Chapter XV: Part 15

Immediately loud, thumping noises were heard, and the framework began
to sway from side to side with great violence; whereupon the clergyman
remarked that this was the work of the Evil One and ‘it was no place
for him,’ so he left and did not see the end. After a few minutes of
violent movements and swayings of the lodge accompanied by loud
inarticulate noises, the motions gradually ceased when the voice of
the juggler was heard, telling Beaulieu to go to the house of a
friend, near by, and get the rope. Now, Beaulieu, suspecting some joke
was to be played upon him, directed the committee to be very careful
not to permit any one to approach while he went for the rope, which he
found at the place indicated, still tied exactly as he had placed it
about the neck and extremities of the Jĕs´sakkīd´. He immediately
returned, laid it down before the spectators, and requested of the
Jĕs´sakkīd´ to be allowed to look at him, which was granted, but with
the understanding that Beaulieu was not to touch him.

When the covering was pulled aside, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sat within the
lodge, contentedly smoking his pipe, with no other object in sight
than the black stone mánidō. Beaulieu paid his wager of $100.

An exhibition of similar pretended powers, also for a wager, was
announced a short time after, at Yellow Medicine, Minnesota, to be
given in the presence of a number of Army people, but at the threat of
the Grand Medicine Man of the Leech Lake bands, who probably objected
to interference with his lucrative monopoly, the event did not take
place and bets were declared off.

Col. Mallery obtained further information, of a similar kind from various persons on the Bad River Reservation, and at Bayfield, Wisconsin. All of these he considered to be mere variants of a class of performances which were reported by the colonists of New England and the first French missionaries in Canada as early as 1613, where the general designation of “The Sorcerers” was applied to the whole body of Indians on the Ottawa River. These reports, it must be remembered, however, applied only to the numerous tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family among which the alleged practices existed; though neighboring tribes of other linguistic groups were no doubt familiar with them, just as the Winnebago, Omaha, and other allied tribes, profess to have “Medicine Societies,” the secrets of which they claim to have obtained from tribes located east of their own habitat, that practiced the peculiar ceremony of “shooting small shells” (i.e., the mī´gis of the Ojibwa) into the candidate.

In Pl. XVIII is shown a Jĕs´sakkīd´ extracting sickness by sucking through bone tubes.

DZHIBAI´ MIDĒ´WIGÂN, OR “GHOST LODGE.”

A structure erected by Indians for any purpose whatever, is now generally designated a lodge, in which sense the term is applied in connection with the word dzhibai´--ghost, or more appropriately shadow--in the above caption. This lodge is constructed in a form similar to that of the Midē´wigân, but its greatest diameter extends north and south instead of east and west. Further reference will be made to this in describing another method of conferring the initiation of the first degree of the Midē´wiwin. This distinction is attained by first becoming a member of the so-called “Ghost Society,” in the manner and for the reason following:

After the birth of a male child it is customary to invite the friends of the family to a feast, designating at the same time a Midē´ to serve as godfather and to dedicate the child to some special pursuit in life. The Midē´ is governed in his decision by visions, and it thus sometimes happens that the child is dedicated to the “Grand Medicine,” i.e., he is to be prepared to enter the society of the Midē´. In such a case the parents prepare him by procuring a good preceptor, and gather together robes, blankets, and other gifts to be presented at initiation.

Should this son die before the age of puberty, before which period it is not customary to admit any one into the society, the father paints his own face as before described, viz, red, with a green stripe diagonally across the face from left to right, as in Pl. VI, No. 4, or red with two short horizontal parallel bars in green upon the forehead as in Pl. VI, No. 5, and announces to the chief Midē´ priest his intention of becoming himself a member of the “Ghost Society” and his readiness to receive the first degree of the Midē´wiwin, as a substitute for his deceased son. Other members of the mourner’s family blacken the face, as shown on Pl. VII, No. 5.

In due time a council of Midē´ priests is called, who visit the wig´iwam of the mourner, where they partake of a feast, and the subject of initiation is discussed. This wig´iwam is situated south and east of the Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35, which illustration is a reproduction of a drawing made by Sikas´sigĕ.

The following is an explanation of the several characters:

No. 1 represents the wig´iwam of the mourner, which has been erected
in the vicinity of the Midē´wigân, until after the ceremony of
initiation.

