Chapter VII: Part 7

[Footnote 7: Cassava.]

[Footnote 8: Wafer, pp. 153-154, who lived four months among these Indians, describes their method of making "corn drink." "It tastes like sour small Beer, yet 'tis very intoxicating."]

[Footnote 9: The river was that which is now called Chucunaque.]

[Footnote 10: Some affluent of the Chucanaque.]

[Footnote 11: Cartridge.]

[Footnote 12: Still so called. It lies some 15 or 20 miles north of the gold mines of Cana ("the richest Gold-Mines ever yet found in America", says Dampier) and from the Cerro Pirre, whence Balboa first looked at the Pacific, "Silent upon a peak in Darien."]

[Footnote 13: The Tuira, into which the Chucunaque flows at this point.]

[Footnote 14: Calabash, gourd.]

[Footnote 15: Isla Iguana?]

[Footnote 16: Isla Maje?]

[Footnote 17: Now the Pearl Islands, in the gulf of Panama, southeast of the city.]

[Footnote 18: Perico, Naos, and Flamenco, three little islands lying in front of Panama.]

[Footnote 19: Sp. for soldiers.]

[Footnote 20: Don Jacinto de Barahona, high admiral of the South Sea.]

[Footnote 21: Don Francisco de Peralta. The escape of his vessel from Morgan's men in 1671, bearing the chief treasures, is recounted in Exquemelin, pt. III., ch. VI. He was put ashore, later, at Coquimbo.]

[Footnote 22: _I.e._, flag-ship. It was probably the same ship, _La Santissima Trinidad_, of 400 tons, in which Peralta had made his escape nine years before.]

[Footnote 23: Capt. John Coxon.]

[Footnote 24: Error for April 26, 1688.]

[Footnote 25: Lima. The 50,000 pieces of eight (dollars, pieces of eight reals) mentioned below were a consignment for expenses, sent to the governor of Panama by the viceroy of Peru, Archbishop Don Melchor de Linan. So we learn from an account of this whole raid along the South American coast, given by him in an official report, printed in _Memorial de los Vireyes del Peru_ (Lima, 1859), I. 328-335.]

[Footnote 26: Guayaquil, in an attempt at phonetic spelling.]

[Footnote 27: In modern phrase, southwest by west.]

[Footnote 28: Coiba or Quibo is a large island off the south coast of the isthmus, about 150 miles west of Panama.]

[Footnote 29: Rio Santa Lucia. The town is the present Remedios.]

[Footnote 30: Mestizo, halfbreed, Spanish and Indian.]

[Footnote 31: According to Ringrose, the ring came from the bishop, the challenge from the governor.]

[Footnote 32: The Isla de Plata (Island of Silver) lies a few miles off the coast of Ecuador, in 1 deg. 10' S. lat. The Galapagos lie not 100 but more than 200 leagues off the coast.]

[Footnote 33: Gorgona, off the Colombian coast.]

[Footnote 34: _I.e._, when the ship had been careened she remained so fixed in that position that the men could not, by the breadth of one of her planks, get her keel where they could work on it.]

[Footnote 35: In other words, there was a tide of twelve feet.]

[Footnote 36: End.]

[Footnote 37: Isla del Gallo, in Tumaco bay.]

[Footnote 38: _Cape_ San Francisco (about 50' N. lat.) not an island; but Ringrose, p. 58, says, "At first this Cape appeared like unto two several Islands".]

[Footnote 39: This is no doubt legendary. Isla de la Plata means Isle of Silver.]

[Footnote 40: Nearer 1 deg. 12' S.]

[Footnote 41: Arica, a Peruvian town now occupied by Chile.]

[Footnote 42: Guayaquil, in Ecuador.]

[Footnote 43: Punta Santa Elena, 2 deg. 10' S.]

[Footnote 44: Leagues.]

[Footnote 45: Armadilla, a small armed vessel.]

[Footnote 46: At Quito, probably. The viceroy-archbishop, _op. cit._, p. 332, calls the man Carlos Alem (Charles Allen, Charles Hall?). Besides the viceroy's circumstantial account of this fight at the Barbacoas, there is one in Dionisio de Alcedo's _Aviso Historico_ [_Piraterias y Agresiones de los Ingleses_] (Madrid, 1883), p. 158.]

[Footnote 47: Payta, Peru, in 5 deg. S. lat.]

[Footnote 48: Punta Aguja, 5 deg. 57' S. lat.]

[Footnote 49: Nearer 18 deg. 30'.]

[Footnote 50: Ilo. It was late in October, not early.]

[Footnote 51: Mora de Sama.]

[Footnote 52: Pedereros, small cannon.]

[Footnote 53: Magellan. The temporary capture of Ilo is omitted.]

[Footnote 54: Coquimbo, Chile, in 30 deg. S. lat. Ringrose, pp. 107, 111, gives plans of the town and the harbor.]

[Footnote 55: Excepting.]

[Footnote 56: Juan Fernandez. A Spanish pilot of that name discovered the islands in 1563. Our buccaneers sighted them on Christmas eve, 1680.]

[Footnote 57: The eastern is called Mas-a-tierra ("nearer the land"), the western Mas-a-fuera ("farther out"). The distance between is about 100 miles.]

[Footnote 58: John Watkins. The new pirate chief had severe principles as to the Sabbath. "Sunday January the ninth [1681, three days after his election], this day was the first Sunday that ever we kept by command and common consent since the loss and death of our valiant Commander Captain Sawkins. This generous spirited man [Sawkins] threw the dice over board, finding them in use on the said day." Ringrose, p. 121. The Spanish accounts call the new captain Juan Guarlen.]

[Footnote 59: This was a Mosquito Indian named William. A precursor of Alexander Selkirk, he lived alone upon the island for more than three years, till in March, 1684, when Capt. Edward Davis, in the _Batchellor's Delight_, in his voyage from the Chesapeake, touched at the island. William Dampier and several others of Captain Sharp's crew were now with Davis. They bethought them of William, and found and rescued him. Dampier, _New Voyage_, I. 84-87, describes the Crusoe-like expedients by which the ingenious William maintained himself. He was not the first precursor of Selkirk on the island, for Ringrose, p. 119, says that the pilot of their ship told this present crew of buccaneers "that many years ago a certain ship was cast away upon this Island, and onely one man saved, who lived alone upon the Island five years before any ship came this way to carry him off." Several of Davis's men lived there three years, 1687-1690. Selkirk's stay was in 1704-1709.]

