Chapter IV: Part 4

Under Sir Wilfrid Laurier a new Canada arose. The country found itself and for the first time realized its immense possibilities. It was an era of the full dinner pail, the first golden age in Canada’s history. Every legitimate industry from the Atlantic to the Pacific, speaking generally, prospered. Manufacturing institutions were enlarged and enlarged again and again to meet the demands. The farmers shared in the prosperity probably better than any others. The price of farm products increased materially and the home and foreign markets were greatly extended, the results being seen in the increase in farm land values and a more rapid payment in full of farm mortgages than ever before. The much deplored exodus under the Tory regime was practically stopped. The young Canadian found Canada quite good enough for him.

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When the Laurier Government took office Canada had not yet “found herself.” For years progress had been slow and there appeared to be an almost entire absence of the snap and vigorous aggressiveness which soon after became the characteristic of Canadians. Deficits were annually recorded in the national finances; foreign trade was practically stationary; manufacturers were making little or no headway; the great Northwest was undeveloped; immigrants came in comparatively few numbers, and, what was worse, the country seemed unable to retain her own people. The situation which confronted the new Prime Minister was one calculated to discourage a man whose Canadianism was less confident and sure, whose vision was less clear and whose zeal for service was less imperative.

On the evening of the day upon which the Earl of Aberdeen, then Governor-General, summoned Wilfrid Laurier and entrusted him with the task of forming an Administration—even before the personnel of his Government was announced—he was called upon to make his first public utterance as Prime Minister. It was on the evening of July 8, 1896, at Montreal, and the occasion was, by strange significance, the Canadian reception to the officers of the British warships “Intrepid” and “Tartar.”

“I appreciate to-day,” was the first word of the new Prime Minister, “in the presence of the representatives of the naval forces of our Empire, and occupying the position I do, having just been called a few minutes previously by his Excellency the Governor-General to assume the duties of First Citizen of the Dominion—I appreciate to-day more than ever the strength and significance of that order by Britain’s greatest Admiral on the day of the battle of Trafalgar: ‘England expects every man to do his duty.’ I am going to do my duty, not only by Canada, but by the Empire. Britain, thank God, does not require help from anybody, but if ever the occasion should arise when Britain is summoned to stand against the whole world in arms, she can depend upon the loyal support of Canada and the Canadian people. The Canadian people are free and loyal, loyal because they are free.”

With this pledge Wilfrid Laurier took office as Canada’s Premier. The boy of St. Lin was still preaching his growing conception of Canada and her place in the Empire.

The task of this first French-Canadian Premier was not an easy one. Had he been merely a son of his race, had he been merely a convert to the English-speaking conception, had he been merely the champion of a cause or the balance-wheel of politics, his influence might have maimed the national progress of the Dominion for a century. As it was, he conceived for himself the rôle of a Canadian. He felt that the great need of Canada for Canada—and for the Empire, too—was Canadians. There were plenty of French Nationalists—he had known them in his youth; he found them again in his maturity. There were plenty of Anglo-Saxon ultra-imperialists—he had already become familiar with fire-brand jingoism. There were plenty of indifferent materialists—he realized the danger of their disease to a young and growing country. But Canadians could unify, Canadians could build, Canadians could become great and strong. A Canada of Canadians “free and loyal; loyal because they are free”—was to Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the most potent Imperial asset the Dominion could provide for the motherland. He had studied his history. He knew the fate of empires bound by bonds of brittle iron. He dreaded a crumbling Imperium. He dreaded, too, the idea of a hobbled “sub-nation.” But he had a strong and enduring faith in the assured permanency of an Empire of “free and loyal” daughter Dominions knit together by ties of common interest, common endeavour and common devotion to the cause of democracy and the advancement of Christianity and civilization.

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The Liberalism or the Conservatism that continues to be founded on the accident and the prejudice of birth, that believes in “my party and my father’s party, right or wrong,” is the real cause of the discouraging inertia of public opinion that often allows the self-interested few to practically control elections and governments, that prevents or retards reform and makes of a free democracy a bureaucratic tyranny. Liberalism is a positive reasoned belief and every Liberal should be able, apart from opinions as to the Government or the issues of the day, to justify his faith according to cardinal principles of good government.

