just speculation, which, if continued, could hardly have failed to lead to sound and important conclusions.

(294.) Unfortunately, however, the philosophy of Aristotle laid it down as a principle, that the celestial motions were regulated by laws proper to themselves, and bearing no affinity to those which prevail on earth. By thus drawing a broad and impassable line of separation between celestial and terrestrial mechanics, it placed the former altogether out of the pale of experimental research, while it at the same time impeded the progress of the latter by the assumption of principles respecting natural and unnatural motions, hastily adopted from the most superficial and cursory remark, undeserving even the name of observation. Astronomy, therefore, continued for ages a science of mere record, in which theory had no part, except in so far as it attempted to conciliate the inequalities of the celestial motions with that assumed law of uniform circular revolution which was alone considered consistent with the perfection of the heavenly mechanism. Hence arose an unwieldy, if not self-contradictory, mass of hypothetical motions of sun, moon, and planets, in circles, whose centres were carried round in other circles, and these again in others without end,--“cycle on epicycle, orb on orb,”--till at length, as observation grew more exact, and fresh epicycles were continually added, the absurdity of so cumbrous a mechanism became too palpable to be borne. Doubts were expressed, to which the sarcasm of a monarch[51] gave a currency they might not have obtained in a period when men scarcely dared trust themselves to think; and at length Copernicus, promulgating his own, or reviving the Pythagorean doctrine, which places the sun in the centre of our system, gave to astronomy a simplicity which, contrasted with the complication of the preceding views, at once commanded assent.

(295.) An elegant writer[52], whom we have before had occasion to quote, has briefly and neatly accounted for the confused notions which so long prevailed respecting the constitution of our system, and the difficulty experienced in acquiring a true notion of the disposition of its parts. “We see it,” he observes, “not in _plan_, but in _section_.” The reason of this is, that our point of observation lies in its general plane, but the notion we aim at forming of it is not that of its section, but of its plan. This is as if we should attempt to read a book, or make out the countries on a map, with the eye on a level with the paper. We can only judge directly of the distances of objects by their sizes, or rather of their change of distance by their change of size; neither have we any means of ascertaining, otherwise than indirectly, even their positions, one among the other, from their apparent places as seen by us. Now, the variations in apparent size of the sun and moon are too small to admit of exact measure without the use of the telescope, and the bodies of the planets cannot even be distinguished as having any distinct size with the naked eye.

(296.) The Copernican system once admitted, however, this difficulty of conception, at least, is effectually got over, and it becomes a mere problem of geometry and calculation to determine, from the observed places of a planet, its real orbit about the sun, and the other circumstances of its motion. This Kepler accomplished for the orbit of Mars, which he ascertained to be an ellipse having the sun in one of its foci; and the same law, being extended by inductive analogy to all the planets, was found to be verified in the case of each. This with the other remarkable laws which are usually cited in physical astronomy by the name of Kepler’s laws, constitute undoubtedly the most important and beautiful system of geometrical relations which have ever been discovered by a mere inductive process, independent of any consideration of a theoretical kind. They comprise within them a compendium of the motions of all the planets, and enable us to assign their places in their orbits at any instant of time past or to come (disregarding their mutual perturbations), provided certain purely geometrical problems can be numerically resolved.

(297.) It was not, however, till long after Kepler’s time that the real importance of these laws could be felt. Regarded in themselves, they offered, it is true, a fine example of regular and harmonious disposition in the greatest of all the works of creation, and a striking contrast to the cumbersome mechanism of the cycles and epicycles which preceded them; but there their utility seemed to terminate, and, indeed, Kepler was reproached, and not without a semblance of reason, with having rendered the actual calculation of the places of the planets more difficult than before, the resources of geometry being then inadequate to resolve the problems to which the strict application of his laws gave rise.