[Footnote 60: Iquique.]

[Footnote 61: Barros Arana, _Historia Jeneral de Chile_, V. 204-205, points out the impossibility of such numbers.]

[Footnote 62: Sp. _lingua_, language.]

[Footnote 63: In better Spanish, "Valientes soldados, buen valientes soldados", _i.e._ "Valiant soldiers, very valiant soldiers".]

[Footnote 64: Ilo, between Islay and Arica.]

[Footnote 65: Choros bay must be meant. The present Obispo lies too far north, and was not named till 1709.]

[Footnote 66: Ringrose identifies this bay and river with the bay and river of Loa, on the Chilean coast, the bay in 21 deg. 28' S. lat. That Drake landed there, in his voyage around the world, in January, 1579, we know from the narrative of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa (Mrs. Nuttall's _New Light on Drake_, p. 80), but the story of the chapel is of course legendary.]

[Footnote 67: Water-barrels, Middle Dutch _bommekijn_, a little barrel.]

[Footnote 68: Truxillo, in Peru. The islands may have been the Lobos.]

[Footnote 69: Monte Christi, in Ecuador. The secession occurred on April 17, 1681. Dampier and Wafer were in the seceding party, which made its way to the isthmus of Darien and so across to the Caribbean and home, or to Virginia.]

[Footnote 70: Isla de Canos, in Coronada Bay, off the coast of Costa Rica, and some 300 miles west of Panama.]

[Footnote 71: Golfo Dulce, where the coast of Costa Rica begins.]

[Footnote 72: The gulf of Nicoy lies near the western end of the Costa Rican coast. The island was Chira.]

[Footnote 73: It does not appear that there was in Costa Rica at that time any town of such name or size.]

[Footnote 74: Under this strange name is disguised Jacobus Marques, a Dutchman skilled in many languages. _The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_, p. 80, says that he "left behind him 2200 _ps._ 8/8 [pieces of eight, dollars] besides Jewels and Goods". "Copas" is for Jacobus.]

[Footnote 75: Barcalongas. See document 44, note 25.]

[Footnote 76: Colors, flags.]

[Footnote 77: Prizes or booty.]

[Footnote 78: Cabo Pasado would seem to be indicated, but that is in 20' S.]

[Footnote 79: Don Melchor de Navarra y Rocaful, duke of La Palata, prince of Massa, viceroy of Peru from 1681 to 1689. He did not arrive in Lima till November. His predecessor the archbishop took great precautions for his protection against these pirates. _Memorias de los Vireyes_, I. 336-337.]

[Footnote 80: The ship was the _Rosario_, the last considerable prize taken by these buccaneers. See document 46. The story of the 700 pigs of pewter is told in a much more romantic form by Ringrose, p. 80, and by the author of _The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_, p. 80. According to them, the pigs were thought to be of tin, and only one of them was saved, the rest being left in the prize when she was turned adrift. Later, when Sharp's men reached the West Indies, a shrewd trader there, perceiving this remaining pig to be silver, took it off their hands, and then sold it for a round sum; whereupon deep chagrin fell upon the pirates, who had duped themselves by abandoning a rich cargo of silver. It will however be observed in document 46 that Simon Calderon, mariner, of the _Rosario_, speaks of the pigs as pigs of tin. A mass of sea-charts taken from the _Rosario_ is now--either the originals or copies by Hacke--in the British Museum, Sloane MSS., 45.]

[Footnote 81: About 4 deg. 18' S. lat., at the beginning of the Peruvian coast.]

[Footnote 82: _I.e._, they sailed up into the wind. So strong a wind blows up the coast, that the best way to sail from Peru to southern Chile is first to sail westward far out into the Pacific. It was Juan Fernandez who discovered this course.]

[Footnote 83: Fetched.]

[Footnote 84: Distances, in degrees on the horizon, between east or west and the rising point of a star. By amplitudes, east and west could be fixed when the variation of the compass from true north and south was doubtful.]

[Footnote 85: Furled. Courses are the lower sails. 50 deg. S. lat. is the latitude of the gulf of Trinidad. To the island by which they anchored a little farther south, as described below, they gave the name of Duke of York Island, after their king's brother James; this name it still bears.]

[Footnote 86: Limpets.]

[Footnote 87: But all observers of the Patagonian Indians, from Pigafetta, Magellan's companion, to recent times, describe them as having little hair on the face, and accustomed to remove that little. Ringrose, p. 183, gives the same report as our writer.]

[Footnote 88: These rocky inlets lie between 52 deg. and 53 deg. S. lat., the four Evangelistas just to the north of the western entrance into the Strait of Magellan, the twelve Apostolos just to the south of it.]

[Footnote 89: Tierra del Fuego. By "Streights of Maria" the writer means the Strait of Le Maire, outside Tierra del Fuego, and between it and Staten Island--a strait discovered by Schouten and Le Maire in 1616, when they also discovered and named Cape Hoorn (Horn).]

[Footnote 90: He means Bartolome and Gonzalo Nodal, who, under orders from the king of Spain to follow up the discoveries of Schouten and Le Maire, made in 1619 the first circumnavigation of Tierra del Fuego, sailing southward, westward past Cape Horn, northward, then eastward through the Strait of Magellan. The book referred to as possessed by the buccaneers is the _Relacion del Viaje que ... hizieron los Capitanes Bartolome Garcia de Nodal y Goncalo de Nodal hermanos_ (Madrid, 1621), of which a translation was printed by the Hakluyt Society in 1911, in Sir Clements Markham's _Early Spanish Voyages to the Strait of Magellan_.]

[Footnote 91: _Relacion del Viaje_, p. 48; Markham, p. 256.]

[Footnote 92: The date is wrong, and there is no such cape.]

[Footnote 93: Cape Horn is in 55 deg. 59' S. lat.]

[Footnote 94: Under date of November 17, 1681, the _Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp_ says, p. 103, "We find by this observation, and our last 24 hours run, that we have been further Southerly by almost two Degrees, than our computation by dead reckoning makes out, and by many Degrees, than ever any others have sailed in that Sea, that have yet been heard of: for we were at about 60 Degrees South Latitude".]

