Chapter CLIV: Section VI: Paper Money—A Curse Or A Blessing? (5)

389 Compare _Ad. Müller_, Elemente der Staatskunst, III, 1809. _Fr.
List_, System der polit. Œkonomie, 222 ff., 409 ff. _Wakefield_, in
his edition of Adam Smith, distinguishes two degrees of coöperation,
simple and complex. In the case of simple labor, the same sort of
work is performed at the same time and place by several individuals,
as, for instance, by a lot of hod-carriers in building. In the other
case, there are different kinds of work performed at different times
and places, but all intended for the one greater end. Agriculture
affords room for the first especially, and it is known also to a
great number of animal species.

390 Flemish weavers in England, French refugees in Protestant countries;
German miners in Spain, Scandinavia, Hungary and America.

391 This, so very largely developed in Egypt and India, where the
principle of caste obtains, is very little developed in the
despotisms of Asia. The great princes, in the latter countries,
build largely from vanity only. Hence their successors seldom
complete their works, and scarcely repair them. Nowhere else are
there so many half completed and yet decaying buildings. _Klemm_,
Kulturgeschichte, VIII, 86. _Riedel_, N. Œkonomie I, 259, very
correctly remarks that such kinds of coöperation as contribute most
to the propagation of skill, both in commerce and manual labor, have
less real division of labor, and vice versa.

392 Compare _Leplay_, La Réforme sociale en France (1864).

393 Concerning association in general, see _M. Chevalier_, Cours, III,
Leçon, 24, 25. On this subject so much talked of in our day, see,
more in detail, concerning its application to agriculture, my work,
Nationalökonomik des Ackerbaues, 4, § 39, 47 ff.; 68, 133 ff.; on
its application to industry, especially where there is question of
the relation of handiwork and manufactures to large factories; see
_Roscher_, Ansichten der Volkswirthschaft, II, Aufl., 1861,
Abhandlung, IV, V.

_ 394 Adam Smith_ remarked that the laws of the division of labor obtain
also in intellectual works; and indeed, among all nations in a very
low grade of civilization, the germs of all art and science are
found connected with theology; and later, the germs of all poetry
and history with the epic. The expression: _non defuit homini, sed
scientiæ, quod nescivit Salmasius_, is a clear proof of the
insignificance of the science of the time. Think of the increase
during the last hundred years of the branches of study in our German
universities. There are now thirty-four regular professors in the
Leipzig philosophical faculty, where then there were only nine. But
here also the principle proves true, that an excessive division of
labor, where the broader connection and the deeper foundation of all
sciences disappear from the consciousness, undermines intellectual
health and freedom. And the injury here is greater and more
irreparable than in the domain of mere physical labor. See
_Hufeland_, N. Grundlegung, I, 207 ff. If we have just become
Alexandrians, we have, however, no Aristotle to hope for.
_Jurisprudentia est divinarum atque humanarum rerum notitia, justi
atque injusti scientia_ (_Ulpian_). It is remarkable that nations
who possess no real national literature of their own, when they once
get beyond the bounds of utter barbarism, learn foreign languages
etc., most easily.

395 The socialistic utopia of _Ch. Fourier_ (Théorie des quatre
Mouvements, 1808. Théorie de l’Unité universelle, 1822. Le nouveau
Monde industriel et sociétaire, 1829) are based upon the following
fundamental ideas. A. The present civilization is that of a
topsy-turvy world, especially in so far as it ascribes a “moral” (a
word always used by him in an ironical sense) self-government to
man. In Fourier’s world, on the other hand, every man is supposed,
at all times, to give free rein to every _passion_; and the play of
these gratifications constitutes the _harmonie_, in which the
poorest find more enjoyment than do kings at the present time. (See
§ 207 of this work.) B. The main thing to further this is a radical
reform in the division and cooperation of labor as they exist at
present. Instead of the present villages and cities, we should have
only phalansteries, each with 2,000 inhabitants, and situated in the
center of the land cultivated by them. Instead of the present
nations and states, we should have a universal confederate republic,
hierarchically graded, with French as the universal language.
According to the demands of the _passion papillonne_, each one
should carry on the most different kinds of business side by side,
and each one of them at most two hours per day; i.e., every one
should be a dilettante, no one a master, and everything should be
done as badly as possible. _Proudhon_, Contradictions économiques,
ch. 3, objects to this, that a workman must, in some way, be held
responsible for his work. _Fourier_ himself calculates that, in his
_harmonie_ all pleasures are productive labor; and that by this
constant change, one might be satisfied with from 4-½ to 5-½ hours
of sleep, and that even children 2-½ years old might take part in
the work. Thus, there would be a great rivalry between apple-growers
and pear-growers, so great “that more intrigues in attack and
defense [_passion cabaliste_] would arise there than in all the
cabinets of Europe,” in the settling of which the growers of quinces
would act as intermediaries. There are, in addition to all this,
wonderful aids; a fructifying crown of light rises over the north
pole; oranges bloom in Siberia; the sea becomes as delicious as
lemonade; dangerous animals die, and in their stead anti-lions and
anti-whales come into being, animals useful to man, which draw his
ships for him during calms. These ideas are by no means retracted in
_Fourier’s_ later works, See Nouveau Monde (Oeuvres) IV, 447. The
propositions of _Robert Owen_, A new View of Society (1812), have
much similarity with those of Fourier. They differ only in the
absence of the French barrack-like character of the phalanxes, and
the fantastic character of the presentation of the doctrine. He
would have all the land divided into districts of 1,000 acres each;
each district to have a four-cornered town with 1,000 inhabitants,
following a system of production and consumption in common, but not
with full equality; carrying on both agriculture and other business.
A principal feature here is an entirely new system of education. The
author says that man has hitherto been the slave of an execrable
trinity: positive religion, personal property and indissoluble
wedlock. (Declaration of mental independence.)

396 Compare _Tacitus_, Histor., II, 44.

397 See _Iselin_, Geschichte der Menschheit (1764), III, 7. _Bazard_,
Exposition de la Doctrine de Saint Simon, 1831, 153. Among negro
nations deprivation of freedom is one of the most usual punishments
for crime; but the criminal has the option of substituting his wife
or child for himself. _L.A. de Oliveira Mendez_, in the Memor.
econom. of the Royal Academy of Lisbon, vol. IV, I, 1812. As to
slavery on account of crime among the Germans, see _Grimm,_ D.
Rechtsalterth., 328 seq.

