Chapter IV: Part 4

About the 12th November 1672 wee sailed from Falmoth in the aforesaid Ship to Plimouth for convoy and there lay till the 15th January following, when wee sailed under convoy with a fleete of about 90 sail. our convoy went with us about 80 Leagues to the Westward of Silly,[2] then with about ten sail more were parted from the fleet and were making the best Emprovement of winde and weather to gaine our port till the 4th Aprill following, when wee between the houres of four and six in the morning saw a Sail upon our weather quarter. wee made what sail wee could, hee giving us chase, in about two houres hee came up with us, showed us Dutch colours, comanded us by the lee and to strike our Topsaile and ancient:[3] wee seeing of him to bee a man of War of Force could make no resistance against him, did accordingly: then the Capt. himself came aboard of us with twelve Dutch men more, showed us his Commission Signed by the Prince of Orange, for the taking of English Ships: the Capt. was named Cornelius Linquoint and commanded the Ship in English called the _Commonwealth_, of 20 peice of Ordnance. then hee tooke our master, merchant and ten seamen more out of our Ship and left seven of us aboard and soe went aboard his man of war againe and ordered the Dutch Steersman, whome hee left with Eleven Dutchmen more on board of our Ship, to Steere after the man of War, and in case wee should bee parted by weather to Saile with our Ship to the Groyne in Galecia, as the said Steeresman informed mee: the same night following wee lost the man of War--the said Capt having told mee that if wee kept Company while the next morning hee would take the Goods out of our Ship on board the man of war and give us our own Ship againe, but having lost Company of him in the night, wee bore up the helme to the Eastward, intending for the Groyne, as the Steersman informed mee. having plied too and againe 6 days hoping to meete with the man of war againe, two days after wee bore up wee saw a sail which made towards us, being about 3 Leagues from us. betweene six and eight aclock in the evening they came up with us, and hailed us asking whence wee were. The Dutch Steersman, standing with a laden pistol presented to my breast, commanded mee to answer them in those words he should dictate to mee, bid mee answer them, of Falmoth, and to tell them wee came from Petuxine River in Virginia, and if they wanted anything if they would hoise out theire Boat and Come aboard wee would supply them, upon which they hoised out theire Boat and the Master, Merchant, Mate, Doctor and two seamen came on board in the Boate, and after they had entred our Ship the Dutchmen Surprized them and sent three Dutchmen on board theire Ship and the Ship staied by us all the night. next morning the Dutchmen intending to goe on board commanded the said Shipps boats on board, who came accordingly, and the Dutch Skipper went on board the aforesaid Ship intending to take out her goods and put on board of our Ship, as hee saide, in order whereunto hee tooke the merchant along with him. about halfe an hour after, the said Ship made sail and steered to the westward. wee in our Ship making Sail followed them between two and three houres, and finding wee could not come up with her left our chase and stood to the Eastward againe, there being five Englishmen belonging to the saide Ship prisoners in our Ships hold. about six houres after, the same day, wee Englishmen that were at liberty, by writing to them in the hold, conspired together with them to lett them come up and soe to rush all out together upon the Dutch men and if wee could Subdue them to rescue ourselves and Ship, which accordingly with gods' blessing wee effected without any loss of life or shedding of blood and soe intended to New England, being afraide to goe for Virginia leaste wee should meete the man of War againe and being unable to carry the Ship home for England, and after eleven days lying at Sea by reason of foggy weather and contrary windes wee arrived at Piscataquay in New England aforesaid being 23th Aprill 1673.

[Footnote 2: The Scilly Isles, off the southwesternmost cape of England.]

[Footnote 3: Ensign.]

HENRY KING, Mate. JOHN CHAMPION, Bosson.[4]

[Footnote 4: Boatswain.]

At a Court of Assistants held at Boston on Adjou't, 8th May '73, Henry King, John Champyn and John Sennet deposed in open Court that this Declaration is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. As Attests

EDWARD RAWSON, Secty.

Portlidge bill of Wages due to the Company belonging to said Ship _Providence_ is as followeth:

L s.d.

Henry King, Mate, at 55s. per mo.,--4 mos., 5 days-- 11. 9.2 John Champyn, Boatswaine, at 36s. per mo.,--4-1/2 mo., 5d. 8. 6.2 John Jorey, Carpenter, at 3 [pounds] per mo., 4-1/2 mo. 13.10.0 John Sennett at 28s. per mo., 3 mo., 5d. 4. 8.6 John Burley at 28s. per mo., 4 mo., 5d. 5.16.6 George Taylor at 28s. per mo., 3-1/2 mo. 4.18.0 Richard Gross[5] at 20s. per mo., 4 mo., 5d. 4. 3.4 ------- 52.11.8

[Footnote 5: The margin adds, "sick aboard."]

8 May 1673.

It is ordered that the seamen above shall be allowed and payd their severall wages (according to their Portlidge bills here Given in) by Mr. Fryer, he taking their receipts of the several seamen. As Attests, EDWARD RAWSON, Sec'y.

_37. Petition of Thomas Raddon. June 10, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 7.]