No. 2 is the path supposed to be taken by the shadow (spirit) of the
deceased; it leads westward to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân; literally,
shadow-spirit wig´iwam.

No. 3, 4, 5, and 6, designate the places where the spirit plucks the
fruits referred to--respectively the strawberry, the blueberry, the
June cherries, and the plum.

No. 7 designates the form and location of the Dzhihai´ Midē´wigân. The
central spot is the place of the dish of food for Dzhibai´
Man´idō--the good spirit--and the smaller spots around the interior
of the inclosure are places for the deposit of dishes for the other
Midē´ spirits who have left this earth.

No. 8 is the path which is taken by the candidate when going from his
wig´iwam to the Midē´wigân.

No. 9 indicates the place of the sweat-lodge, resorted to at other
periods of initiation.

No. 10 is the Midē´wigân in which the ceremony is conducted at the
proper time.

It is stated that in former times the Ghost Lodge was erected west of the location of the mourner’s wig´iwam, but for a long time this practice has been discontinued. The tradition relating to the Spirit’s progress is communicated orally, while the dramatic representation is confined to placing the dishes of food in the Midē´wigân, which is selected as a fitting and appropriate substitute during the night preceding the initiation.

This custom, as it was practiced, consisted of carrying from the mourner’s wig´iwam to the Ghost Lodge the dishes of food for the spirits of departed Midē´ to enjoy a feast, during the time that the Midē´ priests were partaking of one. A large dish was placed in the center of the structure by the mourner, from which the supreme Midē´ spirit was to eat. Dishes are now carried to the Midē´wigân, as stated above.

The chief officiating Midē´ then instructs the father of the deceased boy the manner in which he is to dress and proceed, as symbolizing the course pursued by the spirit of the son on the way to the spirit world. The instructions are carried out, as far as possible, with the exception of going to an imaginary Ghost Lodge, as he proceeds only to the Midē´wigân and deposits the articles enumerated below. He is told to take one pair of bear-skin moccasins, one pair of wolf-skin, and one pair of birds’ skins, in addition to those which he wears upon his feet; these are to be carried to the structure in which the Midē´ spirits are feasting, walking barefooted, picking a strawberry from a plant on the right of the path and a blueberry from a bush on the left, plucking June cherries from a tree on the right and plums on the left. He is then to hasten toward the Ghost Lodge, which is covered with mī´gis, and to deposit the fruit and the moccasins; these will be used by his son’s spirit in traveling the road of the dead after the spirits have completed their feast and reception of him. While the candidate is on his mission to the Ghost Lodge (for the time being represented by the Midē´wigân) the assemblage in the wig´iwam chant the following for the mourner: Yan´-i-ma-tsha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´, ha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´ yan´-i-ma-tsha´ ha´, yu´-te-no-win´ gē´, hē´ nin-de´-so-ne´--“I am going away, I am going away, I am going away, to the village I walk”--i.e., the village of the dead.

The person who desires to receive initiation into the Midē´wigân, under such circumstances, impersonates Minabō´zho, as he is believed to have penetrated the country of the abode of shadows, or ne´-ba-gī´-zis--“land of the sleeping sun.” He, it is said, did this to destroy the “Ghost Gambler” and to liberate the many victims who had fallen into his power. To be enabled to traverse this dark and dismal path, he borrowed of Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--his eyes, and received also the services of wâ´-wa-tē´-si-wŭg--the firefly, both of which were sent back to the earth upon the completion of his journey. By referring to Pl. III, A, the reference to this myth will be observed as pictorially represented in Nos. 110 to 114. No. 110 is the Midē´wigân from which the traveler has to visit the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân (No. 112) in the west. No. 113, represented as Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--whose eyes enabled Mī´nabō´zho to follow the path of the dead (No. 114); the owl skin Midē´ sack is also sometimes used by Midē´ priests who have received their first degree in this wise. The V-shaped characters within the circle at No. 111 denote the presence of spirits at the Ghost Lodge, to which reference has been made.

The presents which had been gathered as a gift or fee for the deceased are now produced and placed in order for transportation to the Midē´wigân, early on the following morning.