398 Loss at play was a frequent cause of slavery among the ancient
Germans. _Tacit._, Germ., 24. For the principal causes of slavery
among the Israelites, see the books of Moses, II, 22, 3; III, 25,
39; IV, 21, 26 seq.; among the Indians, Laws of Menu, VIII, 415. The
first serfs of Russia were prisoners of war and their children. The
laws of Jaroslaws recognize, besides, the following causes:
insolvency, contracting marriage with a slave, the illegal breach of
a contract for service, flight, unconditional contract for service.
_Karamsin_, Russ. Gesch., II, 37.

399 At least seed and the means of subsistence until harvest time.

400 Cases of voluntary slavery to escape famine. _Papencordt_,
Geschichte der Vandalen, 186; _Victor_, Chron., V, 17; Tur., VII,
45; Lex Bajuv, VI, 3; L. Fris, XI, I. According to the Edictum
Pistense (a., 864), c., 34, one could free himself again by paying
back the purchase money and 20 per cent. in addition. It frequently
happened that people spontaneously accepted the condition of a
vassal in order to enjoy the protection of a powerful personage. See
_Stüve_, Lasten des Grundeigenthums, p. 74. In 1812, a young
Himalayan offered himself to the traveler Moorcroft as a slave in
order to obtain food during the famine. _K. Ritter_, Erdkunde, III,
p. 999. The same fact occurred, but in greater proportions under
Joseph in Egypt. _Moses_, I, 47, 18 seq.

_ 401 Cæsar_, B.G., VI, 13.

_ 402 Solon_ was the first to prohibit this commerce in Athens.
_Kindlinger_, in his Geschichte der deutschen Hörigkeit, p. 621,
speaks of a child promised as a slave before its birth, by its
parents, as a species of farm-rent. (See the Edictum Pistense, in
_Baluz_, II, 192.) In Chili, the poorest country people who were not
entirely white, sold their children in the towns, where they grew up
with the families of their masters, and were then kept as servants
in a state of semi-serfdom. There is, it is true, no law governing
this condition of things. (_Pöppig_, Reise, I, 201 ff.)

_ 403 Ritter_, XIII, 727. For instance, men in South America used for the
purpose of riding. _M. Chevalier_, Cours, I, 251; _Lœwenstern_, Le
Mexique, Souvenirs d’un Voyageur (1843); and _Stephens_, Travels in
Yucatan (1841), show how, even yet, in Central America, although the
Indians are legally free, yet, by their senseless way of running
into debt, a number of legal relations, amounting virtually to
_glebæ adscriptio_, arise. But compare, however, _Humboldt_,
Neuspanien, IV, 263. This condition of things has been produced in
Peru, also, by the payment of one or two years’ wages in advance.
(_Pöppig_, Reise, II, 225.)

404 Thus _Forbonnais_, Eléments du Commerce (1854) I, 364, says of trade
with savages: _il fait naître dans ces nations le goût du superflu
et des commodités, qui multiplie le, échanges et leur donne le goût
du travail._

405 In very uncivilized nations, among whom serfdom is not known, we
generally find the slavery of woman and the temporary bondage of the
son-in-law in order to secure the daughter in marriage. This is
still the case among the Laplanders. _Klemm_, Kulturgeschichte III,
p. 54. Slavery was unknown among the Greeks in the very earliest
times. _Herod._, VI, 263. _F. A. Wolf_, Darstell. der
Afterthumswissenschaft, III, doubts whether any great advance in the
higher development of the mind would have been possible without
slavery.

406 In Russia, where free peasants and serfs lived side by side, it has
been remarked that the latter were never so rich and never so poor
as the former. (_Kohl_, Reise durch Russland II, 8, 300.) The
Livonian peasants have become poorer since their emancipation.
(_Cancrin_, Œkonomie der menschlichen Gesellschaften, 41). Many of
the serfs refused to accept emancipation. (_Büsch_, Geldumlauf,
Einleitung, § 6.) And so _Martius_, Reise in Brasilien II, 552 ff.,
assures us that the negro slaves in Brazil are as a rule a very
merry set. He is also of the opinion that they are better clothed,
lodged, fed and employed than in their own country. For the
remarkable official defense of North American slavery directed by
_Calhoun_, to Lord Aberdeen, see the Allg. Zeitung, 1844, No. 145.
In this document, we find a comparison instituted between the free
negroes of the north and the slaves of the south. In the north,
there was one deaf-mute, a case of blindness and of insanity in
every 96; in the south, in every 672; a pauper, invalid and prisoner
in every 6 at the north, in every 54 at the south. In Maine, 1/12th
of the negroes were afflicted by disease; in Florida, 1/1105th(?).
The fact that the slave population of the United States increased,
between 1840 and 1860, from 2,873,698 to 4,441,830, while the free
negro population of Jamaica, between 1833 and 1843, underwent a
frightful decrease, is to the same purport. However, too much must
not be inferred from all this, as the negroes in America are very
far from being the children of the soil.

407 The servants in the Odyssey who cared for hogs and cattle etc. were
certainly in a better condition in many respects than the peasants
of Attica, who were free, but buried in debt until the time of
Solon. Concerning the mildness of the treatment of slaves in very
early Roman times, see _Plutarch_, Coriol., 24, and _Cato_, I, 3, 20
ff.; _Cato_, de Re rust, 5, 56 ff.; _Macrob._, Stat. I, 10 ff. On
the state of the serfs among the Germans, see _Grimm_, Deutsche
Rechtsalterthümer, p. 339 ff.; among the ancient Scandinavians etc.,
_Dahlman_, Geschichte von Dänemark, I, 163. See _Tacit._, Germ., 25.

