Chapter III: Part 3

A Conservative who always recognised the worth of Laurier as a Canadian, requests the republication of some words of the Liberal chieftain during his last appearance in London, stating that in his opinion they take rank with some of the utterances of Lincoln and Gladstone:

“As for you who stand to-day on the threshold of life. . . . I shall remind you that many problems rise before you: problems of race division, problems of creed differences, problems of economic conflict, problems of national duty and national aspirations. Let me tell you that for the solution of these problems you have a safe guide, an unfailing light, if you remember that faith is better than doubt and love is better than hate. . . . Banish doubt and hate from your life. Let your souls be ever open to the strong promptings of faith and the gentle influence of brotherly love. Be adamant against the haughty; be gentle and kind to the weak. Let your aim and your purpose, in good report or in ill, in victory or in defeat, be so to live, so to strive, so to serve as to do your part to raise the standard of life to higher and better spheres.”

These are not the words of a politician. They arise transcendent above the ordinary dogmas of strife and intolerance. They breathe moderation and kindness and therefore a perfect index of the character of their author.

* * * * *

“In the thirty years that I have led the Liberal party, my platform has always been Canada first. Whether on one side or another, on this question or that, my guiding star has always been my Canadian country. There is a crisis, and we must fight on as fought the pioneers of the early days in Canada, the strong, stern men who kept in sight their goal of Canada’s best interests against all difficulties and obstacles. Let our motto be the same as theirs—‘Fortitude in Distress.’ There are breakers ahead, but we shall reach the shore if we fight on. We can bring to pass in Canada what was prophesied by a distinguished American once—that the twentieth century would be the century of Canada.”—Sir Wilfrid Laurier at Winnipeg, December, 1917.

* * * * *

The coronation of King Edward in 1902 was taken advantage of to hold another imperial conference, when the question of imperial defence came up. Prior to leaving England Sir Wilfrid discussed the invitation in the House. “If it is intended simply to discuss what part Canada is prepared to take in her own defence,” he said, “what share of the burden must fall upon us as being responsible for the safety of our own land, certainly we are always prepared to discuss that subject. But there is a school abroad, there is a school in England and in Canada, a school which is perhaps represented on the floor of this parliament, which wants to bring Canada into the vortex of militarism, which is the curse and blight of Europe, I am not prepared to endorse any such policy.”

This was the traditional attitude of Sir John A. Macdonald and that of Sir Charles Tupper in the speech made at Quebec in 1900. Sir Wilfrid stood by it at the conference, and was supported by Australia.

* * * * *

Many eloquent tributes have been paid to him since his death, but none have surpassed the beautiful tribute which Sir Wilfrid paid to the late Sir John Macdonald, when he passed away twenty-eight years ago. Speaking from his place in Parliament on that occasion, he said:

“The place of Sir John Macdonald in this country was so large and so absorbing that it is almost impossible to conceive that the political life of this country, the fate of this country, can continue without him. His loss overwhelms us. For my part, I say, with all truth, that his loss overwhelms me, and it also overwhelms this Parliament, as if indeed one of the institutions of the land had given way. Sir John now belongs to the ages, and it can be said with certainty that the career which has just closed is one of the most remarkable careers of this century. It would be premature at this time to attempt to fix or anticipate what will be the final judgment of history upon him; but there were in his career and in his life features so prominent and so conspicuous that already they shine with a glow which time cannot alter, which, even now appear before the eye, such as they will appear to the end of history. I think it can be asserted that for the supreme act of governing men Sir John Macdonald was gifted as few men in any land or in any age were gifted—gifted with the highest of all qualities, qualities which would have made him famous wherever exercised, and which would have shone all the more conspicuously the larger the theatre. The fact that he would congregate together elements the most heterogeneous and blend them into one compact party, and to the end of his life keep them steadily under his hand, is perhaps altogether unprecedented. The fact that during all those years he retained unimpaired not only the confidence but the devotion—the ardent devotion—and affection of his party, is evidence that besides those higher qualities of statesmanship to which we were daily witnesses, he was also endowed with those inner, subtle, undefinable graces of the soul which win and keep the hearts of men.”

It will be generally admitted that Sir Wilfrid’s graceful words, spoken in reference to the great Conservative leader, are singularly applicable to his own case.

* * * * *

“If there is anything to which I have devoted my political life, it is to try to promote unity, harmony and amity between the diverse elements of this country. My friends can desert me, they can remove their confidence from me, they can withdraw the trust they have placed in my hands, but never shall I deviate from that line of policy. Whatever may be the consequences, whether loss of prestige, loss of popularity, or loss of power, I feel that I am in the right, and I know that a time will come when every man will render me full justice on that score.”—March 18th., 1900.

“I claim this for the Liberal Government, that we have endeavoured to carry on the policy of this country so as to make Canada a nation—a nation within the British Empire—A nation great in the eyes of the world. For my part, I want to see her lands occupied, her mines developed, her forests cleared, her fisheries exploited, her cities growing, her population increasing, but above all, I want to see our people united.