What are the fundamental distinctions between Liberalism and Conservatism? The words themselves embody the respective historical attitudes of the two parties toward the main function of government.

Liberalism is in essence the problem of realizing liberty. It seeks the setting free of the mass of the people in regard to self-government, trade, religion, education, industry, in all the manifold ramifications of society. Conservatism, on the other hand, means at bottom restriction. It means the conserving of vested rights, the centralization of government in the “governing classes,” setting the balance on social progress.

The function of government is to define the rights of the individual in terms of the common good and to think of the common good in terms of the welfare of the individual. In the case of Liberalism the emphasis has usually been on the “common good.” In the case of Conservatism the emphasis is usually on the “individual.” Historically the particular “individuals” have belonged to the authoritative or vested interest classes. That motto has been “what we have we hold.” Liberalism has found its main support in the masses. The natural result has been that legislation with each party, has been mainly for the classes their leaders represent.

Liberalism recognizes that the teaching of history shows that progress is more continuous and secure when men are content to deal with great reforms piecemeal than when they seek to destroy root and branch in order to erect a complete new system which has captured the idealistic imagination. But its grappling with reforms is continuous. Conservatism, while believing in “the good of things as they are,” has usually grappled with reforms under the stimulus of an increasingly feared and potent democracy. Liberalism has had to wrench from Conservatism responsible government by the people, manhood suffrage, equal taxation, the right of like opportunity for all classes of the community. Conservatism has clung to precedent, the established order, the old authoritarian basis of government, and has yielded but slowly and as a rule only on compulsion.

Liberalism is ordained of the common people and sprang from a common resistance to the oppression of arbitrary and self-centred rule. Conservatism had its birth in the doctrine of the divine right of kings. The “governing classes” were ordained of God because they themselves arranged the ordination. Liberalism has its principles embodied in the human heart. Conservatism finds its well-springs in its own pockets.

The main battlements of privilege and vested authority have been won by Liberalism through centuries of struggle. The fight of democracy for freedom, for equality of opportunity and for substantial justice, to all individuals of the commonwealth still goes on. There are still inequalities of taxation to be righted, the oppression of vested interests in trade and industry to be overcome, monopolies and trusts to be regulated, the rights of society as a whole to be asserted to the wealth that depends on its own collective enterprise. The increase of the well-being of the masses does not appear to be by any means proportionate to the general growth of wealth. In the sphere of economic legislation, Liberalism still has perhaps its greatest work to do. The welfare of the common man at the common task is its first consideration.

Government of the people, for the people, and by the people is the essence of Liberalism.

The application of these principles to the problems of Canadian politics in relation to provincial, national, imperial and world-wide interests is the work of the Liberal party in Canada.

On the evening of Tuesday, January 14th, 1919, Sir Wilfrid Laurier delivered his last public address. The occasion was the formation of the Eastern Ontario Liberal Association for about twenty ridings in Eastern Ontario. It has been stated that the resolutions adopted upon that occasion and the speech of Sir Wilfrid Laurier clearly set forth the Liberal policy to date.

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A report of the proceedings of that eventful day has been published and Sir Wilfrid’s speech in endorsement of the resolutions adopted may be summarized as follows: Fair treatment of soldiers and sailors, generous care for dependents of the fallen, maintenance of British preferences restored and unimpaired, reciprocity between Canada and the United States in foodstuffs, gradual progress toward freer trade, democratization of labor, abolition of Government by order-in-council, abolition of press censorship, repeal of the War Times Election Act, and for a League of Nations.