408 Compare Landnamabok, I, 6.

409 The opinions of the ancients for and against slavery are found in
_Arist._ Polit. I, 2. See especially the beautiful passages in
_Philemon_: _Meineke_, Comicorum jr., 364, 410. _Aristotle_ even
thinks that there are cases in which master and slave might be
brought together by a mutual want, each of the other. The former
wants hands to execute the work of his brain; the latter a guiding
brain for his hands. Where the degree of dependence corresponds
exactly to the difference of ability, _Aristotle_, leaving its
abuses out of the question, declares slavery to be just. See, also,
Eth. Nicom., VIII, 11. Similarly the Pythagorean _Bryson_ in
_Stobœus_, Florid. LXXXV, 15. But _Aristotle_ would hold up
emancipation to all slaves as a reward they might have in prospect.
Polit VII, 9, 9; Œcon. I, 5. It is characteristic of the many
testaments of philosophers, found in _Diogenes Laertius_, that they
contain declarations giving slaves their freedom. The Essenes and
Therapeutics condemned slavery under all circumstances. _Philo._,
Opp. II, pp. 458, 482, Opp. I. See _Seneca_, De Benef. III, 20. The
_jus naturale_ of the age of the Cæsars recognized the freedom and
equality of man. Digest, XII, 664., L. 17, 32. The New Testament
does not reject it absolutely, but would sanctify it as well as all
other relations in life. Compare Luke, 17, 7; Eph. 6 5 ff.; Coloss.
3, 22; Tit. 2, 9. More especially, I Timothy, VI, 1 ff. It was not
until the ninth century that the opinion that slavery was
anti-Christian because men were all made in the image of God, arose.
_Planck_, Geschichte der kirchlichen Gesellschaftsverfassung, II,
350. Sachsenspiegel, III, 42. A writer as recent as _Pufendorf_
explains slavery as arising from a free contract; _faciam, ut des._
Jus naturæ (1672) VI, 3. More recently _Linguet_, Théorie des Lois
civiles (1767), V, ch. 30, and _Hugo_, Naturrecht, § 186 ff. have
endeavored to prove that slaves are in a condition preferable to
that of poor free men. And so _Möser_ Patriot Phantasien, II,. p.
154, seq. Those who with _Thaer_ separate the element of production,
“labor” from that of “intelligence,” justify slavery on the same
principle that Aristotle did, without knowing it. Per contra, see
_F. G. Schultze_, N. Œkonomie (1856), 418.

_ 410 Turgot_, Sur la Formation etc., § 21. The universal empire of the
Romans demonstrated this. Then it was, for instance, that during the
wars of Lucullus, a slave cost only four drachmas. (_Appian._, Bell.
Mithr., 78.) _Sardi venales_: on account of the glutting of the
market with Sardinian slaves, made through the victory of Tib.
Gracchus, 177, before Christ. Many of the lesser wars of the Romans
can be looked upon only as slave-hunts. But the great wars also were
followed by uprisings of slaves on account of the many new slaves
which they made. Thus 198 in Latium, 196 in Etruria. (_Bücher_,
Aufstände der unfreien Arbeiter von, 143-129, v. Chr., 1874.) During
the relatively peaceful periods which preceded many of the Roman
revolutions, pirates delivered over great masses of slaves. It
frequently happened that several thousand slaves were led to Delos
and sold in a single day. (_Strabo_, XIV, 668.) As emancipation was
a measure which people could not make up their minds to adopt, these
pirates satisfied a “want” for a time, and this partly explains the
otherwise incomprehensible forbearance of the state towards them.

_ 411 Gregor. Turon._, III, 15.

_ 412 Grimm_, D. Rechtsalterthümer, 323. It is a strange fact that
prisoners of war were in several remarkable instances sold as slaves
in Italy during the fifteenth century. (_Sismondi_, Hist. des
Républiques italiennes, IX, p. 312 seq.; XI, p. 138 seq.) And even
in the sixteenth century, the pope allowed those of states opposed
to him to be treated in this way. _Sismondi, supra_, XI, 251; XIII,
485. _Raynold_, Ann. eccl. 1506, § 25 ff.

413 This graduation of slave, serf and workman, has been carried out
especially by _Saint Simon_, Oeuvres, 328 ff. Even _Proudhon_ admits
that the condition of the lower classes is better now than formerly.
(Contradictions économiques, ch. X, 2.) Compare _M. Chevalier_,
Cours, I. Leçons 1 and 2, where he shows that our productive power
has increased during the last four or five centuries in the
production of iron in the proportion of 1 to from 25 to 30; in the
preparation of flour since the time of Homer in the proportion of
1:144; in the production of cotton during the last 70 years in the
proportion of 1:320. _Aristotle_ predicted, long ago, that “when the
shuttle would move of itself, and plectra of themselves strike the
lyre, we should need no more slaves.” Polit., 2, 5. Every step of
true progress brings us nearer the fulfillment of the prophecy.

414 The North American planters employed coarse tools rather than fine
ones, mules rather than horses, because their slaves took so little
care of them.

415 It can never obtain as much labor from the slave, as the fear of
losing his situation and of not being able to obtain another, will
from the free workman. (_Hume._) _Marlo_, Weltœkonomie, 1848, I, 2,
38, grants this to be true only where all the forces of nature are
appropriated by occupation, and the number of workmen is greater
than the want of workmen.

416 Even in Brazil, only free men are, as a rule, employed as sugar
refiners, distillers, teamsters etc. (_Koster_, Travels in Brazil,
1816, 362.) _Storch_, Russland unter Alexander I, Heft, 23, p. 255,
cites the opinion of an eminent Russian manufacturer, that it would
first be necessary to liberate the serf factory-hands. Masters have
generally given up employing their own serfs in manufactures,
allowed them to seek work for themselves, and only required them to
pay them a species of tax. When this plan was adopted, it was found
that they worked much better, (_v. Haxthausen_, Studien I, 61, 116.)
It was a consequence of slavery that, in antiquity, the very wealthy
purchased so little: _omnia domi nascuntur_! (_Petron._, 38.)

417 Thus _Homer_, Od. XVII, 322, in whose time even there were day
laborers, θῆτες or ἔριθοι. (Od. IV, 644; X, 85; XI, 490; XIV, 102.
_Hesiod_, Opera, 602.) And _Varro_, De Re rust. I, 17, advises that
difficult labor should be performed rather by day laborers. _Coli
rura ab ergastulis pessimum est et quidquid agitur a desperantibus._
_Plin._, H. N. XVIII, 7. _Omne genus agri tolerabilius sub liberis
colonis, quam sub villicis._ (_Columetta_, De Re rust I, 7.) It has
been estimated, that, in the West Indies, a negro slave performed
only one-third of the work performed by an Englishman in his own
country. (_B. Edwards_, History of the British West Indies, II,
131.) During the one afternoon, in every week, in which the negroes
were allowed to work on their own account, they accomplished as much
as on other entire days. Edinburgh R. IV, 842. Compare _Bentham_,
Traité de Législation I, 319. _Ch. Comte_, Traité de Législation,
1827, Livre V.; _Cairnes_, The Slave-Power, its Character, Career
and probable Designs, 1862; _Olmsted_, Journeys and Explorations in
the Cotton Kingdom, 1861.