“I do not know whether my political career or my natural life shall be short or long, but whether short or long, I cherish the hope that I shall have so lived that when deposited in my grave, every Canadian, be he friend or foe, be he English-speaking, or French-speaking Protestant or Catholic, will have to say:

“There rests a man who has given the best of his life of his soul, of his heart to make us an united people.” Bowmanville, October, 1899.

* * * * *

“Even those who on principle do not believe in war, admit that this was a just war and that it had to be fought. That union of hearts which exists in the United Kingdom exists also in Canada, in Australia, in New Zealand, yea, even in South Africa—South Africa rent by war less than twenty years ago, but now united under the blessing of British institutions, with all, British and Dutch together, standing ready to shed their blood for the common cause. Sir, there is in this the inspiration and the hope that from this painful war the British Empire may emerge with a new bond of union, the pride of all its citizens, and a living light to all other nations.” August 19th., 1914.

* * * * *

“I am a Liberal of the English school. I believe in that school, which has all along claimed that it is the privilege of all subjects, whether high or low, whether rich or poor, whether ecclesiastics or laymen, to participate in the administration of public affairs, to discuss, to influence, to persuade, to convince—but which has always denied even to the highest the right to dictate even to the lowest, but Protestants as well, and I must give an account of my stewardship to all classes. Here am I, a Roman Catholic of French extraction, entrusted by the confidence of the men who sit around me with great and important duties under our constitutional system of government. I am here the acknowledged leader of a great party composed of Roman Catholics and Protestants as well, in which Protestants are in the majority, as Protestants must be in the majority in every party in Canada. Am I to be told, in occupying such a position, that I am to be dictated to as to the course I am to take in this House, by reasons that can appeal to the consciences of my fellow Catholic members, but which do not appeal as well to the consciences of my Protestant colleagues? No. So long as I have a seat in this House, so long as I occupy the position I do now, whenever it shall become my duty to take a stand upon any question whatever, that stand I will take not upon grounds of Roman Catholicism, not upon grounds of Protestantism, but upon grounds which can appeal to the consciences of all men, irrespective of their particular faith, upon grounds which can be occupied by all men who love justice, freedom and toleration.” Hansard, March 3rd., 1896.

* * * * *

“If, upon my death bed, I could say, that thanks to my efforts, one solitary error had disappeared, a single prejudice had been eradicated, that by my sheer exertion race hatred had been caused to disappear from Canada’s soil—I should, indeed, die happily with the conviction and assurance that my life had not been lived in vain.”

* * * * *

Sir Wilfrid Laurier was a true Canadian, a great British citizen. If he had one aim in life which stood high above all others it was to contrive a happy, a United Canada. “You are aware,” he said, in that superb speech delivered at Quebec in 1894, “that in the eleventh century certain men started out from Normandy, Anjou, Brittany, and Angouleme to capture England. Duke William of Normandy was their leader, and our present sovereign is the last scion of a royal race that dates back to William the Conqueror. In the sixteenth century men started from the same province of Normandy, Anjou, Brittany and Angouleme to colonize the fertile lands on the banks of the St. Lawrence. In the next century the men of both races met here and you know what happened. Well, is it not permissible to hope that a day will come, when, instead of facing each other on hostile purpose intent, the men of the two countries, the descendants of the Britons, Angevins and Normans, who invaded England in the eleventh century, and the descendants of the Angevins, Normans, and Britons, who peopled Canada in the sixteenth, will meet together, not to fight, but to hold the grand assizes of peace and commerce? I may not live long enough to see that day, but if my career should be sufficiently extended to allow me to take part in these assizes, it will be a happy day to me. I shall attend them bearing with me my Canadian nationality, and I believe that I shall continue the work of Mr. Lafontaine and Sir George Etienne Cartier, and that the result will be all to the advantage of French Canada. Gentlemen, our situation as a country is full of difficulties, and those difficulties are no doubt immense. Still, there is nothing desperate about them. What this country needs above all else is peace, concord, and union between all the elements composing its population. Let us show the world that if we reverence the past, we also have a regard for the future. Let us show to the world that union does not mean absorption, and that autonomy does not mean antagonism. Victor Hugo, recalling his double origin, used these fine words:

‘Fidèle au double sang qu’on verse dans ma veine,
Mon pere, vieux soldat, ma mere, Vendeenne.’

(“True to the double blood that was poured into my veins by my father, an old soldier, and my mother, a Vendean.”)

“Let us also be true to our double origin, true to the memory and the reverence of the great nation from which we have sprung, and true also to the great nation which has given us freedom. And in all the difficulties, all the pains, and all the vicissitudes of our situation, let us always remember that love is better than hatred, and faith better than doubt, and let hope in our future destinies be the pillar of fire to guide us in our career.”