[Footnote 95: Probably it was icebergs they saw. The Nodal brothers' _Relacion_, which they seem to have been following, mentions, p. 37 vo. (p. 245 of Markham), northeast of Cape Horn, "three islands which are very like the Berlings"; but these are the Barnevelt Islands, in about 55 deg. 20' S. lat. The original Berlengas are a group of rocky islands, well known to navigators, off the coast of Portugal.]

[Footnote 96: Error for 24 deg. S., apparently.]

[Footnote 97: Cape Sao Thome, one of the southeast capes of Brazil.]

[Footnote 98: An east cape of Brazil, Cape Sao Augustinho.]

[Footnote 99: 13 deg. 5' _north_ latitude.]

[Footnote 100: Navigators of that time could determine latitudes almost as accurately as it is now done, but they had very imperfect means of determining longitudes. These pirates, of course, had no chronometer. The best they could do was to keep account each day of the courses and estimated distances that they sailed, to reduce this to numbers of miles eastward and westward in different latitudes (their "eastings" and "westings"), measured from their last known position, Duke of York Island, and from these computations to deduce their probable longitude. It appears from Ringrose's fuller statements that they were several hundred miles out of their reckoning when they sighted Barbados.]

[Footnote 101: January 28, 1682, according to the other accounts.]

[Footnote 102: Speight's Bay, on the northwest coast of the island. Bridgetown, where the chief harbor or roadstead lies, is at the southwest, and H.M.S. _Richmond_, which the pirates rightly viewed with apprehension, lay there; she had gone out to Barbados in 1680.]

[Footnote 103: Deseada, or Desirade.]

[Footnote 104: Falmouth is on the south side of the island of Antigua.]

[Footnote 105: Lt.-Col. Sir William Stapleton, governor-in-chief of the Leeward Islands 1672-1686. The pirates sent a valuable jewel to his wife, but he caused her to return it. As to those who sailed for England, as related below, (Sharp himself included), "W.D." reports, pp. 83-84, "Here several of us were put into Prison and Tryed for our Lives, at the Suit of Don Pedro de Ronquillo, the Spanish Embassador, for committing Piracy and Robberies in the South Sea; but we were acquitted by a Jury after a fair Tryal, they wanting Witnesses to prove what they intended.... One chief Article against us, was the taking of the _Rosario_, and killing the Captain thereof, and another man: But it was proved the Spaniards fired at us first".]

[Footnote 106: _I.e._, they had gambled away all their share of the plunder.]

[Footnote 107: Petit Goave in Haiti.]

[Footnote 108: The Danish island lately acquired by the United States. The harbor and fort referred to are those of Charlotte Amalia, the latter completed in 1680. The small harbor a mile to westward was Gregerie Bay.]

[Footnote 109: The allusion is apparently to the mandate of the Danish West India Company, February 22, 1675, described in Westergaard, _The Danish West Indies under Company Rule_, pp. 43-44. The governor, next mentioned, was Nicholas Esmit [Schmidt?], a Holsteiner. On St. Thomas as a refuge of buccaneers, neutral to Spanish-English-French warfare and jurisdiction, see _ibid._, pp. 47-58. Professor Westergaard, p. 48, quotes from a letter of Governor Esmit, May 17, 1682, in the Danish archives at Copenhagen, regarding our seven remaining pirates: "There arrived here February 8 a ship of unknown origin, some two hundred tons in size, without guns, passport, or letters, and with seven men, French, English, and German. On being questioned they replied that they had gone out of Espaniola from the harbor of Petit Guava with two hundred men and a French commission to cruise on the Spaniards.... [Summary of adventures on the Isthmus and in the South Sea.] I bought what little cacao they had; the rest of their plunder they brought ashore and divided among our people. The ship was no longer usable. I have decided not to confiscate it, in order to avoid any unfriendliness with sea-robbers. The inhabitants of St. Thomas have decided that the said seven men shall remain among them". Later, Captain Sharp himself came and spent his last years at St. Thomas.]

[Footnote 110: Ooze.]

[Footnote 111: This sentence sounds as if our narrator, himself one of the seven, had finally reached England or Jamaica. If so, he was more fortunate than some of the others; see the next document.]

_46. Sir Henry Morgan to Sir Leoline Jenkins. March 8, 1682._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 1:48, no. 37. The writer, lieutenant-governor of Jamaica from 1674 to 1688, and at the time of writing acting governor, was the same Henry Morgan who in earlier years had been the most famous of buccaneers, capturing Portobello in 1668, Maracaibo in 1669, Panama itself in 1671--wonderful exploits, carried out with great bravery and cruelty. Now he is governor, holds piracy in abhorrence, and is determined to suppress it! It must be remembered, however, that his own exploits were carried out under commissions from proper authority, and legally were not piracy. His correspondent, Sir Leoline Jenkins, for twenty years judge of the High Court of Admiralty, and at this time also secretary of state, was one of the most learned admiralty lawyers England ever produced. Morgan's view of his own competence as admiralty judge in his colony is given with engaging frankness in a contemporary letter: "The office of Judge Admiral was not given me for my understanding of the business better than others, nor for the profitableness thereof, for I left the schools too young to be a great proficient either in that or other laws, and have been much more used to the pike than to the book; and as for the profit, there is no porter in this town but can get more money in the time than I made by this trial. But I was truly put in to maintain the honour of the Court for His Majesty's service." _Cal. St. Pap., Col._, 1677-1680, p. li.]

_May it Please your Honour_

Since I in obedience to his Majesties commands caused the Three Pyrates to be executed, The whole party which these two last yeares have molested the Spaniards in the South Seas are by the help of a Spanish Pilote come about to the windward Islands; Sixteen whereof are gone for England with Bartholemew Sharpe their Leader, the rest are at Antegoe and the Neighboring Islands, excepting four that are come hither, one whereof surrenderd himself to me, the other three I with much difficulty found out and apprehended my self, they have since been found guilty and condemned. he that surrendred himself is like as informer to obtain the favour of the Court. one of the condemned is proved a bloody and Notorious villain and fitt to make an exemple of, the other two as being represented to me fitt objects of mercy by the Judges, I will not proceed against till his Majesties further commands; and am heartely glad the Opinion of the Court is soe favorable, I much abhorring bloodshed and being greatly dissatisfyed that in my Short Government soe many necessities have layn upon me of punishing Criminels with death. The passage of these people is extraordinarily remarkable, for in litle more then four monthes they came from Coquimbo in Peru five degrees South Latitude, to Barbados in thirteen North.