The Midē´ priests then depart, but on the next morning several of them make their appearance to assist in clearing the Midē´wigân of the dishes which had been left there over night, and to carry thither the robes, blankets, and other presents, and suspend them from the rafters. Upon their return to the candidate’s wig´iwam, the Midē´ priests gather, and after the candidate starts to lead the procession toward the Midē´wigân, the priests fall in in single file, and all move forward, the Midē´ priests chanting the following words repeatedly, viz: Ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´ ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´, ha´, ha´, ha´, nōs e´wi-e´, hē´, ki´-na-ka´-ta-mŭn´ do-nâ´-gan--“I also, I also, my father, leave you my dish.”

This is sung for the deceased, who is supposed to bequeath to his father his dish, or other articles the names of which are sometimes added.

The procession continues toward and into the Midē´wigân, passing around the interior by the left side toward the west, north, and east to a point opposite the space usually reserved for the deposit of goods, where the candidate turns to the right and stands in the middle of the inclosure, where he now faces the Midē´ post in the west. The members who had not joined the procession, but who had been awaiting its arrival, now resume their seats, and those who accompanied the candidate also locate themselves as they desire, when the officiating priests begin the ceremony as described in connection with the initiation for the first degree after the candidate has been turned over to the chief by the preceptor.

Sometimes the mother of one who had been so dedicated to the Midē´wiwin is taken into that society, particularly when the father is absent or dead.

INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION.

It sometimes happens that a sick person can not be successfully treated by the Midē´, especially in the wig´iwam of the patient, when it becomes necessary for the latter to be carried to the Midē´wigân and the services of the society to be held. This course is particularly followed when the sick person or the family can furnish a fee equivalent to the gift required for initiation under ordinary circumstances.

It is believed, under such conditions, that the evil man´idōs can be expelled from the body only in the sacred structure, at which place alone the presence of Ki´tshi Man´idō may be felt, after invocation, and in return for his aid in prolonging the life of the patient the latter promises his future existence to be devoted to the practice and teachings of the Midē´wiwin. Before proceeding further, however, it is necessary to describe the method pursued by the Midē´ priest.

The first administrations may consist of mashki´kiwabūⁿ´, or medicine broth, this being the prescription of the Midē´ in the capacity of mashki´kike´winĭ´nĭ, or herbalist, during which medication he resorts to incantation and exorcism, accompanying his song by liberal use of the rattle. As an illustration of the songs used at this period of the illness, the following is presented, the mnemonic characters being reproduced on Pl. XVI, C. The singing is monotonous and doleful, though at times it becomes animated and discordant.

In´-do-nâ-gât in-da´-kwo-nan
That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit.
[Ki´tshi Man´idō provides the speaker with the necessary food for
the maintenance of life. The dish, or feast, is shown by the
concentric rings, the spirit’s arm is just below it.]

Mo´-ki-yan tshik´-ko-min´.
I bring life to the people.
[The speaker, as the impersonator of the sacred Otter, brings life.
The Otter is just emerging from the surface of the water, as he
emerged from the great salt sea before the Âni´shi-nâ´beg, after
having been instructed by Mi´nabō´zho to carry life to them.]

Ni´-no-mūn´ mash-ki´-ki
I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth
[The Midē´’s arm is reaching down to extract magic remedies from the
earth. The four spots indicate the remedies, while the square figure
denotes a hole in the ground.]

Rest. During this interval the Midē´’s thoughts dwell upon the sacred
character of the work in which he is engaged.

Ni´-nin-dē´ in´-dai-yo´.
It is all in my heart, the life.
[The concentric circles indicates the mī´gis, life, within the
heart, the former showing radiating lines to denote its magic
power.]

M´bi-mo´-se-an-kĭnk´.
The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above.
[The figure is that of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who granted power to the
speaker.]

Dōn´-de-na mi-tĭz´-kŭnk.
It is also on the trees, that from which I take life.
[The tree bears “medicine” which the speaker has at his command,
and is enabled to use.]

When the ordinary course of treatment fails to relieve the patient the fact is made known to the Midē´ priests and he is consequently taken to the Midē´wigân and laid upon blankets so that part of his body may rest against the sacred midē´ stone. Associate Midē´ then attend, in consultation, with the Midē´-in-chief, the other members present occupying seats around the walls of the structure.