* * * * *

England expects every man to do his duty! I am going to do my duty, not only by Canada, but by the Empire. Britain, thank God, does not require help from anybody, but if ever the occasion should arise when Britain is summoned to stand against the whole world in arms, she can depend upon the loyal support of Canada and the Canadian people. The Canadian people are free and loyal; loyal because they are free.

The “Old Chief” as he was familiarly, and lovingly called by his followers, occupied a very large place in the affections of the British people. There was something romantic about this French-Canadian Prime Minister, who took the premier place at Imperial Conferences, and who argued that formal treaties, and hard and fast agreements were not necessary to bind the Empire together.

* * * * *

“What do you think of the English people?” Sir Wilfrid was once asked.

“The English are all right; they are good sports, good losers, and on the whole I have no reason to complain of their treatment during my long term of public life.”

“Are they not somewhat arrogant?”

“All strong people are somewhat arrogant, but they are fair to a great degree,” he replied.

“I was born a Catholic,” he declared, “and I will die, of course, in that faith,” and when I replied that he had had a pretty hard row to hoe in his lifetime with certain priests and prelates, he replied: “Yes, that is true, but others of the same cloth have shown me much kindness that it sweetens the bitterness of the pill which a few of them have administered. Here,” he added, in the most earnest tones and expression, “is the whole situation. Without taking as gospel everything that a curé may say, or even a bishop, I firmly believe in the principles of the Roman Catholic Church, and, as I have stated, I will die in the faith. In reply to your remark as to the difficulties which have from time to time beset me during the past thirty-five years, I may say that there are a good many people who have tried to drive me out of the Catholic Church, and the means which they have used have not at all times been fair and above board, but, thank God, they have not succeeded up to the present time, and they will have quite as little success in the future as in the past.”

* * * * *

“I have no hesitation in saying that if the day should come when the supremacy of Britain on the high seas should be challenged it will be the duty of all the daughter nations to close around the old Motherland, and to make a rampart about her to ward off any attack. I hope that day will never come, but should it come, I would deem it my duty to devote what might be left of my life and energy to stump the country and endeavor to impress upon my fellow-countrymen, especially my compatriots in the Province of Quebec, the conviction that the salvation of England is the salvation of our own country, and therein lies the guaranty of our civil and religious freedom and everything we value in life. These are the sentiments which animate the Government on this occasion.”

“This session has been called for the purpose of giving the authority of Parliament and the sanction of law to such measures as have already been taken by the Government, and any further measures that may be needed, to insure the defence of Canada and to give what aid may be in our power to the Mother Country in the stupendous struggle which now confronts us. Speaking for those who sit around me, speaking for the wide constituency which we represent in this House, I hasten to say that to all these measures we are prepared to give immediate assent. If in what has been done or in what remains to be done there may be anything which in our judgment should not be done or should be differently done, we raise no question, we take no exception, we offer no criticism, and we shall offer no criticism so long as there is danger at the front. It is our duty, more pressing upon us than all other duties, at once, on this first day of this extraordinary session of the Canadian Parliament, to let Great Britain know, and to let the friends and foes of Great Britain know, that there is in Canada but one mind and one heart, and that all Canadians stand behind the Mother Country, conscious and proud that she has engaged in this war, not from any selfish motive, for any purpose of aggrandizement, but to maintain untarnished the honour of her name, to fulfil her obligation to her Allies, to maintain her treaty obligations and to save civilization from the unbridled lust of conquest and power.

“We are British subjects, and to-day we are face to face with the consequences which are involved in that proud fact. Long have we enjoyed the benefit of our British citizenship; to-day it is our duty to accept its responsibilities and its sacrifices.

“If my word can be heard beyond the walls of this House in the Province from which I come; among the men whose blood flows in my own veins, I should like them to remember that in taking their place to-day in the ranks of the Canadian army to fight for the cause of the Allied nations, a double honour rests upon them. The very cause for which they are called upon to fight is to them doubly sacred.”

* * * * *

Sir Wilfrid Laurier was one of the chief speakers at the great musical festival given by the American residents of Toronto under the auspices of the American Aid Society, on Thursday, September 10th., 1914. The concert was held in the Arena, and the entire receipts were donated to the Canadian Patriotic Fund. The Liberal leader said:

“Some few weeks ago Canada deliberated upon the situation, the stupendous struggle in which Britain is engaged, and the part which Canada bears. All vestiges of political differences were eliminated. We found in comparing our views that we stood exactly upon the same platform. Without a dissenting voice it was the unanimous opinion of the Canadian Parliament that the war in which England is engaged to-day is a sacred war, and that Canada must help to its last man and its last dollar.

“We must face the situation as it is, and as Lord Kitchener told us some few days ago, we must have more men. There is a difference between the British nation and the nations of the continent. The nations of the continent get their soldiers by law; by conscription, and the enforcement of authority; the British nation get their soldiers not by law, but by appealing to the patriotism of men. Lord Kitchener tells us he wants more soldiers. If he wants more soldiers from Canada let him say the word and we will respond to meet him. We are behind the Mother Country, and let us send them a message that this war must be fought to a finish, and that arms must not be laid down until the principle which it has been fought for is vindicated, and until the day has come when right takes the place of might.”