Our Logwoodmen have lately had eight of their Vessels taken from them and their people carried away prisoners, their usage appears by the inclosed Petition. I am informed that in the Havana, Merida and Mexico many of his Majesties Subjects are prisoners and the Spanish Pylott that brought the People about (who is here) tells me That Sir John Narborow's Lieutenant and nine or ten others are at Lima in Perua.[2] they are all great objects of mercy and Compassion, therefore I hope your Honour will not bee unmindful of them....[3]

HEN. MORGAN.

ST. JAGO DE LA VEGA this 8th of March 1681-2.

[Footnote 2: Sir John Narbrough (1640-1688), afterward a celebrated admiral, had in 1669-1671 voyaged to the South Sea, as a young lieutenant, in command of the _Sweepstakes_; in Valdivia bay the Spaniards had seized two of his officers, and, it seems, still detained them.]

[Footnote 3: The rest of the letter relates to quite other matters.]

_47. Deposition of Simon Calderon. 1682._[1]

[Footnote 1: Public Record Office, C.O. 1:50, no. 139.]

Relation of the South Sea men.

Simon Calderon, Natural de Santiago de Chile, Marinero de profession, yendo del callado a Panama en el Navio llamado el _Rosario_, cargado de Vinos, aguardientes, estano en Barras, y cantidad de Patacas, con beynte y quatro Hombres pasageros y todo, encontraron en la punta de Cabo passado como a la mitad del Camino, al navio de la _Trinidad_ y le estimaron como de Espagnoles, pero luego que reconocieron ser de Piratas, procuraron ganarle el Barlavento, lo qual ganaron los Piratas, y luego empezaron a tirar mosquetarias, y de las primeras tres cargas mataron al Capitan del _Rosario_, que se llamaba Juan Lopez, y hizieron otras y apresaron el navio y sacaron con las favas todo lo que les parecio necessario del Vino y aguardientes y toda la plata y demas que havia de valor, y dieron tormento a dos Espagnoles para que descubriessen si havia mas plata y curtaron velas y Jarzias, menos la mayor, y alargaron el Navio con la gente menos cinco o seys, que trageron consigo y entre ellos el declarante.

De alli hecharon a la Isla de la Plata, donde estubieron tres dias y medio refrescando; y sospechando que los prisioneros se querian alzar con el navio mataron a uno y castigaron a otro; y de alli a Payta en donde hecharon dos canoas a tierra con treynte y dos hombres armados con animo de ganar a Payta, y hallando resistencia se bolvieron al navio; de alli Tiraron al estrecho de Magallanes; pero no passaron por el, sino al redidor de la ysla del fuego que estava como seys a ocho dias apartada del estrecho de Magallanes, este estrecho del fuego tardaron en pasarle hasta entrar en el mar del Norte cosa de nuebe Dias. Llegaron a Barbadas donde por haver encontrado un navio del Rey de Inglatierra no se atrevieron a entrar.

En el camino dividieron la presa y toco a quatrocientos pesos a cada uno de sesenta y quatro personas.

De Barbadas fueron a Antica donde fueron recividos sin hacerles molestia, antes buen acostimiento y de alli se dividieron unas a Niebes en una balandra, otras como diez y ocho de ellos a londres en el navio cuyo Capitan se llamaba Portin, otros ocho que erran los principales se uieron en el Navio llamado la _Comadressa Blanca_ o cui Wihte, su Capitan Charles Howard, dos de ellos que eran los principales cabos se llaman el Capitan Sharp, y el otro Gilbert Dike, y a este declarante le dexaron en Plymuth.

Los demas testigos dicen tambien haver oydo que estos Piratas andan comprando aora un Nabio para bolver a hacer el mismo viage o continuar esta pirateria.

_Translation._

Relation of the South Sea Men

Simon Calderon, native of Santiago de Chile, mariner, going from Callao to Panama in the ship called the _Rosario_ laden with wine, brandy, pigs of tin,[2] and artichokes, with 24 passengers and all, they met off Cabo Pasado, about halfway in their voyage, a ship, the _Trinidad_, and supposed it to be Spanish, but when they perceived that it was a ship of pirates, they tried to obtain the weather-gauge, but the pirates obtained it, and then they began to fire musket-shots, and with the first three shots they killed the captain of the _Rosario_, who was called Juan Lopez, and fired other shots, and captured the ship, and took out with the hooks [?] all that they deemed necessary of the wine and brandy, and all the silver and other things that had value, and tortured two Spaniards in order to learn whether there was more silver, and cut down the sails and rigging, except the mainsail, and turned the ship adrift with the men, excepting five or six whom they took with them, and among others the deponent.

[Footnote 2: See document 45, above, note 80.]

Thence they went to the Isla de la Plata, where they remained three days and a half refreshing themselves, and suspecting that the prisoners were planning to rise and take the ship they killed one and flogged another; and thence they went to Payta, where they sent two canoes ashore with 32 armed men, with design to capture Payta, but meeting with resistance they returned to the ship. Thence they sailed away to the Strait of Magellan, but did not go through it, but around the Isla del Fuego, which was some six or eight days' distance from the Strait of Magellan. In making this passage of Fuego, to enter into the North Sea, they were delayed some nine days. They came to Barbados, where, because of finding there a ship of the King of England, they did not venture to enter.

On the voyage they divided the booty and obtained 400 dollars apiece, for each one of 74 persons.

From Barbados they went to Antigua, where they were received without injury, but rather with good treatment, and from there they divided, some going to Nevis in a bilander,[3] others, some 18 of them, to London in the ship whose captain was called Portin,[4] and eight others that were the principal ones fled in the ship called the _Comadressa Blanca_ (_White Gossip_),[5] Captain Charles Howard. Two of them, that were the principal chiefs, were called, [the one] Captain Sharp, and the other Gilbert Dike; and this deponent was left at Plymouth.

[Footnote 3: A bilander was a small two-master, with the mainsail of lateen form.]

[Footnote 4: The _Lisbon Merchant_, Captain Porteen. Ringrose, p. 212.]