To the Hon'rble the Governour and Magistrates Assembled in Boston,

The humble request of Thomas Raddon is that whereas the authority of this Jurisdiction hath taken care to secure the ship _Providence_ of Fallmouth in old England, wich was brought into Piscataway by reprisall and the Cargo in her, whereof I the said Thomas Raddon was shipped Master by the owners to performe a voiage to Virginia and from thence home againe, for which care I doe in the behalf of myself and owners returne humble and hearty thanks to your worships.

And whereas the Providence of God soe ordering that I am now come myselfe, my humble request is that your worships would bee pleased to give orders that the said ship and Goods may be speedily delivered unto your petitioner, that soe I may (with Gods blessing) proceed in my intended voige for the benefit of my imployers according to my obligation, and your petitioner shall ever pray for your worships prosperity.

THOS. RADDON.

In Boston this 10th of June, 1673.

This was presented to the Hono'ble Jno. Leveret, Esq'r, Gov., the 11th of June 1673. As Attest EDWARD RAWSON.

The Governor and Magistrates having perused the Certificate and finding that Tho. Raddon above, being now arrived, and the rest of the company that was took out of her, was the Master of the said Ship _Providence_, ordered the Secretary to signify to Mr. Nathaniell Fryer that they advise him to deliver the said ship and what was in her to the said Tho. Raddon, Master, for the use and benefit of the owners, he discharging the charges formerly advised to. As Attest. EDW. RAWSON, Secret'y.

THE _ST. ANTHONY_.

_38. Examination of John Tooly. June 17, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 17.]

It was my Chance to be in Lesbon and wanting a woage[2] I shiped my slefe [selfe] A board of a portungal buelt ship, Mr. Orchard Commander, but some five dayes After it plesed the Almyty God to take him out of the woarld, and when that wee was Agoing to bury him I heard the men that was in the boate to helpe Rowe him over the water, for the portugeses would not suffer us to bury him in Lesbone, say that thay would have A Ship Are Longe, but I did not know how, not then, and some one day thay went into the house[3] for thay Could open the Locke of the haches when thay plesed and drawed wine of the Marchantes and soe sate doune to geather to drinke, and I being near, thay not deming of it, I heard them say that thay would asay[4] it all at once, and Liquise[5] that thay would Rune away with the ship, soe I disclosed it to the Master and the Marchant for our Marchant had gone, another master, which was Capt. haddockes second mate, which was then Comander of the Engles[6] ship Lying in Lesbone Rever, John Terry by Name, soe thay tooke three of them and put them in presone at Lesbone. it was the boatswane and two men more, but by Resone that one willam forrest which was Aboard that Gave the suprecargo Mr. John Pane fare words, the suprecargo would not sufer him to be put in to preson, but that hee should Goe the woage, and because thay Could note Geete another Carpenter thay would not put the Carpenter in to preson, but that hee should goe the woage Lyquise, soe the Master John Terry shipd two men more in there Romes which ware English men, Edmun Cooke and John Smith, and Afterwards hee shiped 2 Duchmen whose names I know not, and wee ware bound for newfoundland for a sacke,[7] but when wee had been about A weake at sea these two men, namly Willam forrest and John peket the Carpenter, perswaded the other two Engles men, Edmun Cooke and John Smith, and one other Engles which was a board and the two Duch men, to surprise the Master, the suprecargo and Mate, a portungall boy and I, and soe to Rune away with the ship. And waching thare Oppertunity when the Master and the Marchant was a slepe in the Roundhouse, the Mate A Riting in the Cabing, and I was at helme, the Carpenter came into the sterege and cauled the [said?] Edmun Cooke and John Smith out of thare Cabing whare thay ware aslepe, and soe thay went forward togeather into the forcasell and immeadly thay Came Aft agane, the two Duchmen and willam forrest, the Carpenter and Edmun Cooke, John Smith and the other Engles man. soe the two Duchmen and the Englesman that is not named came into the sterege. the other fower wente up upon the Quarterdecke and surprised the Master and the Marchant where thay ware a slepe in the Round house, and the other three sayed to me that if I did offer to stere I was a dead man. soe the Mate hering that in the Cabin where he was a riting salied out of the Cabing in to the sterege. soe thay tooke hould of him and throed him upon his back and soe held him and would not suffer him to ster. soe I rune doune the scutell which was in the sterege and hede my slefe amounge the sayles betweene deckes, for I heard the Master and the Marchant Cry out most petifully. soe I thought to my slife when thare pasene[8] was over that I mite perswaed them to save my Life. soe thay bound the Master and the Marchant and Carryed them forward upon the forcastell. but presenly after thay Loused them agane and put them in to the Greate Cabing all togeather, and would suffer but one to Come upon the deck at a time. the Master and the Marchant profered them that if thay would thay would take a drame of the botell and set doune and drink frinds and that all things should be forgoting, but thay would not Exsept of there profer. soe I went upon the deck and desyred them that thay would be plesed to Lend us a sayle, for thay tould us that thay would hoyst out the boate and Give us some provisones and tourne us to shift for our slevs. soe wee desyred to beare up the helme for to put us As neare the Land as thay Could. soe [_torn_] some 2 howers. soe thay Gave into the boate All neceesaryes, as provisons, wood, water and Lequers, with a sayle and mast and ores, A grapnall and grapnall rope, sayle nedles, twine and pame[9] for to men[d] the sayle. Soe Will Forrest, walking upon the Quater deck with a backe swoard[10] in his hand, Commanded the boat to be hoysted out and all those forenamed nesessarys to be got in to her, with a Compas, Quadrant and a plat,[11] and soe Comanded the Master, the Marchant and the Mate and the portuges boy in to the boate. John Tooley and Allexander[12] ---- would have gone into the boate with them, but thay would not suffer us to goe [_torn_] Master saed [or] asked them [_torn_] that thay would keepe us but thay would not harking unto them and would not Let us goe.