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Sir Wilfrid’s acceptance of a Knighthood in 1897, came as a big surprise to all his followers, because his views had been clearly defined on the subject; and it was common talk that he had been offered a knighthood on attaining the Premiership. In the first year of his ministry as such, he went to England to attend the Jubilee of Queen Victoria. The reception accorded him by the British people was remarkable for its warmth. The handsome, distinguished young French-Canadian statesman took London by storm; the press and public acclaiming his talents, and Queen Victoria bestowing upon him particular attention and respect. One evening the Queen gave a dinner for the overseas Prime Ministers. When the young Canadian Premier, who was again honored by being seated next to Her Majesty, took his seat at the banquet table, he found a card upon which Queen Victoria herself had written, “Rt. Hon. Sir Wilfrid Laurier.” There was no way out of such a situation. The aged Queen had taken this means of honoring him, and Sir Wilfrid’s chivalry and gallantry, as well as his genuine affection for the great good monarch, triumphed over his democratic views.

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At the time of his death a Canadian poet wrote, “When I was a boy at Woodstock College, I heard a phrase that floated upon the air, like the magic carpet of the Arabians. It contained the simple news that ‘Laurier is coming.’ He came, we heard him, and in my boyish heart that night was born a new Canada. I was no longer a Conservative or a Liberal. I only knew a white light had passed that I must follow. I had exchanged my knight of arms in history for a crusader in life. The years that poured the first strength of youth into my heart came to the crusader with her gift of silver. One day I walked the streets of London with an unsold story in my pocket, and a four days’ yearning for bread in my soul. Suddenly the white light shone. Laurier had passed me in his carriage upon Piccadilly. I forgot my hunger and cheered, and the multitude, seeing not the light in its brightness, wondered over my joy.”

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“Big John Canadien,” Canada’s most famous guide, made this following curious prediction:—

“When I die you shall be frightened,” he said to Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

The death of Sir Wilfrid Laurier and of Big John at one day’s interval brings to mind a scene witnessed in 1884. They were preparing to celebrate the national holiday, St. Jean Baptiste Day, and the late Mr. A. Corriveau, one of the most zealous organizers of the great national celebration, was conversing with Wilfrid Laurier on Notre Dame Street, near Place D’Armes in Montreal.

When big John arrived with a band of his braves, M. Corriveau, who was acquainted with “Big John,” introduced him to his friends. After a few words of conversation, Sir Wilfrid Laurier asked the Indian how old he was.

“I am 43 years old,” he replied.

“We are almost of the same age,” said Mr. Laurier, “I will be 43 at my next birthday.”

“Well,” replied Big John, “when I die, you shall be frightened.”

Everybody nearby had a good laugh on hearing the Indian’s words, and Big John went away.

Big John died on Sunday, February 23rd., and Sir Wilfrid on Monday, February 24th.

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Some years ago a retired Baptist minister told the following story: “When I was a young man I lived in a small town in Eastern Canada, and about the only well educated men in the place were a lawyer and a doctor, both Roman Catholics. We used to meet almost every afternoon in the lawyer’s office and discuss the affairs of the nation, and almost every subject from religion to politics. One day the young lawyer made a certain statement, when the doctor asked: ‘Where did you get that idea?’ and the lawyer replied (pulling open a drawer in his desk and bringing forth a well-worn Bible), ‘Why, from this Book.’ The doctor said, ‘Why, you don’t read that Book, do you?’ ‘Yes,’ replied the lawyer, ‘I have had this with me since I left home. I promised my mother to read it every day, and I have never broken my word, because, no matter where I am, I have read a portion of this good Book every day of my life since I gave that promise.’” Mr. Richardson asked me who I thought the young lawyer was, but I could not tell, so he said, “It was Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and we have been close friends ever since, although he is a Roman Catholic and I am a Baptist minister. Does this not in some manner account for Sir Wilfrid’s broad-mindedness in matters of religion?”

A gentleman brought a friend in to lunch at the Reform Club. On that particular day Sir Wilfrid happened to be there, lunching. The friend’s name was Mr. Lambe and he expressed a desire to be introduced to Sir Wilfrid, so, after luncheon in the clubroom, he was presented. When shaking hands with the “Chief” he started to explain that he was not a supporter of the Liberal party. Sir Wilfrid continued shaking hands during the short explanation, and then reached over with his left hand, and, placing it on Mr. Lambe’s shoulder, said:

“Well, never mind, Mr. Lambe, you know there is more rejoicing in Heaven over the return of one lost sheep,” etc.