* * * * *

From Laurier’s great speech in the Academy of Music, Quebec, June 26, 1877, in which he declared himself a Liberal of the English school, and an opponent of clerical intimidation:

“The constitution of the country rests on the freely expressed wish of each election. It intends that each elector shall cast his vote freely and willingly as he deems best. If the greatest number of the electors of a country are actually of an opinion, and that, owing to the influence exercised upon them by one or more men, or owing to words they have heard or writings they have read, their opinion changes, there is nothing in the circumstance but what is perfectly legitimate. Although the opinion they express is different from the one they have expressed without such intervention, still it is the one they desire to express conscientiously, and the constitution meets with the entire application. If, however, notwithstanding all reasoning, the opinion of the electors remains the same, but that, by intimidation or fraud, they are forced to vote differently, the opinion which they express is not their opinion, and the constitution is violated. As I have already said, the constitution intends that each one’s opinion shall be freely expressed as he understands it at the moment of expression, and the collective reunion of the individual opinions freely expressed, forms the government of the country.

“I am amongst you to-day, not as a politician, but only as a Canadian, and, I may add, as a French-Canadian, as a Canadian of my race, and when I go to the English Provinces I am quite as proud to call myself as such. I am here to tell you all that we owe to England and to France. What we want before everything is equal rights for everyone, the rights for which England and France have fought, the respect of minorities and the respect of justice and loyalty, so shamefully outraged by Germany.

“Do not forget that the fact that Britain was at war constituted for Canada a new condition of things, which imposed new duties upon the Government, upon the Opposition and upon the whole Canadian people. The moment that Great Britain was at war, Canada was at war. This is a truth which, while we were in office, we had not only to proclaim, but for which we had to provide in a manner consonant with the new condition, a new situation created by the development of Canada, not as a colony, but as a nation within the British Empire.

“These truths were not accepted by all. It was the occasion of a great deal of misrepresentation; it contributed very much towards the defeat which we suffered in 1911, but for my part let me say here that I have no regrets. Better be it ten times over and more that we should stand here defeated for having had the courage of presenting to the Canadian people new duties which have had effects, rather than to still be in office by having shirked the duty which was incumbent upon the administration.

“But at that time it was easy to appeal to prejudices, but the truth that when Britain is at war, Canada is at war also, came in only too concrete a manner, for, after the declaration of war, right here in the city of Montreal you had your harbour full of ships loaded with the produce of the land ready to take to the sea, still remaining here owing to the war, because if they had taken to the sea they would have been liable to seizure by the enemy. They did not and could not take to the seas until the ocean had been swept by the British Navy, and until the British Navy was ready to escort them, until the duty was forthcoming by the British Navy, which, in my conviction, it behooved the Canadian people to do themselves.

“We are a free people, absolutely free. The charter under which we live has put it in our power to say whether we should take part in such a war or not. It is for the Canadian people, the Canadian Parliament and the Canadian Government alone to decide. This freedom is at once the glory and honour of Britain, which granted it, and of Canada, which used it to assist Britain. Freedom is the keynote of all British institutions. There is no compulsion upon those dependencies of Great Britain which have reached the stature of Dominions such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and such Crown Dependencies as India. They are all free to take part or not as they think best. That is the British freedom which much to the surprise of the world, and greatly to the dismay of the German Emperor, German professors, and German diplomats caused the rush from all parts of the British Empire to assist the Mother Country in this stupendous struggle. Freedom breeds loyalty. Coercion always was the mother of rebellion.

“I was asked by someone why should I support the Government in their policy of sending men to the front. Why should not the Liberal party have remained quiet and passive and let all the worries be left to the Government? My answer was, ‘I have no particular love for the Government, but I love my country, I love the land of my ancestors, France. I love the land of liberty, above all, England, and rather than that I in my position of leader of the Liberal party, should remain passive and quiescent, I would rather go out of public life, and life altogether.’

“When the Prime Minister announced his intention of placing all available forces at the disposal of the British Government, what was the policy of the Liberal party? There were three currents of opinion at the time. There was first of all the Imperialist who would have Canada take part in all the wars of the Empire. There was the Nationalist who would not have Canada take part in any war of the Empire at all, and there was the Liberal position. What was our position? We stood for Canadian autonomy. We upheld the sovereignty of Canada. I have several times on the floor of the House sustained that position. I claimed for the Parliament of Canada, the right which John Bright claimed in the Imperial Parliament in the Crimean War. Time has shown that he was right. It has been established that the Crimean War was without result and had no cause. So I claimed for the Parliament of Canada the same right that John Bright claimed for the Imperial Parliament. And I should add that by doing so I scandalized both the Imperialists and the Nationalists.