[Footnote 2: Voyage.]

[Footnote 3: The house or cabin on the after-deck.]

[Footnote 4: Assay, attempt.]

[Footnote 5: Likewise.]

[Footnote 6: English.]

[Footnote 7: Plunder.]

[Footnote 8: Passion.]

[Footnote 9: A sailmaker's palm, which serves the purpose of a thimble.]

[Footnote 10: A sword with one edge.]

[Footnote 11: Chart.]

[Footnote 12: Wilson. The name can be supplied from the _Records of the Court of Assistants of Massachusetts Bay_, I. 12.]

John Tooley gave in this upon examination as a true narrative of the transaction in the Ship _Anthony_ when she was surprised by forest and Pickard, etc., he the sayd Tooley being of the age of Twenty years or thereabouts.

Before us JOHN LEVERETT, Gvr.
EDWARD TYNG.
WILLIAM STOUGHTON.

John Terry, M'r, being present when this was spoken by John Toolly before the Govn'r, Mr. Ting, Mr. Staughton and Major Clarke on 17 June '73, being Asked whether what John Toolly had declared was the truth the said Terry Ansed he acknowledged the same to be the trueth: As Attests

EDWARD RAWSON, Sec'ty.

19 of November 1673.

This examination of John Toollys being Read in the Councill with the Acknouledg'mt of the Master John Terry that it was the Trueth, The Councill ordered his dischardge from further attending: and that the Secretary Give him the signification thereof to the said John Toolly.

As Attests,

EDW. RAWSON.

The Examination of Jno. Tooly marriner of Ship _St. Anthony_:[13]

[Footnote 13: A marginal note reads: "Pres[en]t, Govr., Capt. Gookins, Mr. Russell, Mr. Danforth, Mr. Tynge, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Clarke", all of whom were at this time members of the Court of Assistants. An endorsement reads: "Toolly Examination taken 17:9:73," _i.e._, November 17, 1673.]

What is your name?

Jno. tooly, borne nere norwich.

He saith that he was at Helme when the Rising was.

How long was it after you came to sea.

Ansr: about a weeke.

Who rise first or the manner of their Rising?

the Carpenter having a handspike in his hand called to forrest, who with the two Dutchmen came forward with Cooke, etc.[14]

[Footnote 14: John Smith and Edmund Cooke were condemned to death for their share in these acts of piracy, but were pardoned by the General Court, December 10, 1673. _Records of Massachusetts Bay_, vol. IV., pt. II., p. 573.]

_39. Examination of William Forrest. October 20, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 15.]

Newport one[2] Road Iland.

[Footnote 2: On.]

The Examinatione of William forist, mariner, taken the 20 day 8 mo.[3] 1673. the foresd forist beinge examined acknowlegeth that he was owne of that mutinous Company that Raised Reblion in the ship Called the _Sainte Anthony_ upon the Coaste of portingall, one hundred and tenn leags from Land, and theire with others did deprive John Tarry, Master, of his power given to him leagelly to Gouvern the aforesd shipe: but denies that he had a hand in forsinge him over borde, or those that went with him, but sd he and them might have continued longer in the aforesd shipe: but owned that he with others did deprive him the sd John Tarry the Gouverment and ordring the aforesd shipe, and beinge asked concerning their further prosedings, owned that he with others brought the aforesd shipe called the _Sainte Anthony_ into pascattoga River in new Ingland, where he the sd forrist was then the Reputed master, whoe undertooke to be owne (to witt the Cheefest) that managed and disposed of most or all the aforesd Ships Cargoe, till by some means of fallinge out amonge themselves was discovered, upon which the sd William forrist mad an Escape for a time, till he was apprehended at new plimoth in new Ingland, whence he acknowlegeth he lately Escaped out of his magisties Gale[4] at new plimouth as aforesd, and forther beinge examined, owned (to wit, william forist) that John Tarry and the suprocargoe ware the persons that had Right to Governe, order and dispose of the abovesd Shipe and Cargoe, which hee the aforesd william forrist and Company unjustly Deprived them of. taken before us

NICHOLAS EASTON, Gov'r.[5] WILLIAM CODDINGTON, D'py Gov'r.

[Footnote 3: October.]

[Footnote 4: Jail.]

[Footnote 5: Nicholas Easton, governor of Rhode Island from May, 1672, to May, 1674; William Coddington, deputy governor 1673-1674, and afterwards governor.]