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In 1906, when Sir Wilfrid was returned to power, the Liberals gave him a reception at the old Horticultural Gardens. The “Chief” arrived, accompanied by quite a party, and, as a prominent supporter was about to shake hands with him, a little man who had been imbibing, pushed him aside, held out his hand, and said in a loud voice:

“Welcome to ‘Taranta,’ Mr. ‘Larier’.”

This was momentarily embarrassing to those assembled, but the “Chief” shook hands heartily with him and asked his name. The little man gave his name as Lynch, whereupon the “Chief” exclaimed:

“A good Irish name, and a good Irish welcome,” and thus passed off lightly what might have proved embarrassing.

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A very illuminating incident occurred at the Union Station on one of Sir Wilfrid’s last visits to Toronto which reveals the manner of his appeal to his people. Two young ladies spied the old statesman walking up and down the platform by his private car. One of them insisted that it was Sir Wilfrid, the other that it was not. A newspaper reporter overheard the argument and settled it by answering them that it was, indeed, the dean of the House of Commons.

“I wonder if we could shake hands with him?” enquired the girls, excitedly.

The reporter approached Sir Wilfrid and said:

“There are two young ladies who would esteem it an honor to shake your hand. May I bring them to you, Sir Wilfrid?”

“You may NOT, my young friend!” said Sir Wilfrid, “But you may take me to them.”

Which he did, and so gracefully added to his legions.

Much has been said of his affection for children, another expression after all, of that same kindness and dignity. A Toronto newspaper editor when a boy of fourteen, wrote a long letter to Sir Wilfrid from the boy’s point of view, referring to politics and to Sir Wilfrid’s stand on prohibition and other reforms. Deep as he was in the work of Parliament at the time, Sir Wilfrid did not neglect to reply promptly, and in a fine, courteous letter, said that he would be glad to discuss the questions at greater length when he should happen to visit the lad’s home-town. And when Sir Wilfrid passed through that way, the lad was invited to dinner with him. The politically “kind” man couldn’t do that. It required Sir Wilfrid’s genuine emotions towards the young.

While humor did not abound in Sir Wilfrid’s speeches and debates, he had a shrewd wit, equal to all occasions. In a debate twitting Sir Charles Tupper on Sir Charles’s reminiscences of his political services, Sir Wilfrid said that between Sir Charles and Sir John A. Macdonald they had sailed the ship of state pretty successfully, Sir John supplying the brains and Sir Charles supplying the wind to fill the sails.

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Campaigning through the country Sir Wilfrid was always master of the situation. There was withal, something of the “grand seigneur” about him. He had a keen sense of dramatic values. While he yielded to the worship of those who crowded his car to shake his hand, he did not show himself to the public one moment before it was necessary. Sometimes the clamor of admirers forced him from his bed at midnight. With all the love for applause, characteristic of his race, and of the dramatic temperament, his common sense never deserted him. During his last tour of Nova Scotia, one morning his boat barely landed when an enthusiastic young woman crossed the gang plank and handed him an armful of flowers. Such is to be expected as part of every meeting, but there on the bare deck of a steamer the chieftain was nonplussed. As he laid the gift on the hatch he turned and said over his shoulder: “Is a man ever so helpless as he is with a bouquet?”

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On one occasion an excited supporter telegraphed:

“Report in circulation here, that your antagonism to religion is so strong, that you have never had any of your children baptized. Very damaging to party. Telegraph me if untrue.”

Sir Wilfrid’s reply was characteristic:

“Statement is unfortunately quite true. I have never had a child to baptize.”

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Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s ability to remember faces which had presented themselves to his view, perhaps, years previously, was something to marvel at. Many men possess this power but few have ever held it in greater proportion than did the late statesman.