The accompanying lecture is then addressed to the sick person, viz:

Mi-shosh´-yâ-gwa´ ga´-a-nin-nan´ gi´-de-wēn´-du-nŭn
ne´-tun-ga´-da-da-we´-in man´-i-dōmī´-gis. Kit´-ti-mâ´-gĭ-si
ē´-ni-dau´-â-ya-we´-yĭn o-ma´-e-nâ´-sa-ba-bĭt bī-ĭ-sha´-gaban´-dĕ-a
gi-bi´-sha-ban-da´-ĕt na-pĭsh-kâ-tshi-dŏsh ke´-a-yū´-ĭn-ki-go
gŏt-tâ-sō-nĕn´, mi´-a-shi´-gwa-gō-dĭn´-na-wât
dzhi-ma´-di-a-kad´-dŏ-yōn bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´.

The following is a free translation of the above:

The time of which I spoke to you has now arrived, and you may deem it
necessary to first borrow the sacred mī´gis. Who are you that comes
here as a supplicant? Sit down opposite to me, where I can see you and
speak to you, and fix your attention upon me, while you receive life
you must not permit your thoughts to dwell upon your present
condition, but to support yourself against falling into despondency.

Now we are ready to try him; now we are ready to initiate him.

The reference to borrowing a mī´gis signifies that the patient may have this mysterious power “shot into his body” where he lies upon the ground and before he has arrived at the place where candidates are properly initiated; this, because of his inability to walk round the inclosure.

The last sentence is spoken to the assisting Midē´. The following song is sung, the mnemonic characters pertaining thereto being reproduced on Pl. XVI, D.

O-da´-pi-nŭng´-mung oâ´-ki-wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō
we´-an-ĭ-win´-zhi-gu-sân´.
We are going to take the sacred medicine out of the ground.
[The speaker refers to himself and the assistants as resorting
to remedies adopted after consultation, the efficiency thereof
depending upon their combined prayers. The arm is represented as
reaching for a remedy which is surrounded by lines denoting soil.]

We-a´-ki man´-i-dō we-an-gwĭs´.
The ground is why I am a spirit, my son.
[The lower horizontal line is the earth, while the magic power which
he possesses is designated by short vertical wavy lines which reach
his body.]

Rest.

Nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu we´-gi ma´-ŏ-dzhig´.
The spirits have pity; the spirits have pity on me.
[The Midē´ is supplicating the Midē´ spirits for aid in his wishes
to cure the sick.]

Kish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu ki´-shi´-gŭng don´-dzhi-wa´-wa-mĭk.
The spirits have pity on me; from on high I see you.
[The sky is shown by the upper curved lines, beneath which the Midē´
is raising his arm in supplication.]

Man´-i-dō´-â ni´-o.
My body is a spirit.
[The Midē´ likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, the magic powers of
which are shown by the lines across the body and short strokes upon
the back.]

Pi-ne´-si-wi-ân´ ke-ke´-u-wi-an´.
A little bird I am: I am the hawk.
[Like the thunderer, he penetrates the sky in search of power and
influence.]

Man´-i-dō´ nu´-tu wa´-kan.
Let us hear the spirit.
[The Ki´tshi Man´idō is believed to make known his presence, and all
are enjoined to listen for such intimation.]

Ka´-nun-ta´-wa man´-i-dō´ wi´-da-ku-ē´, hē´, ki´-a-ha-mī´.
You might hear that he is a spirit.
[The line on the top of the head signifies the person to be a
superior being.]

Ka´-ke-na gus-sâ´ o´-mi-si´-nī´ na´-ēn.
I am afraid of all, that is why I am in trouble.
[The Midē´ fears that life can not be prolonged because the evil
man´idōs do not appear to leave the body of the sick person. The
arm is shown reaching for mī´gis, or life, the strength of the
speaker’s, having himself received it four times, does not appear
to be of any avail.]

Should the patient continue to show decided symptoms of increased illness, the singing or the use of the rattle is continued until life is extinct, and no other ceremony is attempted; but if he is no worse after the preliminary course of treatment, or shows any improvement, the first attendant Midē´ changes his songs to those of a more boastful character. The first of these is as follows, chanted repeatedly and in a monotonous manner, viz:

A´-si-na´-bi-hu´-ya, a-si´-na´-b-hu´-ya.
I have changed my looks, I have changed my looks.