_40. Petition of Allwin Child. October 24, 1673._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1257, paper 5.]

To the Hon'rd Governor and Coart of Asistants

The Humble Petition of Allwin Child

Sheweth, That a ship called the _St. Anthony_ was consigned unto your petitioner from Lisbon under the Command of John Tarry, and in his voyage, about one hundred and ten Leagues from Lisbon, the seamen of the sd. ship mutined Against the sd. Commander and turned himself, his supercargo, mate and Boy out of said ship into the Boate to shift for themselves and Ran Away with the shipe, Some of the men so running Away being at present under conviction in this prison, and three others having bin taken at Plimouth in order to bee also Brought to Answare for their misdimeniors before the Authouritey of this Colony, But did theare Breake prison and escaped unto the Government of Road Iland, at which place they are Apprehended, and the said Tarry is Liquise now Arived there for Another ship, consigned allso to your petitioner, and is there detained to prosicute the Above offenders.

Your Petitioner in Behalf of the Imployers humbly craves that your Hon'rs would be pleased to take such Coarse that the said escaped prisoners may bee sent for to this place to Answare these facts According to Law, the Evidence Against them Being partly heard All Ready, and the Comander being also Bound to this place, soe that his stay theare will bee very preduditiall to the voyge of said ship and Imployers, the Ship Requiering A speedy Dispatch. And he shall Pray

[_Endorsed:_] Allwin Child petition to Gov'r and Mag'ts in Court of Assists. 24 Oct. 1673.[2]

[Footnote 2: The Court of Assistants, March 7, 1674, fined Major Nicholas Shapleigh 500 pounds for harboring and concealing in his warehouse William Forrest, Alexander Wilson, and John Smith, "capitall offenders," arranging their escape, and receiving and concealing their goods. _Records of the Court of Assistants_, I. 12-14, where a petition of Alvin Child in the matter is referred to. See also Maine Historical Society, _Documentary History_, second ser., VI. 38-42.]

CASE OF RODRIGUEZ AND RHODES.

_41. Declaration of Thomas Mitchell. May 24, 1675._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1390, paper 1. This case appears in the _Records of the Court of Assistants_, I. 34-39, 42. The chief originator of this episode of piracy was a Dutch captain from Curacao, Juriaen Arentsen. In 1674, when a state of war existed between France and the Netherlands, he captured the French forts at Castine and St. John, and took possession of the region as "New Holland." Then, "at the _Bear_ in Boston," he gave some sort of commission to another Dutchman or Fleming, Peter Rodrigo or Rodriguez, to John Rhodes of Boston, and others, under which they proceeded in the piratical manner described in documents 41 and 42. The Court of Assistants had now, by a law passed in December, 1673, been fully authorized to act as a court of admiralty (which hitherto it had done without formal authorization); sitting as such, May 17-June 17, 1675, it condemned Peter Rodrigo, Dutchman, John Roads, late of Boston, Peter Grant, Scotchman, Richard Fowler and Randolph Judson, Englishmen, for piracy, and sentenced them to be hanged. All were however pardoned subsequently. _Records of Massachusetts Bay_, V. 40, 54, 66. Mitchell and Uring were whipped for complicity, of which there was evidence contradicting their testimony here presented. For the background of the whole story, see C.W. Tuttle, _Captain Francis Champernowne, the Dutch Conquest of Acadie, and other Historical Papers_ (Boston, 1889), pp. 137-150, 349-399.]

To the Hon. Court of Assistants sitting in Boston

The Declaration of Thomas Mitchell of Maulden Fisherman Humbly sheweth, That the said Mitchell beinge hired in October last both himself and the Barque whereof he was a part owner, for three moneths certaine and foure uncertaine upon a Tradeing voyage to the Eastward as farre East as a Plais called Siccanecto[2] in the Bottome of the Bay of Fundi by Captaine Peter Roderius and other of the Privateers, as by a Charter Party under their hands and seales more att Large it doth and may appeare, had nott any thought or suspition that the said Privateers would have taken any things from any man wrongfully, they before they went out severall times promiseinge the contrary (which if they should deny may be made to appeare). Butt when sd. Privateers came to the Eastward, instead of complyinge with their Charter Party or makeinge good their Promise, forced the sd. Michell to carry them whither they Pleased, and although the sd. Michell was very earnest Seaverall times with them to be discharged from their service, proffering them at Pemequid,[3] before he went out of this Jurisdiction, to loose the hire of his vessell and with more they desired rather [than] to proceed any further in said voyage, as Lieutt. Gardner[4] and his sonnes can testifie, And when he came backe from Pemequid, had he nott, the winde being Faire, been forced away before he could speak with Lieutt. Gardner, he might have had sufficient testimony from them of his unwillingnesse to proceed any further with them; Neither did the said Michell give his consent to their takeinge of any vessell or goods from any Person but as farr as in him lay and as much as he durst did oppose the same: Neither had the said Michell any share or part of any of the said goods that the aforesd Privateer tooke, nor had any hand in the takeing of either vessells or goods, butt was alwayes agt. such their proceedings, and when they came as farr East as Naskeague,[5] when the Privateers spake of goeing over the Bay of Fundi he told them he had rather give them a Hundred Pounds than goe over the Bay with them, as by the Testimony of Robert Wills may appeare which was sworne by The Worsp'll Mr. Stoughton.[6] Nevertheless they forced the said Michell to goe over the Bay with them, tellinge him they would carry him and his vessell wherever they pleased, And Being at Tuskett Islands,[7] the said Michell demandinge his hyre, telling them the time was expired that was mentioned in the Charter Party, and that he desired to goe home to looke after his familie and to pay his Merch'ts that had betrusted him, And withall he forewarned them for weighing his Anchors for he would stay noe longer in their service; But Richard Fowler, threatninge that he would make a hole through his skinne if hee did nott hold his tongue, went and, whether he would or nott, weighed his Anchors and forced him to goe backe to Machias; The said Privateers by their uncivill Carriage did make the said Michell soe weary of the voyage that if he could have gotten an opportunity he would have come away with his vessell and left them there, though he had lost all his hire and what also he carried out with him; Now the Premisses beinge considered by this Hon'ble Court, he hopes they will have soe much Charitie for him as to conclude him nott guilty of those actions that are laid to his Charge: The Just and Righteous determinations whereof he Leaves to the Wisdome and Clemencie of this Hon'ble Court, and is bound to subscribe Himself