A Brockville man relates that on being introduced to Sir Wilfrid, not long ago, the “old chief” looked at him intently for a moment and then said: “Just a minute, let me think where I have seen you before.” He thought for a brief period and then exclaimed: “I have it. You are one of —— ——’s bad little boys and you sat in the front row at my meeting in Cornwall in 1912.” Such had been the case.

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His first appearance in public life revealed the qualities that were to make him famous. His début in the Legislature is said by those whose memories go back to that time, to have produced a sensation, not more by the finished grace of his oratorical abilities than by the boldness and authority with which he handled the deepest political problems. The effect of his fluent, cultivated and charming discourse is described by Frechette, the poet, as magical. On the following day, he writes, the name of Laurier was on every lip, and all who then heard it will remember how those two syllables rang out true and clear, their tone that of a coin of gold, pure from all alloy, and bearing the impress of sterling worth.

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The Royal tour of 1901 at times put the serenity of Sir Wilfrid to a severe test. He was a man who enjoyed manifestations of popular good-will as well as anybody; and as a politician was not oblivious to the necessity of avoiding offence to any well-meaning supporter. He accompanied the Heir-Apparent and the future Queen across the continent, and was sometimes embarrassed by the efforts of coteries in remote settlements to play the political game by making him the hero of the occasion. On one occasion, a Liberal association, learning that the Royal train was to lie on a railway siding for half an hour, sought to improve the occasion by presenting him with an address. The annoyance of Sir Wilfrid at so notorious a breach of etiquette, was undoubtedly great, but he managed to send the deputation home without ruffling their feelings, though preserving the decorum of his position as an official host of the future occupant of the throne.

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Political leaders receive a great deal of honor, particularly while they are the custodians of power, but they have also much to put up with from indiscreet followers. In such cases, they have to display an unfailing tact, for they never know but that the gad-fly may have sufficient influence in his bailiwick to swing an entire township to the opposite party, if affronted. Twenty years ago, in the old station dining room at Palmerston, Ont., one saw Sir Wilfrid deal with such importunities. It was at a time when there was a great hullabaloo about the supposed attitude of the late Mr. Tarte toward the South African War. The room was thronged with spectators anxious to see whether a Prime Minister really ate like ordinary mortals; and a local Liberal magnate undertook to inform Sir Wilfrid that the “boys around here” did not like Tarte, and asked what he was going to do with the then Minister of Public Works. Sir Wilfrid first ignored the question and tried to change the subject, but the henchman did not take the hint. The Premier’s secretary was beside himself with rage at the bad taste of the interlocutor, but the leader himself betrayed no annoyance. “Oh, you don’t understand Mr. Tarte,” he said, genially, and suddenly bethought himself of a funny story illustrating misunderstandings. Nevertheless, he was a very relieved chieftain when the whistle blew and the brakeman cried “All aboard.”

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Another tribute to Sir Wilfrid Laurier has been paid by L.-Col. Johnson Paudash, now in Lindsay, who served for some time overseas with a Central Ontario battalion. The late Premier, it is stated, presented Col. Paudash with a service of silver, and also wrote to him several times while he was on active service in France. Col. Paudash had interviewed Sir Wilfrid several times, while he was Premier, on behalf of the different Indian tribes, and states that he at all times found him courteous and kind, and a good friend of the Indian. He and others of his tribe sincerely mourn the passing of the great “White Chief,” as they affectionately called the late Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

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Sir Wilfrid Laurier maintained his pride and interest in Ottawa to the last. It is understood that a clause in his will dedicates to the Capital City all the tokens of honor bestowed on him during his distinguished public career.

Many of these are almost of priceless value. They include the testimonials conveying the freedom of cities in the United Kingdom. The casket containing the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, one of the most beautiful of the collection, is solidly encrusted with diamonds.

The intention is that these souvenirs shall find a place in the war memorial building which will doubtless be erected in Ottawa before long.

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In his early days, at a campaign meeting, a Mr. Mousseau, a man of gigantic bulk, accused the Ministers of the Government of fattening on the sweat of the people. Sir Wilfrid, tall, slender, and frail, rose, pointed to his huge and bulky accuser and asked: “Who is fattening on the people?”