[Footnote 5: Or perhaps _Ermine_.]

Other witnesses say, however, that they have heard that these pirates are now proceeding to buy a ship to return and make the same voyage or continue this piracy.

THE _SALAMANDER_.

_48. Petition of Paul Sharrett and Claes Pietersen. August 2, 1681._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 2031, paper 1. The story of the _Salamander_ is curiously interwoven with the early history of the Prussian navy, on which something has been said in note 1 to document 43. The facts may be made out by a comparison of documents 48 and 49 with data found in R. Schueck, _Brandenburg-Preussens Kolonial-Politik_ (Leipzig, 1889), I. 113-118, and in a monograph on "Brandenburg-Preussen auf der Westkueste von Afrika, 1681 bis 1721", in Heft 6 of the _Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften_ of the German General Staff (Berlin, 1885), pp. 102-105. In the First Brandenburg-Prussian fleet that ever sailed out of the Baltic (August, 1680), one of the six frigates was the _Churprintz_ (Kurprinz, Electoral Prince), 32 guns, Capt. Cornelius Reers, and there was a fire-ship, the _Salamander_, 2 guns, Capt. Marsilius (or Marcellus) Cock; the captains were probably all Dutch. The chief exploit of the squadron was to capture, in time of peace, a ship of the Spanish royal navy, which thus became the first of the elector's ships actually owned by him. Then Reers and a squadron of four frigates and the _Salamander_ sailed to the West Indies, and spent the winter of 1680-1681 in cruising against Spanish shipping, though with little success. If Samuel Button's story is true (document 48), it would seem that the original _Salamander_ must have been lost, and the _William and Anne_ substituted in its place and renamed. The squadron got back to Prussia in May, 1681.]

To the Honnorable Simon Bradstreet Esq. Governor, Thomas Danforth Esqr Dept. Governor, and the Rest of the Honnorable Assistants to sitt in Boston on the 4th of this Instant August 1681 as A Court of Admiraltie or Assistants

The humble petition Libell and Complaint of Paul Sherrot Lift.[2] and Cloyse petterson, Mate or Pilot of the Ship or prize called the _Salamander_, now belonging to the great prince the Duke of Brandenburge, Burden one hundred Tonns or thereaboute, Loaden with Brandy and wynes--

[Footnote 2: Lieutenant.]

Humbly Sheweth

That your Petitioner entering into the Duke of Brandenburgs service and pay this 14 of April 1680 or thereaboute, on A ship of warr called _Coure Prince_ belonging to the Said Duke, Cornelyus Reise Capt. and Comander,[3] and sayling then from Quinborough[4] to the West Indies and at St. Martins in the West Indies tooke the above mentioned ship _Salamander_, Loaden as above, And put in Marcellus Cock Comander of said Ship _Salamander_, and Paul Sherrot Leift. and Cloys Peterson Mate or Pylot of said ship, to Carry the Said Ship home to Quinborough to the said Duke, But the said Marcellus Cock, under pretence of want of Proviscions and Leakenes of said Ship, brought her into Piscatuqua and there stayed about 3 months whiling away the time, and Repayring the ship, And while there so cruelly beate twelve of the ships Company, at the Capston and otherwise, As made them weary of their Lives, that they could not stay but gott on shoar And left him, Loosing all their wages, except one, that the Capt. turned a shoare, as he said for a Rogue, But the Governor of Piscataqua made the master pay him his wages, And now after 16 monethes and a halfe soar service, ventering and hazarding their lives, After the Authoritie at Piscatuqua tooke notice of the said Capt. Cocks Long Stay, and Conceiveing he Intended to sell the said Ship and deceive the Duke, ordering him to pay the said Sherret and Peterson our wages,[5] fell to threatening us first by turning the Pilot out of the Cabbin from his mess; and then swearing he would Pistoll the Leiften't and him if they came on board.

[Footnote 3: Cornelius Reers, vice-commander of the squadron mentioned in note 1, appears later as governor of Arguin on the west coast of Africa, 1685-1690. Schueck, I. 347, 350.]

[Footnote 4: So the English then called Koenigsberg, capital of the duchy of Prussia.]

[Footnote 5: The petitioners are following closely the language of the vote of the council of New Hampshire, by which it was ordered that the ship should be taken to Boston for trial, and the mariners paid. _N.H. State Papers_, XIX. 677; July 11, 1681. "Governor of Piscataqua", _i.e._, of New Hampshire, there was none at this time; they probably mean Maj. Richard Waldron, president of the council.]

The premises Considered wee humbly Intreat your honours to make such due order And provision that the Duke be not Deceived of his the sayd prize and that wee may have our full wages so dearly yearned and be freed as wee are and have been, from his the said Cocks Tiranicall service; And yo'r Petition'rs shall forever pray etc.

PAUL SHARRETT. CLAES PIETERSEN.

This libell I Rec'd this 2d of August, 1681.

EDW'D RAWSON, Secret.

_49. Deposition of Samuel Button. August 11, 1681._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 2031, paper 8.]

Samuel Button of Boston declareth concerning the Ship now called the _Salamander_ in this harbour, Marcellus Cock commander. That in April last was twelve-months' hee was Shipped Carpenter of sd Ship at London then called the _Wm. and Anne_, Anthony Thorne of London Commander, mr. George Trumbal of London being their Owner of sd. Ship. wee Sailed with sd Ship from London to Bilboa where wee cleered our foremast men and Ship't Biscayers in their steed and from thence Sailed to the Canary's, where wee loaded brandy and wines, and our sd master there left the Ship and our Mate mr. Christopher Johnson was put in master, all the English men being cleered from her but myselfe, wee being bound for Carthagene,[2] from thence back to Canary's, so to Carthagene again and from thence to Canary's and from Canary's to London and proceeding on our voyage wee put in to Sta. Marke in the west Indies[3] to water; where the Governour forced our Stay to convoy a Galliote bound to Carthagene, and after wee had been two or three dayes in the Road, wee espied five Ships lying off and on by the space of two or three dayes. at length they sent in their pinace with Dutch colours to the Gov'r to get liberty to wood and water, pretending to be Dutchmen come to cleer the coast of privateers; upon which the Gov'r granted them liberty to come in and the same day they came and anchored by us; they goeing ashore to the Gov'r acquainted him they were of Middleborough,[4] Flushing, and Amsterdam (as I was informed) and rode with dutch colours abroad; after they had been there four or five dayes wee coming to saile in the night, all being buisy, they laid us on board. wee demanding what they were they answered they were Frenchmen; wee bad them keepe off, but they entring the Ship, the Ltt. asked me if I was the Carpenter. I answered "yes," hee said "that's good, you bee an Englishman. that doth no harme," comanding me to keepe upon deck, declaring himselfe Capt. of the Ship, and when they tooke us they shewed no Colours but told me the next day they would shew me such Colours as I never saw, and then spread their Brandenburgh Colours, putting our Supra Cargo and all the prisoners ashore at St. Marke, onely Christopher Johnson a Dutchman our then Ma[ste]r and myselfe, whom they carried with them to Jamaica. not being Suffered to Land any of their goods there, Sailed thence with this Ship in Comp'y of our English Fleete, pretending they were bound with her to the East Country,[5] putting our Master and myselfe on shore at Jamaica.