418 While the older tyrants had prohibited idleness, Draco and Solon
even under pain of degradation (see places in _Büchsenschütz_,
Besitz und Erwerb, 260). _Socrates_ called the ἅργια the sister of
Freedom (Aelian, V.H.X, 14), and the σκολή the most beautiful of all
professions.

_ 419 B. Franklin_, Observations concerning the Peopling of New Countries
etc., 1751.

420 Monument erected to _Bernstorff_ by his peasants, 8, 15. The
_Zàmoiski_ estates yielded, 17 years after emancipation, three times
as much as they did when serfdom prevailed. _Coxe_, Travels in
Poland, I, 22. The transformation of the serfs into hereditary
farmers cost _Count Bernstorff_ 100,000 thalers; but the revenue
derived from his lands increased in consequence, in twenty-four
years, from 3,000 to 27,000 thalers. An English mower can mow a
field two and three times as great as a Russian mower in a given
time. If the former receives daily wages equivalent to seventy
pounds of wheat, and the latter to only twelve, the Englishman’s
labor is still the cheaper; for he turns out 100 pounds of hay while
the latter turns out only eight. _Jacob_, 43 seq. But the hiring out
of serfs in the large cities of Russia yielded less to their masters
than in the interior. _Storch_, Handbuch, II, 286.

_ 421 Tucker_, Progress of the United States, 1843, pp. 111 ff. We need
not call attention to the inaccuracy of these figures, nor remark
how little serviceable for our present purpose an average obtained
from the density of population in different parts of Russia, where
such densities are themselves so very different, would be.

422 The Spartans seemed to have counted on an adult free man for twice
as much coarse food as a bondsman. (_Thucyd._, VI, 16.)

_ 423 Stewart_, Principles, I, 7, in accordance with historical data,
says, that the peasantry in our days work for other people, because
they have wants which can be satisfied only in this way; because
“they are slaves of their own wants.” The unquestionable superiority
of free to slave labor, in point of economy, has been dwelt upon
especially by _Turgot_, Sur la Formation et la Distribution, § 28,
and by _Adam Smith_, Wealth of Nations, I, 8, III, 2. But see _J. B.
Say_, Traité, I, ch. 19, and _Storch_, Handbuch, II, 184. When
_Hume_, Discourses, No. 11, Populousness of ancient Nations,
demonstrates the greater cost of slavery from the fact that the
master of slaves must either breed or buy them, he forgets that in
the case of free workmen he is obliged to provide also for the
support of the workman’s children. Only, the slaveholder has,
indeed, to advance the whole at once.

_ 424 Humboldt_, Cuba, I, 177. _Ashworth_, Tour in the U.S. Cuba and
Canada, 1861. The slaves in Louisiana were so overworked that they
lived, on an average, scarcely seven years. Edinburg Rev., LXXXIII,
73. Even the Stoics were not agreed, whether it was right, in case
of shipwreck, to sacrifice a cheap slave in order to save a valuable
horse. (_Cicero_, de Off. III, 23.) Whether the self-interest of
masters is an inducement to the mild treatment of their slaves
depends on the price for which fresh slaves may be obtained. This is
a strong reason why a high degree of civilization, where there are
not counteracting influences, must make slavery less endurable. The
more valuable slaves are, the worse is their condition. In the
unfertile Bahamas, the price was £21; in Demarara, £86. In the
former place they were required to do little work and were well fed
and well clothed. Hence their numbers have increased there, while in
Demarara they have decreased. (Edinburgh Rev., XLVI, 496, 180.)

425 Proverb: _quot servi totidem hostes._ (_Macrob._, Sat. I, 11, 13.)

_ 426 Jefferson_, Notes on Virginia, 212. The chastity of both parties
especially suffers. The _leno_ of ancient comedy was a slave trader!
Compare L. 27, Digest, V, 3. In the English negro colonies, it was
not unusual for the guests of the planters, even in the best
families, on retiring, to ask the accompanying servant for a girl,
with as little concern as they would in England for a light. (Negro
Slavery, or a Creed of ... that state of Society as it exists in the
United States and in the Colonies of the West Indies, London, 1823,
53.)

427 Even the law of Upland forbade the sale of Christians. The children
of a slave and of a free person were born free. Emancipation was
considered a Christian act, to be performed for “the salvation of
one’s soul.” Voluntary slavery was prohibited in 1266, and Magnus
Erichson forbade slavery generally from the year 1335. See _Geijer_,
Geschichte von Schweden, pp. 157, 185, 273. _Estrup_, in _Falcks_ N.
Staatsburg Magazin, 1837, 179, ff.

428 L. Alam, 137, 1. L. Fris., 17, 5. Decree of 960 concerning the
abolition of the trade in Christian slaves between Germany, Italy
and the Byzantine Empire. _Tafel und Thomas_, Urkunden der
Staats-und Handelsgeschichte von Venedig, I, 18 ff.

_ 429 Tacit_. Germ. 25. In the Legg. Walliæ 206 (Wolton) we read: “_Hero
eadem potestas in servum suum ac in jumentum._”

430 The council of London in 1102 forbade men to be sold like beasts.
(Concil., ed. Venet. 1730, XII, 1100, No. 27.) _Guérard_,
Polyptiques d’Irminon, Prolegg., 220, describes a pedagogical model
emancipation by the Church of its own serfs. On the whole, the
church contributed more towards the emancipation of the serfs of
others than of its own. See ch. 39, C. XII, qu. 2; c. 3,4; De Rebus
eccl.