(298.) The first result of the invention of the telescope and its application to astronomical purposes, by Galileo, was the discovery of Jupiter’s disc and satellites,--of a system offering a beautiful miniature of that greater one of which it forms a portion, and presenting to the eye of sense, at a single glance, that disposition of parts which in the planetary system itself is discerned only by the eye of reason and imagination (see 195.). Kepler had the satisfaction of seeing it ascertained, that the law which he had discovered to connect the times of revolution of the planets with their distances from the sun, holds good also when applied to the periods of circulation of these little attendants round the centre of their principal; thus demonstrating it to be something more than a mere empirical rule, and to depend on the intimate nature of planetary motion itself.

(299.) It had been objected to the doctrine of Copernicus, that, were it true, Venus should appear sometimes horned like the moon. To this he answered by admitting the conclusion, and averring that, should we ever be able to see its actual shape, it _would_ appear so. It is easy to imagine with what force the application would strike every mind when the telescope confirmed this prediction, and showed the planet just as both the philosopher and his objectors had agreed it ought to appear. The history of science affords perhaps only one instance analogous to this. When Dr. Hutton expounded his theory of the consolidation of rocks by the application of heat, at a great depth below the bed of the ocean, and especially of that of marble by actual fusion; it was objected that, whatever might be the case with others, with calcareous or marble rocks, at least, it was impossible to grant such a cause of consolidation, since heat decomposes their substance and converts it into quicklime, by driving off the carbonic acid, and leaving a substance perfectly infusible, and incapable even of agglutination by heat. To this he replied, that the pressure under which the heat was applied would prevent the escape of the carbonic acid; and that being retained, it might be expected to give that fusibility to the compound which the simple quicklime wanted. The next generation saw this anticipation converted into an observed fact, and verified by the direct experiments of Sir James Hall, who actually succeeded in melting marble, by retaining its carbonic acid under violent pressure.

(300.) Kepler, among a number of vague and even wild speculations on the causes of the motions whose laws he had developed so beautifully and with so much patient labour, had obtained a glimpse of the general law of the inertia of matter, as applicable to the great masses of the heavenly bodies as well as to those with which we are conversant on the earth. After Kepler, Galileo, while he gave the finishing blow to the Aristotelian dogmas which erected a barrier between the laws of celestial and terrestrial motion, by his powerful argument and caustic ridicule, contributed, by his investigations of the laws of falling bodies and the motions of projectiles, to lay the foundation of a true system of dynamics, by which motions could be determined from a knowledge of the forces producing them, and forces from the motions they produce. Hooke went yet farther, and obtained a view so distinct of the mode in which the planets might be retained in their orbits by the sun’s attraction, that, had his mathematical attainments been equal to his philosophical acumen, and his scientific pursuits been less various and desultory, it can hardly be doubted that he would have arrived at a knowledge of the law of gravitation.

(301.) But every thing which had been done towards this great end, before Newton, could only be regarded as smoothing some first obstacles, and preparing a state of knowledge, in which powers like his could be effectually exerted. His wonderful combination of mathematical skill with physical research enabled him to invent, at pleasure, new and unheard-of methods of investigating the effects of those causes which his clear and penetrating mind detected in operation. Whatever department of science he touched, he may be said to have formed afresh. Ascending by a series of close-compacted inductive arguments to the highest axioms of dynamical science, he succeeded in applying them to the complete explanation of all the great astronomical phenomena, and many of the minuter and more enigmatical ones. In doing this, he had every thing to create: the mathematics of his age proved totally inadequate to grapple with the numerous difficulties which were to be overcome; but this, so far from discouraging him, served only to afford new opportunities for the exertion of his genius, which, in the invention of the method of fluxions, or, as it is now more generally called, the differential calculus, has supplied a means of discovery, bearing the same proportion to the methods previously in use, that the steam-engine does to the mechanical powers employed before its invention. Of the optical discoveries of Newton we have already spoken; and if the magnitude of the objects of his astronomical discoveries excite our admiration of the mental powers which could so familiarly grasp them, the minuteness of the researches into which he there set the first example of entering, is no less calculated to produce a corresponding impression. Whichever way we turn our view, we find ourselves compelled to bow before his genius, and to assign to the name of NEWTON a place in our veneration which belongs to no other in the annals of science. His era marks the accomplished maturity of the human reason as applied to such objects. Every thing which went before might be more properly compared to the first imperfect attempts of childhood, or the essays of inexpert, though promising, adolescence. Whatever has been since performed, however great in itself, and worthy of so splendid and auspicious a beginning, has never, in point of intellectual effort, surpassed that astonishing one which produced the Principia.