Your Honours Most Humble Servt.,

THOMAS MITCHELL.

Boston, May the 24th, 1675.

[Footnote 2: Chignecto, Nova Scotia.]

[Footnote 3: Pemaquid, Maine, east of the mouth of the Damariscotta. There was an English settlement there from 1626. As to the jurisdiction, all this region east of the Kennebec had been included in the Duke of York's patent of 1664, but his governor at New York took no active steps to assume its government till 1677, and _de facto_ Pemaquid in 1675 was in the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, which in 1674 had organized the region east of the Kennebec as the county of Devon.]

[Footnote 4: Lieut. Thomas Gardiner, resident at Pemaquid, was chief military commander and treasurer of the county of Devon, and a county magistrate.]

[Footnote 5: Near Sedgwick, Maine.]

[Footnote 6: William Stoughton, of the Court of Assistants, afterward lieutenant-governor of the province; see document no. 70, _post_.]

[Footnote 7: Off Yarmouth, Nova Scotia.]

_42. Declaration of Edward Youreing. May 24, 1675._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 1390, paper 2. The name is more often found with the spelling Uring.]

To the Hono'rd Court of Assistants Now Sitting in Boston The Declaration of Edward Youring of Boston, Fisherman, Humbly Showeth:

Thatt whereas the said youring being in October last past, both himselfe and the Barke whereof the said youring was part owner, and being hyred upon A leading Voyage, so farr Easterly as A Place caulled Zecganickto nere the botom of the Bay of Fundy (and noe further), by Capt. Peter Rodregross and Company; As by A Charter Partie, Refferance being had thereunto, more fully may Appear; and allso will therein Declare thatt I your Poore and Humble Declarant Edward Youring had not the Least Intention of anything thereby but onely and honestly to Improve both myselfe and my Interest in the foresaid Barque, in an honest Lawfull way; And it being well knowen and seen, both in Towne or else where wherever my caulling haith Led mee, thatt I have been according to my Capassetye and Abillity an Industreous hard Laberar, whereby I mought gitt wherewith to mentayne my Famely, which in a measure hayth been sumthing Comefortably untell now (through the goodness of God), nor I have not at all been wanting to take the best paynes I could for an honest Livelyhood, both for my selfe and my Familie, I not being so Ignorant but thatt by Instructyans and good Examples being thereby rightlie informed, thatt hee is worse than an Infidle thatt shall not provide for his Familie, etc.; I Doe Declare in the presence of God and Your Hon'rs this Day that, through God's goodness to me, I am Conscious unto my owne Innocency, and am truly free from thatt Reporte of my being guiltie of Pyracy or being A pyorett, nither ever had I the Least thought nor suspition thatt those persons which Carryed them selves so fairly to me whilst that I was in Boston with them, would have caryed it so much contrary to whatt they promised to me before they went from hence; And thatt was thatt they would not meddle, nor take either vessells or goods from any English man, as may Appeare by severel testimonys; whereupon I did proced upon the said Voyage, upon Monthly Wages. And wee being come as farr East as Casco Bay, then the Privateers (though much against my minde and will) they wentt on Shoare and brought on Board of us severall Sheepe which belonged to the inhabitants of thatt place, where upon I did so farr show my dislike to the Privateers for soe doeing that I tould them thatt I protested against their Actions in that way; where upon they did not only revile and use opprobius and reproachfull words to me for my declayring my minde to them, but they allso threated to strycke me and being so threatened forced me to Silence, and they also forced me to goe further upon the said voyage; and when wee arrived so farr East as Pemmaquid I tooke so much notice of the debaucherie of the Privateers thatt I thought in my selfe thatt the voyage was not like only to be unproffitable but allso troublesome and uncomfortable, whereupon I desired to be cleared from them, but I being one thatt was bound by charter partie was forced to goe further East with them; and Comeing to a Place caulled Knoskeegg,[2] there wee mett with Capt. Roades and the Privateers tooke him aboard of our vessell, and after some stay there the wind being Contrary, notwithstanding they went to turne it out and as they ware turning out, I Edward Youring spoke to Thomas Mitchell whoe was then at helme, desireing him to beare up the helme and to goe no further with them, and I tould the sayd Mitchell my reason was because I heard them say thay would take George Manning[3] and the Vessell if they could meet with him, and one of the Privateers, by name Randler Judgson, came to me as I was speaking to Mitchell to beare up the helme, sweareing thus or this effect: "God damne me, Youring or Mitchell, speake another word of bearing