431 In Flanders since the end of the twelfth century. _Warnkönig_,
Flandrische Staats und Rechtsgeschichte (I, 244).

432 In what relates to Germany, compare _Sugenheim_, Geschichte der
Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft in Europa, 1861, p. 350 ff. The
destruction of the old manorial system (_Hofwesen_) in the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, was often unfavorable to bondmen and
favorable to serfs. _Maurer_, Gesch. der Frohnhöfe, II, 92. In
Poland, where all were originally equal land-owners, many sank
gradually through poverty to the condition of the so-called
_kinetes_, who, although personally free, were not very far removed
from slaves. Beginning with the thirteenth century, a great number
of immunities, after the model of those accorded in Germany, were
granted, by means of which they lost, for the most part, their
direct subjection to the emperor and the empire alone. This was soon
followed as a consequence by their personal oppression. (_Röpell_,
Geschichte von Polen, I, p. 308 seq., and p. 570 seq.) In Bohemia,
the old form of serfdom had so far disappeared in the fourteenth
century, that it might be said it was known only to history. But
during the reign of the weak king, Ladislaus II, a new species of
serfdom came into vogue, the result of the preponderance of the
aristocratic element. _Palacky_, Gesch. von Böhmen, II, p. 33 seq.;
III, 31 seq. Aristocratic Denmark, before the peasant war of
1255-1258, subjected the free peasantry who had been leaseholders
for a term of years to unlimited socage duty. Waldemar III, reduced
to the same kind of service the land-owning peasantry, which
especially from the date of Margaret’s reign, developed into a
species of _glebæ adscriptio_. From the sixteenth century, when the
royal power almost disappeared, these public privileges were
abandoned to the nobility to such an extent that, in 1650, there
were scarcely 5,000 free peasants. _Dahlmann_, III, p. 73 seq.
However the severity of _traeldom_ made way in the fourteenth
century for the _vornedskap_ (modified bondage), a milder species of
vassalage. See _Kolderup Rosenvinge_, Grundriss der dänischen
Rechtsgeschichte, § 94.

433 The French expression _mainmorte_ comes originally from the
deprivation of the right of inheritance. In Beaumanoir’s time, 1283,
it was customary, after a number of serfs had lived together for a
year and a day, for their chattels movable to become the common
property of the community. (_Warnkönig_, Französische
Rechtsgeschichte, II, 157.)

434 In France, Louis X. made it a fiscal speculation to sell serfs their
liberty in whole districts, even against their will. His edict,
Ordonnances, I, 583, recognizes that all men are by nature free, and
that France is not without reason called the land of the Franks etc.
Even in 1298, Philip IV. had exchanged the serfdom to the crown of
several provinces for a land duty. The last ruler of Dauphiny gave
all the serfs of the crown their liberty gratis, in 1394.
(_Sugenheim_, p. 130.) When the so-called _coutumes_ were written,
there were only nine provincees in which by local law serfdom was
permitted. The defeat of the _jacquerie_ injured the cause of
emancipation in France in the same way that the suppression of the
war of the peasants did in Germany. About 1779, _mainmorte_ was
abolished in all lands of the crown, and its proof made almost
impossible in all others. (_Warnkönig_, II, 151 seq.) Yet it is said
that there were 150,000 _serfs de corps_ in France in 1789.
(_Cassagnac_, Causes de la Revolution, III, 11.) Koloman, who died
in 1114, forbade the slave trade in Hungary, and labored to raise
all Christian slaves to _conditionarii_ (renters). But the right of
migration was abolished in 1351. King Sigismund, and still more,
Matthias Corvinus, restored it, after the suppression of the war of
the peasants, but in 1514 it was again lost until 1586. Further
progress was arrested until the Urbarium of Maria Theresa.

435 In Italy, Frederick II. liberated all the serfs of the crown.
(Constitutt. Regni Sicil., 164.) A model instance of emancipation at
Bologna in 1256. The serfs of the state were simply set at liberty;
the freedom of those of private persons was purchased with the money
of the state, and a small corn-tithe laid on the emancipated as a
compensation for the expense incurred in their behalf. In the
future, there was not to be a bondman on Bologna territory. The
motives which led to this measure are a strange admixture of
Christianity and Democracy. (_Muzzi_, Annali di Bologna, 1840, I,
479.) Italy, at the end of the fourteenth century, was entirely free
from Christian serfdom. (_Muratori_, Antt. Ital., I, 798.) In the
canton of Berne, Switzerland, slavery was gradually abolished, the
process commencing about the beginning of the fifteenth century. It
continued, however, in the case of ordinary masters until 1798.
_Sugenheim_, p. 530 seq. In England, Alfred the Great’s efforts
towards the gradual abolition of slavery (_Wilkins_, Leges, 29)
remained without result. The steps taken by William I, towards a
much narrower end, however, seem to have been more successful.
(Leges Will. Conq., 225, 229; _Turner_, Hist. of England, I, 135.)
From the time of the Norman conquest, prisoners of war ceased to
recruit the ranks of slavery. Under Henry III and Edward I, socage
tenants became more and more frequent; but, before long, their
duties became less onerous, and might be discharged by others hired
for the purpose, instead of by themselves. The first remarkable
vestige of a class working for wages is met with in the law of 1351,
which may be considered an effort made by the nobility to oppose the
tendencies in favor of emancipation, which were a consequence of the
development of cities. (_Eden_, State of the Poor, I, 7, 12, 30,
41,) _Infra_, § 175. Although the peasant war under Wat Tyler and
Straw, who wished to abolish servitude at a blow, failed of its
object, we find that there were a great many instances of
emancipation by individuals in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries when death or sickness overtook them, in which they
declared the moral unfitness of slavery. (_Wycliffe_: “When Adam
dalve and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?”) Elizabeth
liberated the last serfs of the crown. Compare 12 Charles II, ch.
24, 1660. Emancipation in the lowlands of Scotland was completed in
1574. (_Tytler_, Hist. of Scotland, II, 260.)

436 Modern Emancipation Laws: in Prussia, 1719, 1807, 1819; Lausitz;
1820, Westphalia; in Austria, 1781 (Bohemia and Moravia), 1782
(other German countries and Galicia); 1785 (Hungaria);
Schleswig-Holstein, 1804, after many of the landed gentry had
voluntarily emancipated their own serfs; in Bavaria, in 1808; in the
kingdom of Westphalia, in 1808; in Hessen-Darmstadt, in 1811; in
Württemberg, in 1817; in Baden, in 1783, 1820 in newly acquired
countries; in Mecklenburg, in 1820; in the kingdom of Saxony, in
1832; in Hanover, in 1833. The law of 1702, abolishing serfdom in
Denmark, was evaded until 1788, and in part, even until 1800 by the
_Schollband_ (clod-bond) introduced in its stead. The only Christian
people in Europe, who, until recently, kept serfs, was the Russian.
The serfs of Russia, in 1834, numbered 22,000,000, i.e., about 40
per cent. of the entire population. In the meantime, the law of
February 19, 1861, passed after four years of preparation, fixed the
date of emancipation at the beginning of the year 1863. Slavery has
been abolished in the United States since January 1, 1863; first of
all in all portions of the country engaged in rebellion.