(302.) In this great work, Newton shows all the celestial motions known in his time to be consequences of the simple law, that every particle of matter attracts every other particle in the universe with a force proportional to the product of their masses directly, and the square of their mutual distance inversely, and is itself attracted with an equal force. Setting out from this, he explains how an attraction arises between the great spherical masses of which our system consists, regulated by a law precisely similar in its expression; how the elliptic motions of planets about the sun, and of satellites about their primaries, according to the exact rules inductively arrived at by Kepler, result as necessary consequences from the same general law of force; and how the orbits of comets themselves are only particular cases of planetary movements. Thence proceeding to applications of greater difficulty, he explains how the perplexing inequalities of the moon’s motion result from the sun’s disturbing action; how tides arise from the unequal attraction of the sun as well as of the moon on the earth, and the ocean which surrounds it; and, lastly, how the precession of the equinoxes is a necessary consequence of the very same law.

(303.) The immediate successors of Newton found full occupation in verifying his discoveries, and in extending and improving the mathematical methods which it had now become manifest were to prove the keys to an inexhaustible treasure of knowledge. The simultaneous but independent discovery of a method of mathematical investigation in every respect similar to that of Newton, by Leibnitz, while it created a degree of national jealousy which can now only be regretted, had the effect of stimulating the continental geometers to its cultivation, and impressing on it a character more entirely independent of the ancient geometry, to which Newton was peculiarly attached. It was fortunate for science that it did so; for it was speedily found that (with one fine exception on the part of our countryman Maclaurin, followed up, after a long interval, by the late Professor Robison of Edinburgh, with equal elegance,) the geometry of Newton was like the bow of Ulysses, which none but its master could bend; and that, to render his methods available beyond the points to which he himself carried them, it was necessary to strip them of every vestige of that antique dress in which he had delighted to clothe them. This, however, the countrymen of Newton were very unwilling to do; and they paid the penalty in finding themselves condemned to the situation of lookers on, while their continental neighbours both in Germany and France were pushing forward in the career of mathematico-physical discovery with emulous rapidity.

(304.) The legacy of research which Newton may be said to have left to his successors was truly immense. To pursue, through all its intricacies, the consequences of the law of gravitation; to account for all the inequalities of the planetary movements, and the infinitely more complicated, and to us more important ones, of the moon; and to give, what Newton himself certainly never entertained a conception of, a demonstration of the stability and permanence of the system, under all the accumulating influence of its internal perturbations; this labour, and this triumph, were reserved for the succeeding age, and have been shared in succession by Clairaut, D’Alembert, Euler, Lagrange and Laplace. Yet so extensive is the subject, and so difficult and intricate the purely mathematical enquiries to which it leads, that another century may yet be required to go through with the task. The recent discoveries of astronomers have supplied matter for investigation, to the geometers of this and the next generation, of a difficulty far surpassing any thing that had before occurred. Five primary planets have been added to our system; four of them since the commencement of the present century, and these, singularly deviating from the general analogy of the others, and offering _cases of difficulty_ in theory, which no one had before contemplated. Yet even the intricate questions to which these bodies have given rise seem likely to be surpassed by those which have come into view, with the discovery of several comets revolving in elliptic orbits, like the planets, round the sun, in very moderate periods. But the resources of modern geometry seem, so far from being exhausted, to increase with the difficulties they have to encounter, and already, among the successors of Lagrange and Laplace, the present generation has to enumerate a powerful array of names, which promise to render it not less celebrated in the annals of physico-mathematical research than that which has just passed away.