[Footnote 2: Cartagena on the Spanish Main is meant; see below.]

[Footnote 3: St. Marc on the west coast of Haiti, then French.]

[Footnote 4: Middelburg in Zeeland.]

[Footnote 5: Baltic lands.]

Samuel Button deposed in Court that what is above written is the truth and whole truth to his best knowledge. 11th of August 1681.

EDW RAWSON, Secret.

THE _CAMELION_.

_50. Agreement to Commit Piracy. June 30, 1683._[1]

[Footnote 1: This very curious document (for one does not expect to find pirates agreeing in writing to pursue a course of piracy) is found embedded in one of the indictments in the case of the _Camelion_, in vol. I. of the wills in the office of the surrogate, New York City, pp. 312-313 of the modern copy. Its presence among wills requires a word of explanation. The governor of a royal colony was usually chancellor, ordinary, and vice-admiral, and as such might preside in the courts of chancery, probate, and admiralty--courts whose common bond was that their jurisprudence was derived from the civil (or Roman) law, and not from the common law. Most of his judicial action was in testamentary cases. It was therefore not unnatural that the few admiralty cases and cases of piracy tried in these early days should be recorded in the same volume as the wills, though distinguished by the simple process of turning the book end for end and recording them at the back. In this case the record begins with our document 51; but the present document, copied into one of the indictments, is earlier in date. The substance of another pirates' agreement (Roberts's company, 1720, see doc. no. 117) is given in Charles Johnson, _General History of the Pyrates_, second ed., pp. 230-232; another (Phillips's company, 1727, see doc. no. 120 and note 10), _ibid._, verbatim, pp. 397-398.]

_June the 30th day, 1683._ Articles of Agreement between us abord of the _Camillion_,[2] Nich. Clough Comander, that wee are to dispose of all the goods thatt are abord amongst us, every man are to have his full due and right share only the Commander is to have two shares and a half a share for the Ship and home[3] the Captain please to take for the Master under him is to have a share and a half. Now Gentlemen these are to satisfy you, as for the Doctor a Share and half, and these are our Articles that wee do all stand to as well as on[4] and all.

[Footnote 2: The _Camelion_ had in 1682 sailed for the Royal African Company to the slave-mart of Old Calabar on the west coast of Africa, thence with a cargo of negroes to Barbados, thence to Montserrat and Nevis, thence in June, 1683, to London with a cargo. Off Nevis, June 29, the crew took possession of the ship, then made this agreement on the 30th, sold part of the cargo at the Dutch island of Curacao, and brought the vessel to Sandy Hook. For their trial, see the next document.]

[Footnote 3: Whom.]

[Footnote 4: One. The larger shares for captain, master, and doctor were in accordance with custom. Clough, the master, was forced to join the mutineers.]

These are to satisfy you thatt our intent is to trade with the Spaniards, medling nor make no resistances with no nation that wee do fall with all upon the Sea. Now Gentlemen these are to give you notice that if any one do make any Resistances against us one any factery[5] hereafter shall bee severely punish according to the fact that hee hath comitted and as you are all here at present you have taken your corporall oath upon the holy Evangelists to stand one by the other as long as life shall last.

[Footnote 5: _Sic._ They probably mean, on any pretext, or, on any occasion.]

JOHN HALLAMORE. HENERY MICHELSON. the mark [Yt] of THOMAS ALBERT LASEN. DICKSON. the mark [SW.] of SYMON ROBERT COCKRAM. WEBSON. the marke of [X] JO. DARVELL. WILLIAM STROTHER. the marke of [X] ARTHUR DAVIS. EDWA. DOVE. the marke of [X] JNO. MORRINE. JOHN WATKINS. JOHN RENALS EDWARD STARKEY. the mark of [R] ROBERT DOUSIN. the mark of [/V] GEORGE PADDISSON. JOHN COPPING.[6] NICHO. CLOUGH. the mark of [_HL_] HENRY SAMLL. HAYNSWORTH. LEWIN. DANIELL KELLY. WILLIAM HEATH. JOHN GRIFFIN.

[Footnote 6: Copping, it was testified, was the writer of this remarkable agreement.]

_51. Court for the Trial of Piracy: Commission. September 15, 20, 1683._[1]

[Footnote 1: Vol. I. of wills in surrogate's office, New York City, pp. 306-307.]

_Memorandum._ That Thursday the twenty day of September, in the five and thirtieth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the grace of God of England, Scottland, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc., at the Citty Hall of New Yorke in America, A speciall Court of Oyer and Terminer was holden by Vertue of this following Commission, Viz.

Thomas Dongan Lieutt. and Governour, and Vice Admirall under his Royall Highnesse of New Yorke and Dependences in America.