up the Helme and Ile knock out your Braines with a hand speake", etc.; furthermore I the sayd Youring haveing no way to Escape from them was forced to Stay Longer with them, but at Length Comeing to a Harbour further East, wee spieing a vessell at an Anchor, Capt. Rodregrose commanded Thomas Mitchell to Steer right with her, and Comeing up with her Rodregross bid them Amaine[4] for the Prince of Orainge; whareupon they lowred out their Annchor and it proved to be George Manning; then I the said Youring, haveing heard Rodregross and the Privateers say whatt they Intended to doe if they meett with Manning, I intreated them not to take him but to lett him goe peaceably with whatt hee had, and onely give him warning for the future; but Rodregross instead of Complying with my request blamed me much for speak[ing] against takeing of him, and forthwith went on board and tooke a way his peltery; and the same Afternoone made prize, both of vessell and goods, after wh. I Edward Youring Speakeing in the behalf of Manning, Capt. Rodregross tooke doune his pistol, wch generally he kept loaden by him, and presented it to me, and had not Capt. Roades whch satt by Layd his hand upon it, turnning of it away from me, I had then been shott. and the next Night following Petter Grant one of the Privateers made a writeing, and being very earnest with me to sett my hand to it, toulde me it would be no damage to me to sett my hand as a Witness; I the said Youring, being Ignorant of such things and not knowing what was in it, I did Sett my hand to it, but no otherwayes butt as A wittness (the which I did by reason of my being in feare of my life, if I should have denyed to have done it), and soon after the Pryvat[eer] [_torn_] had been at Mayhchyous[5] and Laded the goods they tooke from George Manning, they went to St. Johns, wheare they had not been above three or fower howers, as I judge, before thatt there caime into the Harbor a vessell from the Sea and came to an Anchor about a mile distant from us. then the said Rodregross Commanded twoe boates to be manned to cary him and his Company, and coming nere to the vessell, he bid them A Mayne for the Prince of orainge, and Some in the vessell knowing him desired him to come aboard, And when he came aboard Rodregross Commanded them to weigh Anchor and to Come and Ride by him; and thatt Night Capt. Rodregross kept possession of [_torn_] himself and the next day commanded his boat from his own vessell, and Commanded George Walton, master of the said vessell,[6] to deliver their Beaver and Moose, wch after search made in the hold he tooke and Carryed it away, and I the said Youring shewing my dislike as much as I darst in my opposeing Rodregross, upon which and because I would not give my consent to goe over the Bay of Fundee, I being one thatt was ingaged by Charter partie to the Contrarie, and soone affter one of the Privateers struke me many blowes upon my backe and Sides with a long knife Like a Short Hangger, which brused me very mutch, and the same night being a very could night in the latter eand of Dicember Last, the sayd Privateer thatt hett me turned me ashoare, wheare I was like to be Starved wth could. The next day following, I being very ill and very sore with the blowes I recd the evenning before, and after the morning was a little passed, with much intreetye I prevailed to git libertie to goe aboard to gitt some Releife. And after they had forced Thomas Mitchell and myselfe to goe over the Bay of Fundee, as wee Returned backe wee put into Maychyas, and Standing into the harbor wee saw a vessell under Duch collors standing out; which when wee came nere unto proved to be George Mannings vessell; whoe as soone as hee came up with us, haveing gotten to Windward of our Vessell, poured a Volley of Shott in upon us with Dutch coullors flying, and presently affter wee saw a vessell with French Coullors, upon which wee concluded All to be French and thatt wee ware betrayed and should bee taken; thereupon Capt. Rodregross Commanded every man to his Arms and to fight for his life. But as soone as Capt. Mosely[7] Came up with us, hee haveing the English Coullors out, Hee bid us A Maine for the King of England, and I myselfe Loured the Maine Sayle three or foure foot doune, at which Capt. Rodregross was very angry with me and Commanded me to hoyse it againe, which I Refused to doe; and there upon I went forward and Laye before the windles tell the vessell was taken; And when the Capt. yeelded, I Edward Youringe Lett fall the Anchor; I being very glad that I was freed from the Bondage and Slavery I was in untell the vessell was taken by Capt. Moseley; I being all the voyage Comanded, as occasion presented, to goe a Shoare with John Farmer to cott wood and fetch watter to carry aboard; notwithstanding one halfe of the vessell was my owne; and also I stand Still ingaged for one halfe of the Cargoe thatt was Carryed out from Boston.

[Footnote 2: Naskeag; see note 5 to document 41.]