[This refers to the appearance of the Midē´ stone which it is
believed absorbs some of the disease and assumes a change of color.]

Nish´-a-we´nī´, hū´, gū´, mi-dē´, wug, a-ne´-ma-bī´-tshig.
The Midē´ have pity on me, those who are sitting around,
and those who are sitting from us.

[The last line refers to those Midē´ who are sitting, though absent
from the Midē´wigân.]

The following illustrates the musical rendering:

[Music: 285_1]
A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa,
A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa.

[Music: 285_2]
Nish-a-wi-in-hu gū, O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē,
A-ne-ma-bi-tshig hē, Nishawiinhu gū,
O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē, Nish-a-wi-ni-hu gŭ O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē.

As the patient continues to improve the song of the Midē´ becomes more expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and importance.

The following is an example in illustration, viz:

Ni-ne´-ta-we-hē´ wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´ man´-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´.
[I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.]
Nin´-da-nī-wĭ-a, nin´-da-nī´-wĭ-a.
I surpass him, I surpass him.
[The speaker overcomes the malevolent man´idō and causes him to take
flight.]

Na´-sa-ni-nēn´-di-yaⁿ a-we´-si-yŏk´ no-gwe´-no´-wŏk.
See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing.
[The signification of this is, that he “shoots at them as they fly,”
referring to the man´idōs as they escape from the body.]

The following is the musical notation of the above, viz:

[Music: 285_3]
Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´bâ-ma man-i-dō wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō,
Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō.

[Music: 286_1]
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, hō.

[Music: 286_2]
Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,
Awasiyōk, Nogwenowōk.

If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated. If not, the mī´gis is “shot into his body” as he reclines against the sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the Midē´ present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of the initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however, the chief attendant Midē´ announces his readiness in the following manner: Mi´-o-shi´-gwa, wi-kwod´-gi-o-wŏg´ ga-mâ´-dzhi-a-ka´-dŭng bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´--“Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape from his present procedure and to advance to another course of action, to the exercise of the power of giving life by transferring the sacred mī´gis.

The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner described as pertains to the first degree of the Midē´wiwin.

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES.

PICTOGRAPHY.

Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right hand upper corner of Pl. XIX is reproduced a portion of a mnemonic song showing characters as thus drawn. The specimen was obtained at White Earth, and the entire song is presented on Pl. XVI, C. A piece of bark obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy years ago, is shown on the right lower corner of Pl. XIX. The drawings are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The left hand specimen is from the last named locality, and of the same period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface.

In a majority of songs the characters are drawn so as to be read from left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular circle.

The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining to the Midē´ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.; but it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact that several ideas are expressed in combination. Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army, in a paper entitled “Recently Discovered Algonkian Pictographs,” read before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following words:

It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē´ and other bark
records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be
mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the
pictorial alphabet to teach children “A was an archer,” etc., is not
strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic,
but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented
to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To
persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the
charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the
Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed
without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet is not only
significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their memory
as to degrees and details of ceremony.

A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a
suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should
be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published
in Harper’s Magazine for instance, “Sally in our Alley,” where every
stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was
obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations
remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The
illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the
stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza
and the latter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the
rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft
pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual understanding
requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the
initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only
profound linguistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries.
In other instances the literation in the aboriginal language of the
nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to
comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than
symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of
ideography and symbolism.

On Pl. XX are presented illustrations of several articles found in a Midē´ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red Lake over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Christianity and forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profession. The information given below was obtained from Midē´ priests at the above locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This character has suggested to several Midē´ priests that the owner might have been a Midē´-Jĕs´sakkīd´. This belief is supported by the actual practice pursued by this class of priests when marking their personal effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists.

The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded, consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood, painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s medicine--in this instance red ocher and powdered arbor vitæ leaves--and another powder of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity of ground medicinal plants.

The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-eaten condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally, impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred objects contained in Midē´ sacks of unknown ownership, as each priest adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons, chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams.

Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after something of European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illustrated on. Pl. XXI, Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and reverse. The specimen is made of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse side, besides the figures of man´-idōs, such as the Thunder bird, the serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag. This specimen was found among the effects of a Midē´ who died at Leech Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other relics already mentioned in another part of this paper.