“Neither of them challenged the position. No one denied that the Canadian Parliament had the right of pronouncement on the question of participation or non-participation. But the Imperialist wanted Parliament to close its eyes and to fight in any war. The Nationalist wanted Parliament to close its eyes and to fight in no wars. We Liberals asked for nothing more than the liberty which had been guaranteed to us.

“If I state our position now, it is not because I wish to raise a discussion on these questions. So long as the war continues, so long as the soil of Belgium is occupied, so long as the last German has not been kicked out of France, so long is this not the time to discuss these questions. All our attention should be directed to the prosecution of the war and to the bringing about of that final victory which we hope to secure. But when the war is over we shall have to take up these questions again. And the people of Canada will be called upon to decide between the opposing parties. If I mention the questions now it is merely because I wish to indicate the motives of our actions.

“I have given you the reasons which made me take the attitude I took in this war, and though I am free to admit that I preferred to fight rather than support the Government in a case of this kind all other considerations should disappear. To complete my thoughts, so that no one may misunderstand me, I will declare that had I been in power I should have followed the same policy myself, though in details of administration I should have tried to do better. Had we been in power we should not be reproached with faults, errors and the friends which now hang everywhere. But I will not talk of that in this discussion. I did not come here to-night for that reason. It is not the time to discuss these questions; they will be discussed later, do not fear.

“What are the rights and duties of the Liberal party? In my opinion, the party should stand for one thing alone, for public good and general interest; its spirit should be such that it can approve or condemn accordingly as the public good and general interest demand condemnation or approbation.

“We maintained that spirit in power, and we maintain it now. When we lost, we were beaten, but we were not subdued.”

* * * * *

From a speech before the Quadrennial Conference of the Methodist Church of Canada, at Ottawa, Sept. 23, 1914:

“The sword will not be put back in the scabbard,” he said, “until this Imperial bully has been taught that this ‘scrap of paper’ is a solemn obligation, and that solemn obligations between nations, as between individuals must be observed. There can be no peace until heroic Belgium has had her rights and her lands restored, and her wrongs repaired. There can be no peace until the world knows that it is to be governed, not by brute force, but by truth, liberty and justice, for which the British flag stands.”

* * * * *

As for his own record as statesman, British and Canadian, he remarked only a few weeks before his death:

“Well, I think that when all facts are reviewed in their right perspective, history will not deal unkindly with me, I am content to leave my record to the judgment of men’s thoughts, and to future generations of Canadians.”

* * * * *

Fifty-five years ago he graduated at law, and on that occasion said: “Two races share to-day the soil of Canada. The French and English races have not always been friends; but I hasten to say it, and I say it to our glory, that race hatreds are finished on Canadian soil. It matters not the language the people speak or the altars at which they kneel.”

The advice he gave the young men of a Liberal Club in Montreal reveals his philosophic temperament: “Let me give you a word of good counsel. During your career you will have to suffer many things which will appear to you as supreme injustice. Let me say to you that you should never allow your religious convictions to be affected by anything which appears to you an injustice. Let me ask of you never to allow your religious convictions to be affected by the acts of men. Your convictions are immortal; your convictions are not only immortal, but their base is eternal. Let your convictions be always calm, serene, and superior to the inevitable trials of life, and show to the world that Catholicism is compatible with the exercise of liberty in its highest acceptation.”

In a speech which he delivered in Quebec in 1894, he gave expression to his religious ideals in the following passage:

“In religion I belong to the school of Montalembert and Lacordaire, of the men who were the greatest perhaps of their age in loftiness of character and ability of thought. I know of no grander spectacle than that of Montalembert and Lacordaire, two adolescents, two children almost, undertaking to conquer in France freedom of education, and succeeding in their object after many years of struggle. I know of no finer spectacle than that furnished by Montalembert confronting the French bourgeoisie, impregnated, as they were, with that dissolving materialism, the Voltairean skepticism of the eighteenth century, and exclaiming: ‘We are the sons of the Crusaders and shall not retreat before the sons of Voltaire.’ I know of no greater or more beautiful spectacle than that of Lacordaire proclaiming from the pulpit of Notre Dame the truths of Christianity to the incredulous crowd, and teaching them that life is a sacrifice and is only rendered worthy by duty accomplished.”

* * * * *

Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s last appearance in London was at the Imperial Conference in 1911, and it was at this gathering that he made the notable statement,

“I represent a country which has no grievances.”