(305.) Meanwhile the positions, figures, and dimensions of all the planetary orbits, are now well known, and their variations from century to century in great measure determined; and it has been generally demonstrated, that all the changes which the mutual actions of the planets on each other can produce in the course of indefinite ages, are _periodical_, that is to say, increasing to a certain extent (and that never a very great one), and then again decreasing; so that the system can never be destroyed or subverted by the mutual action of its parts, but keeps constantly oscillating, as it were, round a certain mean state, from which it can never deviate to any ruinous extent. In particular the researches of Laplace, Lagrange, and Poisson, have shown the ultimate invariability of the mean distance of each planet from the sun, and consequently of its periodic time. Relying on these grand discoveries, we are enabled to look forward, from the point of time which we now occupy, many thousands of years into futurity, and predict the state of our system without fear of material error, but such as may arise from causes whose existence at present we have no reason to suppose, or from interference which we have no right to anticipate.

(306.) A correct enumeration and description of the fixed stars in catalogues, and an exact knowledge of their position, supply the only effectual means we can have of ascertaining what changes they are liable to, and what motions, too slow to deprive them of their usual epithet, _fixed_, yet sufficient to produce a sensible change in the lapse of ages, may exist among them. Previous to the invention of the compass, they served as guides to the navigator by night; but for this purpose, a very moderate knowledge of a few of the principal ones sufficed. Hipparchus was the first astronomer, who, excited by the appearance of a new star, conceived the idea of forming a catalogue of the stars, with a view to its use as an astronomical record, “by which,” says Pliny, “posterity will be able to discover, not only whether they are born and die, but also whether they change their places, and whether they increase or decrease.” His catalogue, containing more than 1000 stars, was constructed about 128 years before Christ. It was in the course of the laborious discussion of his own and former observations of them, undertaken with a view to the formation of this catalogue, that he first recognised the fact of that slow, general advance of all the stars eastward, when compared with the place of the equinox, which is known under the name of the precession of the equinoxes, and which Newton succeeded in referring to a motion in the earth’s axis, produced by the attraction of the sun and moon.

(307.) Since Hipparchus, at various periods in the history of astronomy, catalogues of stars have been formed, among which that of Ulugh Begh, comprising about 1000 stars, constructed in 1437, is remarkable as the production of a sovereign prince, working personally in conjunction with his astronomers; and that of Tycho Brahe, containing 777 stars, constructed in 1600, as having originated in a phenomenon similar to that which drew the attention of Hipparchus. In more recent times, astronomers provided with the finest instruments their respective eras could supply, and established in observatories, munificently endowed by the sovereigns and governments of different European nations, have vied and are still vying with each other, in extending the number of registered stars, and giving the utmost possible degree of accuracy to the determination of their places. Among these, it would be ungrateful not to claim especial notice for the superb series of observations which, under a succession of indefatigable and meritorious astronomers, has, for a very long period, continued to emanate from our own national observatory of Greenwich.

(308.) The distance of the fixed stars is so immense, that every attempt to assign a limit, _within which_ it _must_ fall, has hitherto failed. The enquiries of astronomers of all ages have been directed to ascertain this distance, by taking the dimensions of our own particular system of sun and planets, or of the earth itself, as the unit of a scale on which it might be measured. But although many have imagined that their observations afforded grounds for the decision of this interesting point, it has uniformly happened either that the phenomena on which they relied have proved to be referable to other causes not previously known, and which the superior accuracy of their researches has for the first time brought to light; or to errors arising from instrumental imperfections and unavoidable defects of the observations themselves.

(309.) The only indication we can expect to obtain of the actual distance of a star, would consist in an annual change in its apparent place corresponding to the motion of the earth round the sun, called its _annual parallax_, and which is nothing more than the measure of the apparent size of the earth’s orbit as seen from the star. Many observers have thought they have detected a measurable amount of this parallax; but as astronomical instruments have advanced in perfection, the quantity which they have successively assigned to it has been continually reduced within narrower and narrower limits, and has invariably been commensurate with the errors to which the instruments used might fairly be considered liable. The conclusion this strongly presses on us is, that it is really a quantity too small to admit of distinct measurement in the present state of our means for that purpose; and that, therefore, the distance of the stars must be a magnitude of such an order as the imagination almost shrinks from contemplating. But this increase in our scale of dimension calls for a corresponding enlargement of conception in all other respects. The same reasoning which places the stars at such immeasurable remoteness, exalts them at the same time into glorious bodies, similar to, and even far surpassing, our own sun, the centres perhaps of other planetary systems, or fulfilling purposes of which we can have no idea, from any analogy in what passes immediately around us.