[Footnote 3: Captain of a small Boston vessel; his letter to the owner is in the Maine _Documentary History_, second ser., VI. 42-43.]

[Footnote 4: _I.e._, lower your topsail, in token of surrender.]

[Footnote 5: Machias.]

[Footnote 6: The _Trial_, of Kittery, belonging to Maj. Nicholas Shapleigh; _Doc. Hist._, VI. 46-47.]

[Footnote 7: Sent by the Massachusetts government to suppress these pirates.]

Now all these premises being searyously pondred by this honord Courte of Assistants, with the prudent and upright management of the Gent'men of the Jury, Together with the testimonyes I have redy to give in, I hope will thereby Evidently Appeare thatt I am not guiltie of Pyracy or any Acttyons tending thereto, as is Layed to me in my Charge, And I being over powered by the Privateers thatt did tyranize over me, I was forced contrary to my minde and will to doe whatt I did during the time I was with the Privateers upon A voyage to the Eastward; for the true determination of which and of my being Concerned therein I freely and willingly Leave my Selfe to the wise, Judicious and Righteous proceedings of this Honoured Courte and Gentlemen of the Jury, hopeing the Lord will Cleare up my Innocency as to the matter of Factt, I being Conscious to my owne Innocency. So desiring the Lord to direct you In your Proceeding that Right may take place, not att all doubtting butt thatt your Honors will soe dilligenttly search in to the Cause thatt the Innosent may Bee Cleeared and the Guilty Suffer, according to merritt, so wishin you all happienes, And for the Continewance of which I shall ever Pray, etc., Subscribe my Selfe your Faithfull Subjectt and Searvantt In all Hummillitye

EDWARD YOUREING.[8]

Boston the 24th of May
1675.

[Footnote 8: Of one of the Dutchmen concerned in this episode of piracy, Cornelius Andersen, Hutchinson relates, quoting a contemporary letter, that, being under sentence of death for piracy, but pardoned on condition of enlisting in King Philip's War, "He pursued Phillip so hard that he got his cap and now wears it. The general, finding him a brave man, sent him with a command of twelve men to scout, with orders to return in three hours on pain of death; he met 60 Indians hauling their canoes ashore: he killed 13 and took 8 alive, and pursued the rest as far as he could go for swamps, and on his return burnt all the canoes ... and a short time after was sent out on a like design and brought in 12 Indians alive and two scalps." _History of Massachusetts Bay_, I. 263.]

BRANDENBURG PRIVATEERS.

_43. Seignelay to Colbert. May 8 (N.S.), 1679._[1]

[Footnote 1: British Museum, Harleian MSS., 1517, fol. 232. Probably an intercepted letter. Colbert was the great prime minister of Louis XIV.; Seignelay, Colbert's eldest son, was minister of marine. The document has a curious interest as showing perhaps the first instance in which the (Brandenburg-) Prussian navy, or privateer marine, touches American history. The Great Elector, Frederick William, had for some time cherished ambitious designs, respecting the creation of a navy and the establishment of colonies, but it was not till late in 1680 that he possessed a war-ship of his own, in 1681 that he began a little establishment on the West African coast, in 1682 that he founded his African Company. In this year 1679 he had a few ships hired from a Dutchman, and it appears from this letter of the watchful French minister that two others were being prepared for his service in Zeeland. For five years he had been at war with France. His allies--England, the Dutch, the Emperor--had made peace at Nymwegen in 1678. He was in danger of standing alone, and had made an armistice March 31, prolonged May 3.]

Copie of a Letter to M. Colbert from the Marquis de Segnelay about two Brandenbourg Privateers armed for the American Islands. 8 May 1679 N.S., received 9 May V.S.[2]

[Footnote 2: Veteri stilo, old style, then followed in England and Brandenburg. "Received" doubtless means received in England.]

Le Roy ayant este informe a la fin du mois passe que deux particuliers avoient fait depuis peu un armement dans les Portes de Zelande, et qu'ils en essoient partis avec deux Vaisseaux armez en guerre pour aller dans les Isles d'Amerique faire la guerre a ses Sujets sous la Commission de Monsieur l'Electeur de Brandenbourg, Sa Majeste fit partir pour les dites Isles M. le Comte d'Estrees avec une escadre de quatorze vaisseaux pour les prendre ou couler a fonds. Et comme il est porte par le 9me Article du traitte de suspension d'armez que vous aves signe le 3e de ce mois avec l'Ambassadeur de ce Prince, que le comerce sera libre tant par eau que par terre, Sa Majeste veut que vous proposiez au dit Seigneur l'Ambassadeur de donner ordre aux Capitaines des dites deux fregates de ne rien entreprendre au prejudice du dit Traitte contre les Vasseaux des Subjects de Sa Majeste. Et en ce cas Elle fera scavoir audit Seigneur Comte d'Estrees, que son intention est qu'il laisse la liberte aux dites deux fregates, de naviguer par tout ou bon leur semblera. J'attendray ce qu'il vous plaira de me faire scavoir sur ce sujet, pour en rendre compte a Sa Majeste, etc.

A ST. GERMAINE EN L'AYE
le 8me May 1679.