* * * * *

All his hopes and aspirations are contained in his inspiring message to the Acadians of Nova Scotia:

“Thank Providence,” he said, “that we live in a country of absolute freedom and liberty. Let us always bear in mind our duties, for duty is always inherent in right. Our fathers had to labour to secure these rights. Now let us fulfil our part. Three years ago, when visiting England at the Queen’s Jubilee, I had the privilege of visiting one of the marvels of Gothic architecture which the hand of genius, guided by an unerring faith, had made a harmonious whole, in which granite, marble, oak and other materials were blended. This cathedral is an image of the nations I hope to see Canada become. As long as I live, as long as I have the power to labour in the service of my country, I shall always repel the idea of changing the nature of its different elements. I want the marble to remain the marble; I want the granite to remain the granite; I want the oak to remain the oak; I want the sturdy Scotchman to remain the Scotchman; I want the brainy Englishman to remain the Englishman; I want the warm-hearted Irishman to remain the Irishman; I want to take all these elements and build a nation that will be foremost among the great powers of the world.”

* * * * *

Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s message to the students of the University of Toronto in 1913 is recalled as one of the most inspiring utterances of his long career. On that occasion he said:

“My young friends, go out into the world to service. Make the highest thought of service your inspiration. Problems there are—big problems. To-morrow and the day after to-morrow, it will be your turn to grapple with them. Serve God and your country. Be firm in the right, as God gives you to see the right. You may not always succeed. Progress is often punctuated with reverses. You may meet reverse—but the following day stand up again and renew the conflict for truth and justice shall triumph in the end.”

* * * * *

When a man becomes satisfied he becomes a Tory. The life of a Liberal is one of unceasing effort towards progress and encouraging development in all that makes for the betterment of mankind. It is easy to read articles of appreciation upon a man when he is gone, but if anyone is so poor in reflection as to overlook the fact that Laurier worked hard all his life he does an injustice to himself and to the record of Sir Wilfrid. Before he became leader of the Liberal Party about 32 years ago, Sir Wilfrid had visited many portions of the Dominion in support of his leaders, Mackenzie and Blake, upon all occasions advocating the Liberal cause, not only in Quebec, but in the Maritime Provinces and in Ontario. His first election as leader was in 1891, and he all but carried the country, for in the previous three years he addressed many meetings. In 1893, after the National Liberal Convention he toured Ontario for months. In 1894 he took a series of meetings in Ontario before going West right through to the Pacific Coast, addressing over 60 meetings and taking part in numerous smaller gatherings. The effect of this tour was that whereas he had but one supporter in 1894 west of the Great Lakes, he in 1896 carried the West by a majority of three. In the fall of 1895 Laurier spent nearly two months in Ontario, and addressed 56 large gatherings besides taking part in smaller assemblies and receptions. The effect of all this was that in the session of 1896 Laurier had a commanding knowledge of the conditions of the country, and the people not only admired him but trusted him. In 1896 he carried 48 seats in Ontario, and the average number of seats he carried in 1896, 1900, 1904 and 1908 was 40. As the years stole over him he could not carry on with his former vigour, but he had to carry on without the support that should have been accorded him by those who sat in Cabinet with him. In 1910 Laurier took a grand tour of the four Western Provinces, and in all general elections never spared himself. The efforts in this regard in 1917 were the wonder and admiration of supporters and opponents alike.

In 1918-19 he took up the task of supervising the Liberal reorganization in Ontario and of urging the Liberals in all the other provinces also to get together. He died in the midst of this work.

These outward manifestations of Laurier in action are mentioned to remind each and all who may desire a place in the galaxy of Liberal leaders that they cannot lead merely by praising the dead and wishing to be hailed as being born to something for which they never laboured to qualify. Volumes will be written on Laurier’s mental and other qualifications, but the author should not forget to record his struggle to give to the people the benefit of his endowment enlarged by practical application and consultation with them.

* * * * *

The first and most wise step was the selection by Sir Wilfrid Laurier of the strongest possible colleagues to form his Cabinet. No abler body of men ever presided over the destinies of Canada—a fact admitted, even by opponents. It was truly a great combination which instilled much needed confidence in the people. To form it Sir Wilfrid had to go outside the ranks of the men who had fought the battles of the party in Opposition in the Dominion House, and who no doubt expected preferment. But the wisdom of his choice has never been questioned, and the record of his Government is the most ample justification of it.

The Customs tariff was properly the first problem to be tackled, as it is the hub of the wheels of industry and commerce. The Liberal party had taken office upon a declared policy, to substitute for the Conservative tariff, a sound, fiscal policy, which, while not doing injustice to any class, would promote domestic and foreign trade and hasten the return of prosperity. They had also declared that the tariff should be reduced to the needs of honest, economical and efficient Government, that it should be so adjusted as to make free or bear as lightly as possible upon the necessaries of life and should be so arranged as to permit freer trade with the whole world, particularly with Great Britain and the United States.

The first step taken by the Government was the eminently practical one of appointing a committee of its members to ascertain with exactitude the precise situation of all classes and sections of the country and their actual needs. No hole and corner methods were adopted by the committee, and there were no private meetings between Ministers and manufacturers in the Windsor Hotel at Montreal. Everybody was invited to give expression to his views. To meet the convenience of the public, meetings were held in most of the principal cities and towns.