(310.) The comparison of catalogues, published at different periods, has given occasion to many curious remarks, respecting changes both of place and brightness among the stars, to the discovery of variable ones which lose and recover their lustre periodically, and to that of the disappearance of several from the heavens so completely as to have left no vestige discernible even by powerful telescopes. In proportion as the construction of astronomical and optical instruments has gone on improving, our knowledge of the contents of the heavens has undergone a corresponding extension, and, at the same time, attained a degree of precision which could not have been anticipated in former ages. The places of all the principal stars in the northern hemisphere, and of a great many in the southern, are now known to a degree of nicety which must infallibly detect any real motions that may exist among them, and has in fact done so, in a great many instances, some of them very remarkable ones.

(311.) It is only since a comparatively recent date, however, that any great attention has been bestowed on the smaller stars, among which there can be no doubt of the most interesting and instructive phenomena being sooner or later brought to light. The minute examination of them with powerful telescopes, and with delicate instruments for the determination of their places, has, indeed, already produced immense catalogues and masses of observations, in which thousands of stars invisible to the naked eye are registered; and has led to the discovery of innumerable important and curious facts, and disclosed the existence of whole classes of celestial objects, of a nature so wonderful as to give room for unbounded speculation on the extent and construction of the universe.

(312.) Among these, perhaps the most remarkable are the revolving double stars, or stars which, to the naked eye or to inferior telescopes, appear single; but, if examined with high magnifying powers, are found to consist of two individuals placed almost close together, and which, when carefully watched, are (many of them) found to revolve in regular elliptic orbits about each other; and so far as we have yet been able to ascertain, to obey the same laws which regulate the planetary movements. There is nothing calculated to give a grander idea of the scale on which the sidereal heavens are constructed than these beautiful systems. When we see such magnificent bodies united in pairs, undoubtedly by the same bond of mutual gravitation which holds together our own system, and sweeping over their enormous orbits, in periods comprehending many centuries, we admit at once that they must be accomplishing ends in creation which will remain for ever unknown to man; and that we have here attained a point in science where the human intellect is compelled to acknowledge its weakness, and to feel that no conception the wildest imagination can form will bear the least comparison with the intrinsic greatness of the subject.

_Geology._

(313.) The researches of physical astronomy are confessedly incompetent to carry us back to the origin of our system, or to a period when its state was, in any great essential, different from what it is at present. So far as the causes now in action go, and so far as our calculations will enable us to estimate their effects, we are equally unable to perceive in the general phenomena of the planetary system either the evidence of a beginning, or the prospect of an end. Geometers, as already stated, have demonstrated that, in the midst of all the fluctuations which can possibly take place in the elements of the orbits of the planets, by reason of their mutual attraction, the general balance of the parts of the system will always be preserved, and every departure from a mean state periodically compensated. But neither the researches of the physical astronomer, nor those of the geologist, give us any ground for regarding our system, or the globe we inhabit, as of eternal duration. On the contrary, there are circumstances in the physical constitution of our own planet which at least obscurely point to an origin and a formation, however remote, since it has been found that the figure of the earth is not globular but elliptical, and that its attraction is such as requires us to admit the interior to be more dense than the exterior, and the density to increase with some degree of regularity from the surface towards the centre, and _that_, in layers arranged elliptically round the centre, circumstances which could scarcely happen without some such successive deposition of materials as would enable pressure to be propagated with a certain degree of freedom from one part of the mass to another, even if we should hesitate to admit a state of primitive fluidity.