437 There is a very interesting discussion in the Journ. des Economistes
for June 1863, of the question whether the owners of serfs are
entitled to compensation on their emancipation, by _Laboulaye_,
_Wolowski_, _Lavergne_, _Garnier_, _Simon_ and others. In the United
States it would have required $2,000,000,000 to fully compensate the
slave-holders for depriving them of their slaves. (Quart. R., Jan.,
1874, 142.) Compare my view, _Roscher_, Nationalökonomi des
Ackerbaues, § 124.

438 Leave a new-born child to its “natural freedom” for twenty-four
hours, and it will in all probability be dead at the end of the
time!

439 Compare Edinburgh Review, LXXXIII, 64 ff., April, 1851, 333.
_Klein’s_ Annalen XXV, 70, ff. Even in the fifth book of Moses, 15,
13, ff., we see that experience had taken into consideration that a
freed serf without capital or landed property might very readily be
in a worse condition than he was before. In the United States, the
anticipation that the emancipated negroes might diminish in numbers
has not been realized. The census of 1870 showed a negro population
of 4,880,000, nearly ten per cent. more than in 1860. The increase
of the number of churches, schools and savings banks also bears
testimony to the prosperity of the negro. (_R. Somers_, The Southern
States since the War, 1871.)

_ 440 J. S. Mill_, Principles, 10, ch. 7.

441 As to the Jews, see _Ewald_, Geschichte von Israel, I 2, p. 198. In
general, see _H. Wallon_, Hist, de l’Esclavage dans l’Antiquité, II,
1847.

_ 442 Thucyd._ IV, 27; _Xenoph._ De Re. rep. Art. I, 10 ff., _Aristoph._
Nubes, 6; _Antiph._ De Caede Herod, 727. In the “Frogs” of
Aristophanes, the relation between the slave Xanthias and his master
is eloquent testimony to the good treatment he received. Slaves
enjoyed great freedom of speech. (_Demosth._ Phil. III, iii.)
Concerning masters accused of cruelty, see _Demosth._ Mid. 529, 7.
Athen. VI, 266. The slave who had been ill-treated might seek refuge
in a temple, after which his master was compelled to sell him.
(_Schol. Aristoph._ Equitt. 1309. _Plutarch_, Thes. 36.)

443 Slaves might purchase their own freedom with their _peculium_. See
Petit. Legg., Art. II, 179. There were many who lived entirely on
their own account, paying a certain duty or tax to their masters,
and who were well able to make savings. _R. F. Hermann_,
Privatalterthümer, § 13, 9, 58, 11 ff. See the instance in _Plato_,
De Rep. VI, 495, where a slave who had grown wealthy asks the
daughter of his former master in marriage. Moreover, there was a
general indisposition to hold Greeks as slaves. (_Philostr._ Apoll.
VIII, 7, 12.) The case cited in _Demosth_. adv. Nicostr. 1249 ff.,
is all the stronger on this account.

444 Under Cleomenes, many purchased their freedom with their own means.
_Plutarch_, Cleom. 23. At an earlier period, men like Lysandros,
Gylippos, Kallikratidos had belonged to a class composed of the
children of slaves brought up as citizens.

_ 445 Cicero_, pro Muræna, IX, 22.

446 Think of the subterranean _ergastula_, the fettered door-keepers and
the gladiatorial exhibitions.

447 Even from the time of _Plautus_, the _servi honestiores_ were wont
to keep _vicarios_, or subordinate slaves. _Plaut._ Asin. I, 4,
_Seneca_ De Tranq. Anim. 8. Compare _Cicero_, Parad. V, 2. Of the
slaves of the state, the public scribes were sometimes found in
excellent circumstances.

448 The peculium was fully developed in the time of Plautus and Terence.
Compare _Terent._, Phorm. I, 1. It was customary to promise slaves
their freedom as soon as they had acquired a certain _peculium_.
(_Dionys. Hal._, Antt. Rom., IV, 24. _Tac._, Ann., XIV, 42.) Humane
masters permitted their slaves to dispose freely of their _peculium_
by will. (_Plin._, Ep., VIII, 16.) There were many of the Romans who
gave their slaves a fixed salary, from which they could make
savings. (_Senec._, Epist., 80, 7.) Shepherds raised some sheep for
themselves alone. (_Plaut._, Asin., III, 1, 36; _Varro_, R. R., I,
17, 7.) Premiums were offered for certain products (_Athen._, VI,
274 d), and there were cases even in which businesses were farmed
out to slaves. (Corp. Inscr. Gr., No. 4,713 f.) The _servi publici_
had the right to dispose of the half of what they owned, by will.
(_Ulpian_, XX, 16.) Contracts of loan were sometimes made between
master and slave. (_Plut._, Cato, I, 21, L., 49, § 2, Digest, XV,
1.)

449 Compare _Tacit._, Ann., XIII, 26 seq. During the time from 356 to
211 A.C., it seems that there were, on an average, 1,380 slaves
emancipated yearly. (_Dureau de la Malle_, Economie polit. des
Romains, I, 290 ff.)

450 Concerning the highly educated slaves of Atticus, of the like of
whom the Greeks had formerly few examples, see _Drumann_, Geschichte
Roms., V, 66. The high prices, 100,000, and even 200,000 sesterces,
paid for slaves, suppose a very high degree of education.
(_Martial_, I, 59; III, 62; XI, 70; _Seneca_, Ep., 27.) But even
_Cicero_ was ashamed of his affliction over the death of an
exceptionally clever slave. (Ad. Att., I, 12.)

451 At an earlier period, even the censor had punished cruel masters.
But most of what was done to prevent the arbitrary condemnation to
death of slaves, their castration etc., and to give them rights
against their masters for libidinous acts towards them, for cruelty
and insufficient support, or the furnishing them with bad food, was
done after the time of Hadrian. (Compare _Seneca_, de Benef., III,
22; de Ira, III, 40, _Sueton._, Claud, 25, Dom., 7; _Spartian._,
Hadr., 18; _Gaius_, I, 53; L., 1, § 2, Digest, I, 6; L., 1, § 8, D.,
I, 12; L., 1, § 2, D., XLVII, 8; L., 1; Cod., IX, 14; Contra, see
_Dio Cass_, I, V, 17.) However, the _vitæ necisque potestas_ existed
in the time of Justinian. (_Zimmern_, Geschichte des röm.,
Privatrechts, I, 2, 661 ff.)