MUSIC.

In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given, especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same. Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. The notes are thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum and the steps of the dancers.

An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is presented in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midē´ priest upon his entrance into the Midē´wigân of the first degree. In this instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the individual, each Midē´ chanting notes of his own, according to his choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the taste or ability of the singer. The musical rendering of the words and phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each Midē´ priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner. Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the same style of notation.

The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key. Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants become more and more excited.

Midē´ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered by one sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the Midē´ priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for all songs, while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a final note lower still.

The statement has been made that one Midē´ is unable either to recite or sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic characters of a song belonging to another Midē´ unless specially instructed. The representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may signify the Bear man´idō as one of the guardians of the society; it may pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man´idō; exorcism of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may relate to the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure success for the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact phraseology, which is always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited to him by a Midē´ preceptor.

An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an Indian candidate for admission into the Mīdē´wiwin may already have prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed, he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of confidence. Under such circumstances the interpretation of a record is far from satisfactory, each character being explained simply objectively, the true import being intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named “Little Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his preceptor’s songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic songs are presented in illustration, and for comparison with such as have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian’s interpretation of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in further explanation. Pl. XXII, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song; the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right to left.

From whence I sit.
[The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the
surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line
extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies,
in this instance, singing.]

The big tree in the center of the earth.
[It is not known whether or not this relates to the first
destruction of the earth, when Mi´nabō´zho escaped by climbing a
tree which continued to grow and to protrude above the surface of
the flood. One Midē´ thought it related to a particular medicinal
tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus
represented as the chief of the earth.]

I will float down the fast running stream.
[Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by
footprints instead of using the outline of a canoe. The etymology of
the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as
in the Delaware language one word for river signifies “water road,”
when in accordance therewith “footprints” would be in perfect
harmony with the general idea.]

The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I
inhabit.
[The circular line above the Midē´ denotes obscurity, i.e., he is
hidden from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to
his enemies as the water monster.]

You who speak to me.

I have long horns.
[The Midē´ likens himself to the water monster, one of the
malevolent serpent man´idōs who antagonize all good, as beliefs
and practices of the Midē´wiwin.]

A rest or pause.

I, seeing, follow your example.

You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in
grasping the stone.
[The Bear man´idō is represented as the type now assumed by the
Midē´. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies
are extracted.]

You, to whom I am speaking.
[A powerful Man´idō´, the panther, is in an inclosure and to him the
Midē´ addresses his request.]

I am swimming--floating--down smoothly.
[The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while
the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the
Midē´.]

Bars denoting a pause.

I have finished my drum.
[The Midē´ is shown holding a Midē´ drum which he is making for use
in a ceremony.]

My body is like unto you.
[The mī´gis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midē´wiwin.]

Hear me, you who are talking to me!
[The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating
persons who are talking to him from their respective places. The
lines denoting speech--or hearing--pass through the speaker’s head
to exclaim as above.]

See what I am taking.
[The Midē´ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his
possessing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an
advertisement.]

See me, whose head is out of water.

On Pl. XXII, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of birch bark owned by the preceptor of “Little Frenchman,” of the import of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the characters is based upon general information which he has received, and not upon any pertaining directly to the record. From general appearances the song seems to be a private record pertaining to the Ghost Society, the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the Midē´wiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully referred to:

I am sitting with my pipe.
[Midē´ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a
patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory
to his commencing the ceremony of exorcism.]

I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
[This evidently indicates the Owl Man´idō, which has been referred
to in connection with the Red Lake Mide´ chart, Pl. III, No. 113.
The Owl man´idō is there represented as passing from the Midē´wigân
to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, and the drawings in that record and in
this are sufficiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of
this song had obtained his suggestion from the old Midē´ chart.]

It stands, that which I am going after.
[The Midē´, impersonating the Bear Man´idō, is seeking a medicinal
tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he
employs in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction
the animal is taking.]

I, who fly.
[This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his
talons some medical plants.]

Ki´-bi-nan´ pi-zan´. Ki´binan´ is what I use, it flies like an arrow.
[The Midē´’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the
velocity of action of the remedy.]