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His hold on the hearts of his countrymen in Quebec was tremendous, and is best illustrated in the famous yarn of the old habitant, who on hearing that Queen Victoria had died and the Prince of Wales was now to become King, said:

“By gar, dat Prince of Wale must have a good pull wit’ Laurier!”

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His visit to the Queen’s Jubilee in 1897, was greeted with a reception that was almost regal. He was made a member of the Privy Council, appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, and received in audiences by the Queen. The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge conferred honorary degrees upon him, and the Cobden Club admitted him to honorary membership, and awarded him its gold medal, in recognition of his exceptional and distinguished services to the cause of international and free exchange. The new departure in Imperial policy, the Preferential Tariff, which Sir Wilfrid was able to arrange during this visit, caused the London Times to say: “Laurier’s name must live in the annals of the British Empire.”

A few years later, 1902, he again visited Great Britain to be present at the ceremonies in connection with the crowning of His late Majesty King Edward VII., the Sovereign of the British Empire and British Dominions beyond the Seas. Again in 1907, Sir Wilfrid attended with a number of Ministers upon the invitation of the Imperial Government, a Conference of all the Premiers in His Majesty’s possessions. In 1911 he attended the ceremonies in connection with the crowning of King George V. Upon this, as upon other occasions, he was admirably received by the press and people wherever he went throughout Great Britain. In 1904, the London Daily News of September 14th., of that year, remarked that “Sir Wilfrid Laurier is easily the first statesman of Greater Britain.”

The following are some of the Press comments on Sir Wilfrid during the Imperial Conference of 1907:—The Daily News of London in a review of “The Race Question in Canada,” declared “Sir Wilfrid Laurier has won his title to be considered as a true statesman because, although always a faithful Catholic, he has declined to be dominated by the forces of Ultramontanism. The hope of the fusion of the races, Sir Wilfrid Laurier once declared, into a single one is Utopian. It is an impossibility. The distinctions of nature will exist always. But he went on to say, if we remember rightly, that the two races would none the less form a great nation under the British Flag, and it is, of course, the supreme achievement of Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s political career that he has devoted himself to the attainment of this ideal.”

The Western Daily Press of Bristol, England, stated:—“Sir Wilfrid Laurier is in himself an excellent illustration of the success of the British plan of making various great parts of the Empire responsible for the control of their own affairs. There was a time when the race problem in Canada was one affording cause for gravest anxiety; that belongs to the past; and the world is familiar with the fact that Sir Wilfrid, the first French-Canadian who has been Premier of the Dominion, is a man probably without a rival in the confidence felt in him in this country.”

The London Times of April 15th., 1907, editorially stated:—Sir Wilfrid Laurier, whom we welcome as probably the best known of all Canadian statesmen, comes of French-Canadian stock, but he has shown by his career that this is no disqualification for doing valued service to the Empire.

The Tribune of London, referring to Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s stirring speech at the Guildhall in 1907, characterized the Canadian Premier’s deliverance on that occasion as:—A speech that will certainly find a place in future histories of the British Empire.

The Daily News of London stated:—The destinies of Canada were not settled by the war which made England instead of France supreme in North America. There came the second crisis, and if that second crisis had not been faced with the courage, genius, and imagination of Liberalism, there would have been no men of Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s race and blood at yesterday’s lunch, and the Colony which is proud to count in its ancestry the heroism of a Montcalm as well as the heroism of a Wolfe would have sent no representative to the capital. For the distinction of the British Empire consists not in the conquests of its arms, but in the reconciliation of its statesmanship, in the generous wisdom which has shown that the British flag can shelter and respect the traditions, the sympathies, and the consciences of races that are not British by blood or history. This is what was in Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s mind when he pointed with pride to the great British act of the present government. (The Great British Act was the Constitution granted to South Africa, or the Transvaal.)