_Whereas_ his Royall Highnesse James Duke of Yorke and Albany, Earle of Ulster, etc., Lord high Admirall of Scottland and Ireland, and the Dominions and Islands thereof, As also Lord high Admirall of the Dominions of New England and Virginia, Barbados, St. Christophers, Antego, New Yorke in America, etc., hath by his Commission dated at St. James the third day of October in the yeare of our Lord 1682 and in the 34th yeare of his Ma'ties Reigne constituted and made mee his Vice Admirall of New Yorke, and the Maritime ports and Islands belonging to the same, and hath authorized and impowered mee to appoint a Judge, Register, and Marshall of a Court of Admiralty there;[2] I do therefore hereby make and appoint You Lucas Santen Esq., Judge of the said Court, and William Beekman, Deputy Mayor, John Lawrence and James Graham, Aldermen of the Citty of New Yorke, Mr. Cornelis Stenwyck, Mr. Nicholas Bayard, Mr. William Pinhorne, and Mr. Jacob Leysler, and you or any six of you, to hear and determine of any or all Treasons, Felonys, Robberys, Piracys, Murders, Manslaughters, Confederacys, breaches of trust, Imbezleing goods, or other Transgressions, contempts, Misprissions and Spoyles whatsoever, done or committed within the Maritime Jurisdiction aforesaid, on board the Ship _Camelion_ of London, Nicholas Clough commander, and I do also appoint Will. Nicolls to bee Register, and John Collier to bee Marshall of the said Court, and this Commission to bee of Force during the time of this Tryall only. Given under my hand and seale this 15th day of September, 1683, and in the thirty fifth yeare of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the Grace of God, of England, Scottland, etc. King, Defender of the Faith, etc.

THO. DONGAN.

[Footnote 2: Governor Dongan's commission of vice-admiralty "in the usual forme", October 3, 1682, is recorded in the Public Record Office, London, C.O. 5:1182, p. 40. James, duke of York, was Lord High Admiral from 1660 to 1673; he was proprietor of the province of New York from 1664 till he became king in 1685. As Lord High Admiral, he issued commissions to the colonial governors appointing them as his vice-admirals. That which he issued, January 26, 1667, to Lord Willoughby, governor of Barbados, is printed in the _Publications_ of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, II. 187-198. That to Dongan, issued by James in 1682, when, though excluded from office in England, he was still Lord High Admiral of the crown's dominions, was no doubt similar. At this early period the governor himself sometimes acted as judge; see document 46, note 1. Strictly speaking, what was here appointed was not a court of admiralty but a commission for the trial of piracy and other felonies. By the statute 28 Henry VIII. c. 15 (1536), it was provided that cases of piracy should be tried within the realm, not by the High Court of Admiralty, but before commissions specially appointed for the purpose, and with the aid of a jury. But this statute did not extend to the plantations, and until the passage of the act of 11 and 12 William III. c. 7 (1700), commissioners for the trial of piracy in the colonies were usually appointed by governors in their capacity as vice-admirals, and proceeded under the civil (Roman) law, not the statute. Another commission, for the trial of piracy (to Governor Bellomont and others, Nov. 23, 1701) is printed in E.C. Benedict, _The American Admiralty_, third ed., pp. 73-79, fourth ed., pp. 70-76; another (1716) is doc. no. 106, below; another (to Governor Woodes Rogers, Bahamas, Dec. 5, 1718), is in Johnson's _History of the Pyrates_, II. (1726) 337-340; a fourth (1728) is in _N.J. Archives_, first series, V. 196. See also doc. no. 201, note 1, and Chalmers, _Opinions_ (ed. 1858), pp. 511-515.]

To

Lucas Santen Esqr.,[3] Cornelius Stenwyck, William Beakman,[4] Nicholas Bayard, Jno. Lawrence, Willm. Pinhorne, James Graham, Jacob Leisler.

[Footnote 3: Collector of the port.]

[Footnote 4: Acting mayor. Lawrence, Graham, Steenwyk, and Bayard were aldermen, Pinhorne became an alderman two months later. Leisler was the celebrated revolutionary. The accused men were found guilty. Eight of them were sentenced to receive twenty lashes and to be imprisoned for a year and a day. Clough was sent to London to give an account of his stewardship to the Royal African Company. _Calendar of Council Minutes, N.Y._, p. 34.]

CASE OF WILLIAM COWARD.

_52. William Coward's Plea. 1690._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 2540, paper 6. The case is reported in _Records of the Court of Assistants of Massachusetts Bay_, I. 319-322. Coward (a sailor of H.M.S. _Rose_) and others were indicted for a piratical attack on the ketch _Elinor_ in Nantasket Roads, November 21, 1689. They were tried in January, 1690, and condemned, but reprieved. See _Andros Tracts_, II. 54. The trial occurred in the interregnum between the deposition of Governor Andros in 1689, and the arrival of Governor Phips and inauguration of the new charter in 1692. Therefore Coward pleads to the jurisdiction, Andros's commission as vice-admiral being void.]

And the said Wm. Coward for plea saith that he ought not nor by Law is obliged to make any further or other answar or plea to the Indictments now preferred against him in this Court: for that he saith that the Crimes for which he stands Indicted be:--The same is for Pyracy, felony and [so forth] by him supposed to be done And Committed upon the high seas without this Jurisdictions and not within the body of any County within the same from Whence any Jury Cann be Lawfully brought to have tryall thereof, That before the Statute of the 28th of King Henry the 8th, Chapt. the 15th, all Pyraceys Felonys, etc., Committed upon the high seas was noe Felony whereof the Common Law tooke any knowledg, for that it could not be tryed, being out of all towns and Countes, but was only Punishable by the Civill Law before the Admira[l], etc., but by the said Statute the offence is not altered and made felony, but Left as it was before the said Statute, vizt. felony only by the Civill Law, but giveth a mean of tryal by the Common Law in this maner, Viz: All Treasons, felonys, Robberys, murders and Confederacies Committed in or upon the sea or in any other haven, rivar, creek, or place where the Admirall hath or pretends to have power, Authority, or Jurisdiction shall be Enquired, tryed, heard, determined, and Judged in such shires and places in the Relm as shall be Limitted by the kings Commistion under the great Seale, in Like forme and Condition as If any such offenses had been Committed upon the land, to be directed to the Lord Admirall or to his Leiut., Deputy, or Deputys, and to three or foure such other substantiall persons as shall be named by the Lord Chancellor of England for the time being, etc., as [by] the said statute appeareth--

That the Crimes and offences afforesaid must ether be Considered in the Condition they were in before or since the making of the said statute. If as before then they are only to be Judged and Detarmined before the Admirall, etc., after the Course of the Civill Laws, which this Court hath not Jurysdiction off--

That the Crimes and offences in the said Indictments supposed to be done [and] commited by the said Wm Coward, If any such there were, [were] done and Committed in or upon the sea or in some haven, river, Creek, or place where the Admiralty hath or pretends to have power, Authority, or Jurisdiction, etc. not within the Jurisdiction of this Court--

That the Admiralty of those seas, havens, etc., where the Crimes and offences afforesaid are supposed to have been done and Committed, In Case the Commistion Lately geven to Sir Edmd. Andros, knt., to be vice Admirall there of be voyd, it is now remaining in his Maj. and cannot be Executed or exercised by any person or persons without being Lawfully Commistionated by his Maj. for the same.