The result of the labours of the committee, and subsequent daily meetings of the Cabinet for months, was the promulgation of a tariff, which judged by the best possible test, actual results, created a revolution in the industrial life and activities of the country. Briefly stated the new tariff.

1. Materially reduced the duties on many necessities and staple commodities used by consumers generally.

2. Placed on the free list certain articles of prime necessity to the farmer, the miner, fisherman and manufacturer.

3. Reduced the duties on iron and steel which constitute the staple raw materials for many industries; duties on other raw materials were also lowered.

4. Simplified the classification of articles for duty purposes and thereby assured more uniform administration.

5. And, by no means least, gave a substantial preference to the products and manufactures of Great Britain over the rest of the world.

6. Obtain a Reciprocity Agreement Act with Canada and the United States, but which the people of Canada refused to accept.

The Liberal tariff was the first serious attempt made in Canada towards equality of treatment and reconciliation of conflicting interests. No class or interest was singled out for undue favouritism. The needs of all were considered. Herein lies the difference between the Conservative and Liberal attitudes on the tariff. The formula of the Conservatives for tariff making always has been the simple one of giving protection to the manufacturer without reference to the rest of the community. The Liberals on the other hand believe in being fair all round and in distributing the burdens of taxation as much as possible. Consider the situation for a moment. We have five great sources of national wealth. The farm, forest, fisheries, mines and manufacturing industries, on the income of which we keep our national house. It will be obvious that the interests and needs of these various producing branches are not identical. They conflict in some instances very strongly. The farmer for instance has to pay higher prices for his articles of necessity and comfort by reason of customs duties imposed thereon, whereas the prices for his produce are largely determined in the markets of the world. The miner, too, could buy most of his supplies and machinery cheaper if they were free from duty. The fishermen, who are chiefly located in the provinces forming the extreme boundaries of the Dominion, are unable to supply the markets in our principal centres of population by reason of the great distance separating them therefrom, and are consequently obliged to export the bulk of their catch to foreign markets easier to reach, but where they have to encounter stiff competition. The lumberman also is affected by the tariff on his commodities. Manufacturing industries are of immense benefit to the country, but not more so than the agricultural industries, indeed if we take the population engaged and the capital invested in farming and ranching the agricultural interests bulk greater in the national wealth. Everybody recognizes that manufacturing institutions are necessary to build up a great nation and acknowledges that it would be undesirable to devote our attention purely to pastoral pursuits.

The Liberal Government recognizing all these salient factors endeavoured to strike a fair balance and thereby promote the utmost development in all industrial pursuits. The principal thought in their minds was to provide the maximum of profitable labour for the people in all spheres of activity which surely is the truest and highest duty of statesmanship.

The extent of the reduction in taxation brought about by the tariff can be best arrived at by taking the average rate of customs duty imposed by the Conservatives during the last years they were in office, and applying it to the imports under the Liberal rule. In 1896, which was the last year of Conservative administration, $18.28 was on the average collected on every $100 worth of goods imported into the country. If the same rate had been collected during the time the Liberals were in office, instead of collecting duty to the amount of $605,000,000 they would have collected $685,000,000, so that there was an actual reduction of $80,000,000 in fifteen years. This is at the rate of about $5,500,000 per annum. In addition to this saving one has to consider the reduced price of Canadian manufacturers to the consumer by reason of the reduction in protection, because undoubtedly as a general rule, although not in every case, the selling prices of Canadian manufacturers are based upon the amount of protection they enjoy.

Again there is the indirect saving to the people in reduced prices on foreign exports to Canada, by reason of the operation of a British Preferential tariff. The United States exporters to Canada, for instance, had to reduce their price to Canadian buyers to off-set the reduction in duties in favour of British goods. This is an undoubted fact.

Another way of arriving at the extent of the reduction in taxation brought about by the Liberal Government, is to take the average rate of duty imposed by Conservatives during the eighteen years they were in office, which was $19.10 on every $100 worth of goods imported into the country. If the same rate had been applied to the imports during the fifteen years from 1896 to 1911, the additional taxation which would have been imposed would have amounted to $110,000,000, so that there was a saving to that extent to the people of the country under Liberal rule.

Perhaps the most outstanding feature of the new tariff was the adoption of a preference in favour of British goods, and it was probably the most popular step ever taken by any Government in Canada. Judged by results, it has been highly beneficial alike to Canada, Great Britain and the Empire. This preference at first consisted of a reduction of 1-8 from the general tariff rates. A year or so afterwards the reduction was increased from 1-8 to 1-4 and later to 1-3. Subsequently the flat reduction of 1-3 was abandoned and a specific preferential rate provided for each item or article in the tariff. Such specific rate, however, on the whole averages a reduction of 1-3. The benefits of the preference were given not only to Great Britain but by successive steps to nearly all the British colonies.