A few days after the coronation of their Majesties King George V. and Queen Mary, a thanksgiving service was held in St. Paul’s Cathedral. The high place which Sir Wilfrid Laurier occupies in the esteem of the British people of all classes is indicated by the manner in which he was greeted on his way to the cathedral and received there. The cable message reproduced below from the Montreal Star (Conservative), of June 29th., 1911, gives a brief summary of this grand cordiality:—

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, as he passed through the crowded streets from the Palace to the Cathedral (St. Paul’s), had, perhaps, the greatest reception of his entire visit. In his full levee uniform and cocked hat, he sat alone in the first of the State carriages, looking every inch of him a great personage.

Upon the box of the carriage were two magnificently attired Royal servants, whose brilliant scarlet coats flashed all down the line of route, and as the prancing steeds drew the carriage along the broad centres, between strictly kept lines of police and soldiers, the London populace, who crowded the sidewalks, cheered again and again.

“That’s Laurier,” they cried. “That’s Canada. Give them a cheer,” and they did it right heartily.

Sir Wilfrid Laurier was obviously delighted. He kept his hand moving up and down to and from his cocked hat, thus giving a military salute of the Royal pattern and not raising his hat as lesser mortals might do.

When Sir Wilfrid reached the Cathedral, another honour awaited him. The Lord Mayor of London and other dignitaries, no matter how gorgeous their attire, were sent around to the smaller north or south doors; but Sir Wilfrid’s carriage was directed by the police to none other than the Royal and crimson carpeted entrance at the main west door, where the Bishop of Ripon received him on behalf of the Anglican Church. As he passed up the steps into the Cathedral, his uniform, slashed with the blue band of a Knight of the Grand Cross of St. Michael and St. George, came into full view, and made him a most notable figure.

Some of the notable expressions regarding Sir Wilfrid’s achievements in 1907, in Great Britain were penned by the late Sir Charles Tupper, ex-Premier of the Dominion of Canada and formerly for some years High Commissioner at London, England. Writing in the Nineteenth Century, May, 1907, Sir Charles expressed himself as follows:—“My distinguished successor in the Prime Ministership of Canada has during these past few memorable days asserted with a persuasiveness all his own that the British Empire ‘rests upon foundations firmer than the rock and as endurable as the ages.’”

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A noted English writer has said: “I have seen and heard many colonial public men, but Sir Wilfrid is the only one who would have become a national figure had he been transplanted to Westminster. I have never seen him in the Canadian Parliament without wishing that instead he was at Westminster, for then it would be easy to decide as to the leadership of the Liberal party.”

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In office or out of office, he is the most considerable figure in Greater Britain. Such was the estimate of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, made by one of the premier political observers of England, Mr. John L. Garvin.

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On the occasion of Sir Wilfrid’s sixty-sixth birthday the London Morning Post said: “No other statesman could have accomplished so much in the short space of a life-time as the great French-Canadian who combines an imaginative eloquence unsurpassed in British history with the charm and courtesy of a cultivated Frenchman.”

The above writer enumerated some of the outstanding measures of the Laurier administration and added: “Measures wherein a business capacity was not less necessary than imagination and courage.”

Moreover, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the French Roman Catholic Premier of a self-governing federation in which British Protestants are in the majority, has expressed more faithfully and more truly than any statesman who has spoken yet, the temper of the new imperial patriotism fostered into self-consciousness by the South African war.

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His visit to the Queen’s Jubilee in 1897, was greeted with a reception that was almost regal. He was made a member of the Privy Council, appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George, and received in audience by the Queen. The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge conferred honorary degrees upon him, and the Cobden Club admitted him to honorary membership, and awarded him its gold medal, in recognition of his exceptional and distinguished services to the cause of international and free exchange. The new departure in Imperial policy, which Sir Wilfrid was able to arrange during this visit, caused the London Times to say: Laurier’s name must live in the annals of the British Empire.

The Tribune:—Among Canadian statesmen of our day Sir Wilfrid Laurier ranked first. The Canada of the present is in a large measure his work. His horizon was spacious. His loyalty to his own race, religion and section did not prevent him from pursuing a broad national policy.