_ 452 Salvian_, De Gubern. Dei, V, 8. _Theod._, Cad. V, 4. _Eumenis_,
Paneg Coast. 8, 9. _Trebell_, Poll. Claud., 9. _Justin._ Cad., XI,
26, 47. Compare _v. Savigny_, Ueber den romischen Colonat. Berliner
Akad., 1822-23.

453 The figures given in _Athen._, VI, 103, concerning the number of
bondmen in Greece are almost incredible. For Attica alone, the
estimates vary between 110,000 (_Letronne_, in the Mem. de
I’Académie des Inscr., 1822, 192, ff.) and 400,000 (_Athen._ 1. c.),
while the free men are estimated at from 130,000 to 150,000. In
Rome, during the time from the expulsion of the kings until the
destruction of Carthage, the number of the slaves remained about the
same. (_Blair_, State of Slavery among the Romans, 1833, 10, 15.) On
the other hand, _Dureau de la Malle_ is of opinion, that in 576
B.C., the number of slaves was to the number of free men as 1 to 25,
and in 225 B.C. (including the metics), as 22 to 27. (Economie
polit. des Romains I 270 ff., 296.) Compare _Cato_, de Re. rust. I,
3, IV, X, 1 XI; 1, XVII, XVIII, 1. In Germany, the number of
bondmen, from the eighth to the tenth century, was estimated to be
at least as great as that of free men. (_Grimm_, D.
Rechtsaltherthümer, 334.) Among the Anglo Saxons, before the Norman
conquest, it was much higher, even three-fourths of the entire
population. (_Turner_, Hist. of the A. S., VIII, 9.) Compare on the
subject of this whole chapter my paper in the Archiv. der polit
Œkonomie, N. F., IV, 30 ff.

_ 454 Klöntrupp_, Abhandlung der Lehre vom Zwangsdienste, 1801.
Frequently, the lord had only a right of preference in case the
children of the tenant desired to abandon the parental roof and take
service elsewhere.

455 In _Adam Smith’s_ time, in England, the presumption was that a
servant had been hired for a year. (I, 2, 15 ed., Bas.) Frederick
the Great’s ordinance of 1769, on this subject, forbade any one to
enter into service for a shorter time than this (II, § 1 ff.), while
the Saxon ordinance of 1835, on the same matter, allowed engagements
by the month, in cities. _Darjes_, Erste Gründe der
Cameralwissenschaften, 2d ed. (1768), p. 432, demands that servants
should always hire themselves for at least four or five years, and
that their masters should have, during the whole of this time, the
right to enforce the contract. In North America, however, service by
the month has become customary and general, and no notice of the
dissolution of the contract is, as a rule, required. (Deutsche
Vierteljahrsschrift, 1853, II, 191.) In Switzerland, contracts for
service by the week are frequently made even by country servants.
(_Böhmert_, Arbeiterverhh., II, 157.)

456 In the south of England, farm hands were used to change service only
at Michaelmas. The choice of such a date made farmers very dependent
on them, as it fell in harvest time. (_Marshall_, Rural Economy of
the Southern Countries, II, 233.) A similar complaint in Cleves.
(_Schwerz_, Rheinischwestphälische Landw., 21 ff.) In Jülich, a half
year’s notice was required, during which time the servant who had
received it, performed his work with disgust, and stirred up his
fellow servants against their master. (_Schwerz_, II, 87.)

457 The families of day laborers, to whom the owner of the land gives
the use of a house, small garden, a cow etc., constitute such a
transition; and also, workmen who are fed. In Brandenburg, in 1644,
only married persons or widowers with children were permitted to
work as day laborers. (_Mylius, C. C. March._, V, 1, 3, 11.)

_ 458 Wakefield_, Swing Unmasked, or the Causes of rural Incendiarism,
1831.

459 By means of the former, the number of independent small householders
was much increased in the country. Masters feel indisposed to hire
young men liable to be subjected to military duty, because they may
be called away at the moment their services are most needed. The
returning soldier, as a rule, feels above doing menial service.
(_Schwerz_, passim, I, 191 ff., 236.) On this account, servants’
wages in Cleves rose much higher than those of day laborers. (194.)
In Belgium, a farm hand cost, on an average, 400 francs a year; a
day laborer, counting 300 working days to the year, only 339 francs.
(_Horn_, Statist. Gemälde, 175.) In the Palatinate, day laborers who
receive nothing but their wages cost their masters less than those
who receive only their food; and servants are the dearest of all.
(_Hanssen,_ Archiv der Politischen Œkonomie, N. F. X, 243.) If
servants were relatively more poorly paid in 1813 than day laborers
(_Lotz_, Revision, III, 147), it was because of the at least
temporary retrogression of civilization which every great war
causes.

_ 460 Engel_, Preuss. Statist. Jahrb., II, 261. Services which contribute
to personal convenience are naturally committed much less frequently
to independent day laborers than those which aid in production
proper. Hence it is, that, as civilization advances, house-servants,
especially of the female sex, constitute an ever-increasing portion
of the total number of servants. In Prussia, in 1816, the number of
servants who ministered to personal comfort was only 4.19 per cent.
of the total number of servants engaged in industry; of female
servants, it was 13.4 per cent. In 1861, on the other hand, the
percentages were 8.4 and 37.2. In Great Britain, of the total number
of servants over 20 years of age, only 2 per cent. were engaged in
personal services. In 1841, they were 3-½ per cent. (_Meidinger_.)
In France, in 1851, 2.5 per cent. of the whole population were in
_domesticité_. (Stat. off.)

461 In England, now more especially, out of farm-hand day laborers:
Edinburgh Rev., April, 1862.

462 A chief element in the earlier “organization of labor.” So, also, in
the Magdeburg Gesindeordnung (service-regulation) of 1789.