_Translation._

The King having been informed at the end of the past month that two individuals had lately fitted out in the ports of Zeeland, and had sailed thence with two vessels, armed for warfare, to go to the islands of America, and make war upon his subjects under commission from my lord the Elector of Brandenburg, his Majesty is sending my lord the Count d'Estrees with a squadron of fourteen vessels to seize or sink them.[3] And as it is provided by the ninth article of the treaty of armistice which you signed on the 3d of this month with the ambassador of that prince, that commerce shall be free by water as well as by land,[4] his Majesty desires that you should propose to the said lord ambassador that he give orders to the captains of the aforesaid two frigates to undertake nothing to the prejudice of the said treaty, against the vessels of his Majesty's subjects. And in that case he will communicate to the said lord Count d'Estrees his intention that he shall leave the said two frigates free to sail wherever they think fit.[5] I shall await whatever information you may be pleased to send me on this subject, in order to report it to his Majesty, etc.

ST. GERMAIN-EN-LAYE, May 8, 1679.

[Footnote 3: Vice-admiral Count d'Estrees did not actually sail for the West Indies till the next year, and then for another purpose.]

[Footnote 4: The articles prolonging the armistice till May 18 had been signed at Xanten on May 3 by Colbert and Marshal d'Estrades for Louis XIV. and by Werner von Blaspiel for the elector. For their text, see _Actes et Memoires des Negotiations de Nimegue_, IV. 468-471.]

[Footnote 5: Such orders were given, on both sides. _Ibid._, IV. 484, 487. The treaty of peace was concluded June 19/29. For further history of Brandenburg privateers in the New World, see documents 47 and 48.]

BARTHOLOMEW SHARP AND OTHERS.

_44. The Buccaneers at Portobello. 1680._[1]

[Footnote 1: British Museum, Sloane MSS., 2752, fol. 29. This and the ensuing document, both by the same anonymous author, form one continued narrative, of dramatic and astonishing piratical adventure. For the second part, the adventures of these buccaneers in the Pacific Ocean, there are other, parallel narratives, some of them longer than ours; but with one exception they say almost nothing of this first adventure, the capture and sack of Portobello. Two or three pages (pp. 63-65 of part III.) are indeed devoted to it in the chapter on "Capt. Sharp's voyage", signed "W.D." [_not_ William Dampier], which was appended to the second edition of the English translation of Exquemelin's _Bucaniers of America_ (London, 1684), before Basil Ringrose's detailed account of the South Sea adventures was printed and issued (1685) as the second volume of that celebrated book; but the present account is fuller than "W.D."'s, and may apparently be regarded as the chief source now in print for the history of this second English capture of Portobello. It should be remembered that, by the signing of the various treaties of Nymwegen in 1678 and 1679, all hostilities between European powers had by autumn of the latter year been brought to an end. The privateers who had flourished during the preceding years of warfare now found their occupation gone--their lawful occupation at least. Many of them turned to piracy. The writer of these two narratives speaks of his companions as privateers, but in reality they had no legal status whatever. When the governor of Panama asked for their commission, Captain Sawkins replied that "we would ... bring our Commissions on the muzzles of our Guns, at which time he should read them as plain as the flame of Gunpowder could make them." Ringrose, p. 38. Legible, no doubt, but not legal.]

Ann acoumpt of our Intended Voyage from Jamaco with a party of shipps, departing from the afore said Island to Poartavell: Receving Letpasses to goe into the bay of Hundorus, to cutt Logwood, from his Maj'ties Reall Subject the Earle of Carlisle.[2]

[Footnote 2: Charles Howard, earl of Carlisle, was governor of Jamaica from 1678 to 1681. The names preceding are intended for Jamaica, Portobello, and Honduras. Portobello had been a rich town, lying at the northern end of the usual route across the isthmus from Panama. The annual "plate fleet" was loaded here with the silver of Peru and other produce of the Pacific coast. Henry Morgan and his buccaneers had captured and sacked Portobello in 1668, Panama in 1671.]

_The Names of the Captaines_

Capt. John Coxon, the Chief Commander, in a Barque
Capt. Corneles Essex in a Barque
Capt. Bartholomew Sharpe[3] in a Barque
Capt. Robert Allison in a Sloope
Capt. Thomas Magott in a Sloope

[Footnote 3: Capt. Bartholomew Sharp, who figures largely in this narrative and the next, as chief commander of the buccaneers during most of the periods of their adventures, was also the author (or source) of two histories of their expedition. The first, _The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp and others in the South Sea_ (London, 1684), is mainly a reproduction of the captain's journal or log; the second, "Captain Sharp's Journal of his Expedition, written by Himself," published as part II. of Capt. William Hacke's _A Collection of Original Voyages_ (London, 1699), is more literary in form. Neither describes the period covered by the present document; both begin, like document 45, with Apr. 5, 1680.]

In december about the Latter part in the yeare 1679 we meetts all up at port amorrant,[4] where the party Concluded to make Capt. John Coxon their Chiefe and to wood and watter at Porttamorrant, and after make all expedition to take Portavella.

[Footnote 4: Port Morant, near the southeastern point of Jamaica.]