(314.) But from such indications nothing distinct can be concluded; and if we would speculate to any purpose on a former state of our globe and on the succession of events which from time to time may have changed the condition and form of its surface, we must confine our views within limits far more restricted, and to subjects much more within the reach of our capacity, than either the creation of the world or its assumption of its present figure. These, indeed, were favourite speculations with a race of geologists now extinct; but the science itself has undergone a total change of character, even within the last half century, and is brought, at length, effectually within the list of the inductive sciences. Geologists now no longer bewilder their imaginations with wild theories of the formation of the globe from chaos, or its passage through a series of hypothetical transformations, but rather aim at a careful and accurate examination of the records of its former state, which they find indelibly impressed on the great features of its actual surface, and to the evidences of former life and habitation which organised remains imbedded and preserved in its strata indisputably afford.

(315.) Records of this kind are neither few nor vague; and though the obsoleteness of their language when we endeavour to interpret it too minutely, may, and no doubt often does, lead to misapprehension, still its general meaning is, on the whole, unequivocal and satisfactory. Such records teach us, in terms too plain to be misunderstood, that the whole or nearly the whole of our present lands and continents were formerly at the bottom of the sea, where they received deposits of materials from the wearing and degradation of other lands not now existing, and furnished receptacles for the remains of marine animals and plants inhabiting the ocean above them, as well as for similar spoils of the land washed down into its bosom.

(316.) These remains are occasionally brought to light; and their examination has afforded indubitable evidence of the former existence of a state of animated nature widely different from what now obtains on the globe, and of a period anterior to that in which it has been the habitation of man, or rather, indeed, of a series of periods, of unknown duration, in which both land and sea teemed with forms of animal and vegetable life, which have successively disappeared and given place to others, and these again to new races approximating gradually more and more nearly to those which now inhabit them, and at length comprehending species which have their counterparts existing.

(317.) These wrecks of a former state of nature, thus wonderfully preserved (like ancient medals and inscriptions in the ruins of an empire), afford a sort of rude chronology, by whose aid the successive depositions of the strata in which they are found may be marked out in epochs more or less definitely terminated, and each characterized by some peculiarity which enables us to recognise the deposits of any period, in whatever part of the world they may be found. And, so far as has been hitherto investigated, the _order_ of succession in which these deposits have been formed appears to have been the same in every part of the globe.

(318.) Many of the strata which thus bear evident marks of having been deposited at the bottom of the sea, and of course in a horizontal state, are now found in a position highly inclined to the horizon, and even occasionally vertical. And they often bear no less evident marks of violence, in their bending and fracture, the dislocation of parts which were once contiguous, and the existence of vast collections of broken fragments which afford every proof of great violence having been used in accomplishing some at least of the changes which have taken place.

(319.) Besides the rocks which carry this internal evidence of submarine deposition, are many which exhibit no such proofs, but on the contrary hold out every appearance of owing their origin to volcanoes or to some other mode of igneous action; and in every part of the world, and among strata of all ages, there occur evidences of such action so abundant, and on such a scale, as to point out the volcano and the earthquake as agents which may have been instrumental in the production of those changes of level, and those violent dislocations which we perceive to have taken place.

(320.) At all events, in accounting for those changes, geologists have no longer recourse, as formerly, to causes purely hypothetical, such as a shifting of the earth’s axis of rotation, bringing the sea to overflow the land, by a change in the place of the longer and shorter diameters of the spheroidal figure, nor to tides produced by the attraction of comets suddenly approaching very near the earth, nor to any other fanciful and arbitrarily assumed hypotheses; but rather endeavour to confine themselves to a careful consideration of causes evidently in action at present, with a view to ascertain how far they, in the first instance, are capable of accounting for the facts observed, and thus legitimately bringing into view, as residual phenomena, those effects which cannot be so accounted for. When this shall have been in some measure accomplished, we shall be able to pronounce with greater security than at present respecting the necessity of admitting a long succession of tremendous and ravaging catastrophes and cataclysms,--epochs of terrific confusion and violence which many geologists (perhaps with justice) regard as indispensable to the explanation of the existing features of the world. We shall learn to distinguish between the effects which require for their production the sudden application of convulsive and fracturing efforts, and those, probably not less extensive, changes which may have been produced by forces equally or more powerful, but acting with less irregularity, and so distributed over time as to produce none of those _interregnums_ of chaotic anarchy which we are apt to think (perhaps erroneously) great disfigurements of an order so beautiful and harmonious as that of nature.