I am coming to the earth.
[A Man´idō is represented upon a circle, and in the act of
descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal
line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote
the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above,
but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below,
so as to unite and to complete the ring; the intention being, as
suggested by several Midē´ priests, to denote great altitude above
the earth, i.e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is
designated by curved lines only.]

I am feeling for it.
[The Midē´ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden
medicines.]

I am talking to it.
[The Midē´ is communing with the medicine Man´idō´ with the Midē´
sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his
mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl,
as before noted in connection with the second character in this
song.]

They are sitting round the interior in a row.
[This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn
at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midē´wigân,
and also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart
already alluded to and figured in Pl. III, No. 112. The spirits or
shadows, as the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in
like manner.]

You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now full.
[The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having
reference to certain periods at which some important ceremonies
or events are to occur.]

I am going for my dish.
[The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish
being shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are
directed toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens
himself to the Bear man´idō, one of the guardians of the Midēwiwin.]

I go through the medicine lodge.
[The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed
through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is
indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and
south, it is stated that Midēwiwin is intended. This appears to be
an instance of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic
delineation.]

Let us commune with one another.
[The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man´idōs,
with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by
the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice
lines extend.]

On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midē´ priest, at Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same collection has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed by Midē´ in the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion and profession. These mnemonic songs were exhibited to many Midē´ priests from various portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of obtaining some satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the several characters; but, although they were pronounced to be “Grand Medicine,” no suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of the name of the object or what it probably was meant to represent. The direction of their order was mentioned, because in most instances the initial character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of interest as exhibiting the superior character and cleverness of their execution.

The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand upper corner, and represents the Bear Man´idō. The third figure is that of the Midē´wiwin, with four man´idōs within it, probably the guardians of the four degrees. The owner of the song was a Midē´ of the second degree, as was stated in connection with his Midē´wi-gwas or “medicine chart,” illustrated on Plate III, C.

Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is impossible to state absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would be more in accordance with the common custom.

Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recognized as a hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midē´, it is lead from right to left, the human figure indicating the direction according to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are turned. The lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which probably indicate mī´gis spots, to denote the power of magic influence possessed by the recorder.

The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read from the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line continuing to the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with the figure of a Midē´ with the mī´gis upon his breast. This is interesting on account of the boustrophic system of delineating the figures, and also because such instances are rarely found to occur.

DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.

While it is customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attainable. The Ojibwa Midē´ priests, take particular pride in their appearance when attending ceremonies of the Midē´ Society, and seldom fail to impress this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted similar medicine ceremonies after the custom of their Algonkian neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a sacrilegious digression from the ancient usages, and it frequently excites severe comment.

Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor’s fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a member, the Midē´ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moccasins, the first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or, what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored porcupine quills.

Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojibwa’s dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long, are attached so as to admit of being passed around the leg and tied in a bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns as they may be able to design or elaborate. On Pl. XXIII are reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary interest, because of the symbolic signification of the colors and the primitive art design in one, and the substitution of colors and the introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with those of one of the degree posts, while the white is symbolical of the mī´gis shell. In the lower illustration is found a substitution of color for the preceding, accounted for by the Midē´ informants, who explained that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color desired could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the introduction of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the Ojibwa term the groundwork or type of their original style of ornamentation, i.e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work consists chiefly of curved lines, and this has gradually become modified through instruction from the Catholic sisters at various early mission establishments until now, when there has been brought about a common system of working upon cloth or velvet, in patterns, consisting of vines, leaves, and flowers, often exceedingly attractive though not aboriginal in the true sense of the word.

Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s stripes, and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces of claws, shells, or other objects.

Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred.

Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the wearer.

Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the representatives of the present generation have never been actively engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a feather shows the wearer to have been wounded by a bullet. The privilege of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed, the idea to be expressed being “a great number,” rather than a specific enumeration.

Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently the practice has fallen into desuetude.

FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY.

According to a treaty now being made between the United States Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to the Government, and the members of the various bands will become citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties will be broken and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned.

The chief Midē´ priests, being aware of the momentous consequences of such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the impracticability of much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called “pagan rites,” became willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants.

There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time before the Midē´wiwin will be only a tradition.