463 Saxon _Landesordnungen_ of 1482 and 1543. Cod. August. I, 3, 23. The
_Gesindeordnung_ (service regulation) of Frederick the Great,
threatened with the house of correction the receivers, and under
certain circumstances also the givers of wages higher than the fixed
rate of wages; but as a “matter of course,” the payment of wages
less than this was permitted. (V, § 7) Great care was taken that
wages greater than the law allowed should not be evaded by the
payment of _arrha_ or payment in produce. The same law forbade the
deprivation of the servant of his right to determine the service by
making of loans to him on long time (II, § 7.) Even _v. Berg_,
Handbuch des deutschen Polizeirechts, calls it a duty of the public
authorities charged with the protection of property and of the
public security, to see to it that there be no lack of good
servants, and that the public (as if those who sell their services
were not a part of it) should not be made the victims of exorbitant
demands in the matter of servants’ wages. _Jung_, more humane,
demands that the authorities shall protect, especially, the weaker
party. (Grundlehre der Staatswirthschaft, 1792, 700.) In Prussian
legislation, the Silesian rescript of March 13, 1809, is the
beginning of the new order of things. (_Rabe_, Samml. preuss.
Gesetze, X, 59 ff.) The _Obertribunal_, or high court, decided, in
1874, that the bringing back of absconding servants by the police,
which the law concerning servants of 1810 provided for, should not
be allowed to occur any more.

464 Ordinance of the elector of Saxony of 1766, prohibiting the
inhabitants of cities to take an apprentice from among the
peasantry, unless he had served at least four years as a farm hand,
beginning with his fourteenth year. Similarly, in Prussia in 1781.

465 In Berlin, even before the “populationistischen” period: _Fidicin_,
Histor. diplom. Beiträge zur Gesch. der Stadt Berlin, I, 101. (From
the year 1397.)

466 I Peter, 2, 18 ff.; I Timoth., 6, 12; Ephes., 6, 5; Philem., 15 ff.

467 In the German colonies of Mennonites in Russia, every youth serves a
few years in the family of some other peasant. This is considered a
sort of school. Wages are of course very large, and the treatment
very mild. _v. Haxthausen_, Studien, II, 185. Southwestern Germany
where small landed proprietors are many, something very analogous to
this continues. (_v. d. Goltz_, loc. cit., 452.)

468 For a masterly exposition of the doctrine that the right of
prescription or limitation is related to the politico-economical
necessity of property, see _John Stuart Mill_, Principles, 3, II,
ch. 2, sec. 2.

_ 469 Locke_, On Civil Government, II, §25-51; and so _L. Mendelssohn_,
Jerusalem (1783), 32; _Thiers_, Du Droit de la Propriété (1849).

470 Modern writers, in their attempt to find a philosophical basis for
the right of property, have taken two principal directions, the
first a juridical, the second a political one. The axiom, _res
nullius cedit primo occupanti_ (compare L. 3, Digest, XLI, 1),
explains only the smallest part of the relations of property, and
that only because of a very fortuitous circumstance. According to
_Hobbes_ (Leviathan, 24), property has its origin in the recognition
of it by the power of the state, by the _autorité publique_, the
_gouvernement_ (_Bossuet_, Politique tirée de l’Ecriture, Sainte, L.
3, 4), or as _Montesquieu_ (Esprit des Lois XXVI., 15) more mildly
expresses it, in the laws. The application of this principle would,
on account of the extreme changeableness of the laws of every state,
lead to most extreme insecurity, and to a steady oscillation from
one Utopia to another, from one revolution to another, if it were
not, at the same time, recognized that each one had a just title to
the acquisitions he had made, not because the law, for the time
being existing, acknowledged the right, but because they were the
product of his labor and saving. The theory which bases the right of
property on contract cannot be objected to with as much reason.
Thus, _Hugo Grotius_, Jus Belli et Pacis, II, 2, who even justifies
the occupation of things without an owner, on the supposition of the
existence of an implied contract. It is very characteristic of the
English, that in their political language, the words “liberty” and
“property” are so frequently found in each other’s company. In one
of his classic speeches made by Fox in 1784, he gives a definition
of liberty which begins with the words, “It consists in the safe and
sacred possession of a man’s property” etc. The recent doctrine, not
unfrequently to be met with, that every man has a right to an amount
of property corresponding to his wants, may be used to sanction all
kinds of socialistic inferences. An entirely bewildered and
bewildering description is to be found in _Proudhon’s_ Qu’est ce que
la Propriété, 1848, as the precursor of which _Brissot’s_ Recherches
philosophiques sur le Droit de Propriété et le Vol, may be
considered. In medieval times, there are always a multitude of other
titles to property besides production and saving. The title which is
held in highest esteem for the time being is always because of this
very extreme vis-a-vis of all other titles, strengthened and made
general.

471 The word socialism brought into use by _L. Reybaud_ is as ambiguous
as the word communism is simple and intelligible. But most
socialists agree that actual “society” (which is indeed to be
distinguished from the state) is, together with its foundations, the
existing relations of property and the family, entirely wrong. A
radical reconstruction, they say, is needed to remove forever the
chief evil of this system, viz.: the glaring difference between the
rich and the poor, the educated and the uneducated. The difference
between the doctrines of the socialists and of Political Economy
does not, by any means, consist in this, that the former concerns
itself more with the welfare of the lower classes, or even that it
gives wider scope to economy in common. But socialism is, indeed, a
living or housekeeping in common (_Gemeinwirthschaft_), which goes
far beyond the feeling for the common interest (_Gemeinsinn_). Such
economy in common is always opposed to freedom, and, at its first
introduction, contrary to law. It can guarantee no compensation to
those who have suffered from violence or force, because it leads to
a thoughtless and wasteful exhaustion of the nation’s resources,
inasmuch as it weakens the incentive to industry and frugality.
Political Economy, on the other hand, recommends an _expropriation_
when the incentives to industry and frugality are thereby
strengthened; and the increased resources thus obtained serve it, as
full compensation to those whose property has been _expropriated_.

472 See _Roscher_, Betrachtungen über Socialismus und Communismus,
Berliner Zeitschrift für Geschichtwissenschaft, 1845, III, 422 ff.

_ 473 Vivre en travaillant ou mourir en combattant_—the device on the
flags of the mutinous silk-weavers at Lyons, in 1832.

474 We are so assured by _Vauban_ (Dime Royale, 34 seq), of the later
years of the reign of Louis XIV, that nearly 1/10 of the French
people begged, that 5/10 could give no alms, because they were
themselves on the very brink of indigence; 3/10 were _fort malaisés,
embarassés de dettes et de procès_; scarcely one per cent. could be
said to be _fort à leur aise_. How much better off is the present
Parisian workman! And yet, at that time, there was not the least
spread of communistic doctrines. It is indeed seldom that completely
down-trodden men react against their wretchedness with great energy.

475 “If my _caprice_ be the source of law, then my _enjoyment_ may be
the source of the division of the nation’s resources.” _Stahl_,
Rechtsphilosophie, II, 2, 72.