That in Case the Crimes, etc., offences aforesaid shall be considered According to the said statute of the 28th of Henry the 8th, Chapt. the 15th, Then the said Wm. Coward saith that this Court hath noe power or Jurisdiction there of, nor can the same be Enquired, tryed, heard, Determined, and Judged by them, but Can only be Enquired, tryed, and Determined by the Spetiall Commistion from his Majesty in such manner as by the said statute is Derected.

All which the said Wm. Coward is ready to Answar, etc.

CASE OF BENJAMIN BLACKLEDGE.

_53. Declaration of Jeremiah Tay and Others. March, 1691 (?)._[1]

[Footnote 1: Suffolk Court Files, no. 3033, paper 4.]

An acc'tt of the Surprizeall and takeing of the Ship _Good hope_ of Bost[on] in New England, Burthen about three hundred Tonns with twenty two Gun[s], Jeremiah Tay Comander, which was acted and done in a most Treacherous and Pyratticall manner by certain Rovers or pirates (moste of them theire Majest[ies] Subjects) in the Road of the Isle of May of the Cape de verd Islands upon the Fourth day of February Anno Dmi 1690/1, The said Shipp with what goods were on board her properly belonging unto Coll. Sam'll Shrimpton[2] Merchant att Boston in New England aforesaid, vizt.

[Footnote 2: Member of Andros's council, 1688-1689.]

Upon the twentyeighth day of January 1690/1 wee arrived from the Island of Madara att said Island of May aforesd and came to Anchor in the Road there. The next day our men went ashore and applyed themselves to rake togeather of salt in the Salt Pounds in order to the loading our Said Shipp and Soe continued workeing severall days. And upon the first day of February following there came into the aforesaid Road a Sloope weareing theire Majesties Collours and anchored not farr [fro]m our Said Shipp who tould us they came from South Carolina, theire Captn. one James Allison formerly of New Yorke, and that they had a Com'n from the Governor of Carolina aforesaid to take and Indamage the French, for which end they were here arrived expecting they might in a Short time meete Some of them.[3] The said Captn. Allison and moste parte of his Company were wellknowne unto us, they haveing beene Loggwood Cutters in the Bay of Campeach[4] where wee were with the said Shipp about twelve mounthes Since, Loadeing Loggwood, parte whereof wee bought of them and fully Sattisfied them for, and during our stay there kept amicable correspondance with us, Eateing, Drinking and Lodging frequently on board our said Shipp, which wee gladly consented unto in regard they might have beene a defence and help to us if any Enimey had assaulted us, by reason of which former friendshipp and good Correspondance as alsoe theire Specious pretence of a Commission against our Enimies (which wee woere in Some feares of) wee willingly continued the former kindnesse and amity betweene us, hopeing if wee were assaulted by the French wee might by theire assistance (they being thirty five able men and our Shipp being of pretty good force) have beene capable to make a good resistance, They often protesting and promiseing to Stand by and help us to the uttmost if there Should be occasion. wee therefore not doubting theire honesty and Sincerity permitted them frequently to come on board our Said Shipp, and Sometimes Some of us went on board theire Sloope, and Believeing ourselves secure and willing to make a quick dispatch as possible in Loading our Shipp, wee sent all [hands] to worke in the Pounds (as wee [had done (?)] he[retof]ore) Except our [Carpenter]s, which were [then (?)] att worke on our Decke building [a] Boate for the more Convenient carriage of salt. Thus wee continued workeing, and upon the Fourth day of February instant Capt. Allison and Sundry of his men Dined with us on board said Shipp in a friendly manner, as they were wont to doe, and Some time after Dinner desired the said Commander Tay, with Mr. Edward Tyng the Sup[er]cargoe and James Meeres a passenger, to goe on boarde theire Sloope to Drinke a glasse of Punch with them, which he did, and when we were come on board the said Sloope they pretended theire Doctor (whom wee Left on board the Shipp talkeing with our men) had the keys where theire Sugar was, Soe they could not make the Punch, and forthwith severall of them Stept into the Boate and Rowdd on board our Shipp to fetch the keys. as Soone as they entred our Shipp one of them Ran to the Steereage Doore and another to the Round house and Secured all our Arms, the rest Imediatly Seizeing the Carpenters who were att work on the Boate. They then fired a gunn as a Signall to theire Sloope, who Imediatly Seized us who were on board her (wee being unarmed) and forthwith way'd anchor and Laid our Shipp aboard, att the same time takeing everything out of the Sloope, excepting a Little Stincking Brackish water, some Flower, a Little Stincking beefe, and three or foure baggs of wheate, and then Comanded us presently to putt of from the Shipp about Musquett Shott and then to come to anchor, which we were forced to Comply with; After which they went on Shore and fetched our men out of the Pounds by force and Armes, Seaventeene of whom they tooke with them, Some whereof by force and threattnings and others of them went volluntarily, which wee have good reason to beleive were privy to the Plott and Surpriseall of the Shipp, a List of whose names is hereto Subjoyned. afterward they gave us our Chests and some of our Cloaths and the next day Comanded us to Saile away with the said Sloope (which they gave us), and upon the Sixth day of February Instant wee sailed with said Sloope for the Island of Barbados where wee arrived the twenty first day of the same.

JEREMIAH TAY, M'r. EDWARD TYNG THOMAS WHARFE, Mate JAMES MEERES, JUNIOR.

[Footnote 3: England and France were at war, 1689-1697.]

[Footnote 4: Bay of Campeche, west of Yucatan. At the beginning of this Campeche voyage of the _Good Hope_ ("formerly the _Fortune of Courland_"), in October, 1689, she had been detained by the royal officers in Boston, for evasion of the customs laws, but made her escape. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, XII. 116.]

_54. Deposition of Epaphras Shrimpton. July, 1694 (?)._[1]