* * * * *
* * * *

Errata for Midē´wiwin:

A number of Ojibwa words are recorded with “w” where the correct form has “b”. Since w:b is not an attested dialectal variation, these may be mishearings on the part of the original transcriber. Other errors such as G:S or h:k can be attributed to misreading of handwritten text.

Variations and inconsistencies (unchanged):

Ojibwa : Ojibway
Man´ido(s) : Man´idō(s)
[_throughout text_]
Bois Forts
[_modern name Bois Forte, but “Forts” is common in early texts_]
INDEX:
[_all spellings unchanged_]
[Note 11] History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)]
[_question mark and brackets in original_]
sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited
[_word is usually spelled “Mi´nabō´zho”_]
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´
[_word is usually spelled “Midē´”_]
The bear going to the Midē´wigan
[_word is usually spelled “Midē´wigân”_]
The boy then narrated ... man´-i-dō´ ’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk
[_the apostrophe in “’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk” occurs nowhere else in the
text; it may be phonetic (elision of i?) or an error_]

Corrections:

A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem mi-ē´-ta â´-bi-dink´ [â´-wi-dink´]
the Midē´wiwin was at that time held annually [Midê´wiwin]
shall guard it during the night [shal]
Amini´kanzi´bi [Aⁿnibi´kanzi´bi]
calling upon the other Man´idōs to join him
[_text reads “to / to” at line break_]
This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter
[_text unchanged: “and measures”, “measuring”?_]
shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215
[_text reads “page 192” (page number of Fig. 15)_]
Ni´-nīn-dē´, a´-ya´ [Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´]
Nē´-wōdē´-ē´. [Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´]
Gaga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.” [Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh]
Iskig´omeaush´-- “Sap-flows-fast.” [Ishig´omeaush´]
Yellow Birch. Wi´nnis´sik. [Wi´umis´sik]
White Birch. Wīgwas´. [Mīgwas´]
Kinē´bigwŏshk-- “Snake weed or Snake Vine.” [Kinē´wigwŏshk]
Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭbbŏkuⁿs´. [Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´]
Makadē´mĭskwi´minŏk-- “Black Blood Berry.” [Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk]
Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wemi´nakŏâⁿsh´. [Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´]
Okwē´mĭsh-- “Scabby Bark.” [Okwē´wĭsh]
at the time during which the investigations were made
[_text reads “investiga/gations” at line break_]
Wabō´sōminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries” [Wabō´saminī´sŏk]
Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´bik [Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik]
Hoary Willow. Sisi´gobe´mĭsh. [Sisi´gewe´mĭsh]
_Symphoricarpos vulgaris_ [Symphoricarpus]
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”
[_Smilacina racemosa: False Solomon’s seal_]
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.”
[_Potentilla spp.: Cinquefoil_]
Waterleaf. Buⁿkite´bagūⁿs´. [Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´]
Downy Yellow Violet. Ogitē´baguⁿs.
[... Violet, Ogitē´waguⁿs]
Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagaⁿ´wŏs. [Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs]
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.
[_Urtica dioica: Stinging Nettle_]
Nesō´bakŏk-- “Three Leafed.” [Nesō´wakŏk]
The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence [sigzag]
The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping
[_text unchanged_]
Ki-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō. [Hi-na-nē´]
“Ō´nishgân”--“get up” [Ō´mishga‘n]
in this place he shall be Raised again
[_text (two-line gloss) reads “in this he shall / be place”_]
(the second-degree mī´gis) [mì´gis]
the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the original
[Pl. XVII, A]
the following Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B
[Pl. XVII, B]
a three-lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 4 [Fig. 3]
south and east of the Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35 [Fig. 30]
These mnemonic songs were exhibited [menmonic]
wâ´-wa-tē´-si-wŭg [wē´-we-tē´-si-wŭg]

Punctuation:

principles of magic and incantations.”
[_close quote missing_]
(or, as we have learned to term it, “Grand Medicine,”)
[_close parenthesis missing_]
place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.”
[_close quote missing_]
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15)
[_printed “beneath/ the” (no hyphen at line break)_]
“Our forefathers were living
[_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_]
We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´?
[_text ends “.?”_]
“He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society
[_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_]

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SACRED FORMULAS OF THE CHEROKEES.

by

JAMES MOONEY.

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CONTENTS