(321.) But to estimate justly the effects of causes now in action in geology is no easy task. There is no _à priori_ or deductive process by which we can estimate the amount of the annual erosion, for instance, of a continent by the action of meteoric agents, rain, wind, frost, &c., nor the quantity of destruction produced on its coasts by the direct violence of the sea, nor the quantity of lava thrown up _per annum_ by volcanoes over the whole surface of the earth, nor any similar effect. And to consult experience on all such points is a slow and painful process if rightly gone into, and a very fallible one if only partially executed. Much, then, at present must be left to opinion, and to that sort of clear-judging tact which sometimes anticipates experience; but this ought not to stand in the way of our making every possible effort to obtain accurate information on such points, by which alone geology can be rendered, if not an experimental science, at least a science of that kind of active observation which forms the nearest approach to it, where actual experiment is impossible.

(322.) Let us take, for example, the question, “What is the actual direction in which changes of relative level are taking place between the existing continents and seas?” If we consult partial experience, that is, _all_ the information that we possess respecting ancient sea-marks, soundings, &c., we shall only find ourselves bewildered in a mass of conflicting, because imperfect, evidence. It is obvious that the only way to decide the point is to ascertain, by very precise and careful observations at proper stations on coasts, selected at points where there exist natural marks not liable to change in the course of at least a century, the true elevation of such marks above the _mean_ level of the sea, and to multiply these stations sufficiently over the whole globe to be capable of affording real available knowledge. Now, this is not a very easy operation (considering the accuracy required); for the _mean_ level of the sea can be determined by no single observation, any more than the mean height of the barometer at a given station, being affected both by periodical and accidental fluctuations due to tides, winds, waves, and currents. Yet if an instrument adapted for the purpose were constructed, and rendered easily attainable, and rules for its use carefully drawn up, there is little doubt we should soon (by the industry of observers scattered over the world) be in possession of a most valuable mass of information, which could not fail to afford a point of departure for the next generation, and furnish ground for the only kind of argument which ever can be conclusive on such subjects.

(323.) Geology, in the magnitude and sublimity of the objects of which it treats, undoubtedly ranks, in the scale of the sciences, next to astronomy; like astronomy, too, its progress depends on the continual accumulation of observations carried on for ages. But, unlike astronomy, the observations on which it depends, when the whole extent of the subject to be explored is taken into consideration, can hardly yet be said to be more than commenced. Yet, to make up for this, there is another important difference, that while in the latter science it is impossible to recall the past or anticipate the future, and observation is in consequence limited to a single fact in a single moment; in the former, the records of the past are always present;--they may be examined and re-examined as often as we please, and require nothing but diligence and judgment to put us in possession of their whole contents. Only a very small part of the surface of our globe has, however, been accurately examined in detail, and of that small portion we are only able to scratch the mere exterior, for so we must consider those excavations which we are apt to regard as searching the bowels of the earth; since the deepest mines which have been sunk penetrate to a depth hardly surpassing the ten thousandth part of the distance between its surface and its centre. Of course inductions founded on such limited examination can only be regarded as provisional, except in those remarkable cases where the same great formations in the same order have been recognised in very distant quarters, and without exception. This, however, cannot long be the case. The spirit with which the subject has been prosecuted for many years in our own country has been rewarded with so rich a harvest of surprising and unexpected discoveries, and has carried the investigation of our island into such detail, as to have excited a corresponding spirit among our continental neighbours; while the same zeal which animates our countrymen on their native shore accompanies them in their sojourns abroad, and has already begun to supply a fund of information respecting the geology of our Indian possessions, as well as of every other point where English intellect and research can penetrate.