The preference granted by the Liberal Government was exactly the tonic that was necessary to stimulate British trade. From the moment it became law the trade started to boom and it has steadily and rapidly increased ever since. But the increase in British trade was not the only beneficial result. The preference substantially reduced duties to the Canadian consumer on the most important staple commodities, and thereby further implemented the pledge of the Liberal party to reduce taxation.

Having dealt with the preference feature of the tariff we will now resume the consideration of the general subject. Well as they believe they had wrought in the creation of their tariff, the Liberal Government were not content. They knew that a great deal more was needed to bring about a betterment of conditions. They felt that the most vigorous and progressive measures were necessary to put Canada in its proper place on the map of the industrial world, and to afford scope for the exercise of the natural ambition of its people. They realized that the farmer could not be benefitted much by protective duties on his produce, but they saw that they could benefit him by enlarging the means, and cheapening the cost, of transportation, and they devoted their best energies towards improving and extending transportation facilities all over the country. They saw also that the manufacturer could be benefitted by enlarging the home market, and they instituted an aggressive immigration policy which developed the great North West in a marvellous way. Step by step in the most vigorous manner and without let-up the great work of building surely and strongly was undertaken, and concurrent with it the country grew more prosperous.

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The finances were so handled as to show a substantial surplus each year instead of the era of deficits in Conservative days.

The great canal system of the country was rushed to completion.

The Crows Nest Pass Railway was built, thereby facilitating the development of the immense mineral resources of interior British Columbia—in the Kootenay District.

The Intercolonial Railway which had its Western terminus in what was then a comparatively small town, namely Levis, was badly handicapped in securing traffic from the West, and was extended to Montreal, the commercial metropolis of the country.

Later on the construction of the Transcontinental Railway was entered upon and was well on towards completion, when the Liberals went out of office in 1911.

By means of Government guarantees and subsidies a third Transcontinental Railway, the Canadian Northern Railway was made possible.

Immigrants to the number of nearly 2,000,000 were brought into the country in fifteen years, a large number of whom went on the land resulting in a magnificent development of the West and North-West.

Free land grants to railways were discontinued and the public lands were reserved for the actual settlers.

Ocean ports, harbours and rivers were vastly improved. A 30-foot clear channel was provided in the St. Lawrence from Montreal to Quebec.

Postal rates were reduced substantially, and the Money Order system simplified and extended.

Free Rural mail delivery was established.

Canal and steam boat duties were abolished in the interest of promoting cheap transportation by water.

A Railway Commission was appointed which admittedly was one of the best pieces of constructive legislation ever adopted in Canada. That Commission became practically the master of the railways.

A Labour Department was created which has done splendid work in averting and settling strikes.

Agriculture was aided in a hundred and one ways.

Cold storage facilities of an excellent character were provided for the products of the farm and fisheries.

Commercial agents were appointed in the principal countries of the world.

A Canadian Mint was established.

The resources of the country were splendidly exhibited at every Exposition held throughout the world.

From time to time the tariff was modified to meet changed conditions, and in 1907 a complete revision was made, again by a committee of the Ministers, after consulting with the people.

The French Treaty was extended so as to comprise our principal productions instead of as formerly only a few articles of comparatively trifling importance.

A treaty was entered into with Japan whereby we got most favoured nation treatment in that country.

As a result of our institution of preferential trade we got a preference in New Zealand. As a direct benefit from this the British Columbia fishermen captured the import trade of that country.

An intermediate tariff was established as a standing invitation to other countries to reciprocate in trade, and Holland, Belgium and Italy were admitted to the benefits of that tariff for corresponding advantages given to us.

Through the efforts of the Liberal Minister of Agriculture the vexatious quarantine regulations that existed for some years between the United States and Canada were abolished.

A sur-tax was imposed upon Germany by way of retaliation for Canadian products being placed on the maximum tariff of Germany.

To prevent the slaughtering of manufactured goods in the Canadian market a law known as the Anti-Dumping Act was passed, which effectively operates against such unfair trade warfare.

A Commission of Conservation was appointed, the object being to conserve our natural resources and to disseminate full information in regard to them.

Dominion Government securities were placed on the favoured trustee list of Great Britain.

An Assay office was established at Vancouver which materially aided in retaining our Yukon trade.

Substantial financial assistance was given towards the construction of a Pacific cable, Canada bearing its full share of this expenditure.

Throughout the career of the Liberal Government the revenues were buoyant, notwithstanding considerable decreased taxation and the financial situation was always of the best.

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In a word, the men at the helm knew their business and attended to it, in a thoroughly workmanlike manner. Their successive acts of genuine, constructive statesmanship along practical lines filled the people with hope, and made them gird up their loins for supreme individual efforts in industrial life. The wisdom of their legislation and administration and its accompanying prosperity of the people attracted the attention of the whole world, particularly the Mother Country, and started a flow of much needed capital to develop our great natural resources, a flow which went on unceasingly throughout the Liberal regime, increasing and increasing all the time as our needs were made manifest. Canada was then the favourite investment field of the Empire.