The Sun:—Sir Wilfrid Laurier’s public life of nearly half a century, covers the development of Canada from a colony into something very like an independent nation. The 15 years in which he served as Premier saw the greatest growth of the Dominion in railroads, trade and agriculture for any period in its marvelous history. It has often been the subject of comment that Sir Wilfrid being French by race and Catholic by religion, should have been able to remain so long the dominant figure in Canadian politics, but his qualities enabled him at all times to rise superior to matters of personal preference.

The World:—His name is one of the greatest in the history of the sister republic.

The New York Times:—Sir Wilfrid’s culminant hour abroad was at the Diamond Jubilee of 1897, or at the coronations of Edward VII., and George V. No other colonial statesman so impressed the English. This French-Canadian, this first French-Canadian Premier, this bilingual orator, this personage of authority, suavity, dignity, and distinction, has not left his like behind. Resourceful, subtle, a master of debate, the unmatchable leader of the Liberals, he seemed to belong to the generation of Disraeli and Palmerston and Gladstone. If on conscription he was opposed to prevailing public sentiment, so he had been on reciprocity; and he should have the credit of honesty of opinion on the one as on the other policy. In 1896 he fought the Quebec bishops on the question of Separate Public Schools in Manitoba. He had almost too much talent. He always had courage enough. And he earnestly supported the Entente in the war.

To most in Ottawa the end had come with dramatic suddenness because his distinguished figure, striking face and debonair smile were familiar to all residents. Never for a moment did he relinquish his keen interest in life, in people, and in all the various events which make up the life of the Capital, and so he was to be seen regularly at meetings of the Canadian Club and gatherings of various associations which made Ottawa their headquarters. In public he displayed no sign that time had yet weakened his physical edifice, and public men to-day say that in private conversation up to near the end he displayed the same acumen, charm and ready wit which had always distinguished him. Very near friends, however, say that he realized the end could not be delayed many years, chiefly because of the growing weakness and lassitude which he felt on rising in the mornings. During the day it always wore off, and he fought courageously against the weakness, rising always at his regular hour, day after day getting the better of his weakness, and never under any circumstance showing anything but a cheerful countenance.

On Sunday morning when he had his first fainting attack of some minutes’ duration he himself felt it to be the realization of the premonition which he had experienced and occasionally mentioned to close friends. For the moment, entirely oblivious to all but the attack, he said quietly to Lady Laurier: “It is the end.” Later, however, when he had partially recovered and was able to talk he did not speak as though he expected the end so soon. He seemed to think that, after all, he had weathered the attack, for when the gong rang for luncheon he rose with the intention of appearing at the table. His courageous habit of always combatting weakness, in this case was his undoing, as it brought on a second stroke, or the first one, if the fainting fit in the morning is not regarded as the result of a slight stroke.

* * * * *

“Every farm house and every village within twenty miles is empty to-day,” said one who knows Ottawa well, on the morning of the funeral of Sir Wilfrid Laurier. Although the dead Leader was buried with all the civil pomp of a State funeral and all the high ceremonial of an ancient Church, the plain people also bore their part. If you are a day laborer, there were just such workmen as you showing their respect and mourning; if you are a farmer, there were just such farmers as you standing with uncovered heads when the hearse went by. No matter who you are or what your station in life—high or lowly, rich or poor, proud or humble—you were truly represented at the funeral of this man who, because he was so chivalrous and so human, belonged to all classes and to all the people.

Before Ottawa was stirring, the city was already being filled with the gathering crowd. To the ordinary passenger accommodation of the railways many special trains had been added to bring visitors from other cities and distant provinces. While the gathering crowd was pouring in from the stations, the streets approaching the city were filled with people coming in all manner of vehicles, and even with thousands coming afoot. By the time the Capital was awake it was already in the possession of what was perhaps the greatest crowd it has ever known. As the day was mild—a grey day, frosty but kindly, with snow under foot and the sun shining through a thick haze—the visitors were able to stand about in the streets without discomfort. The route of the funeral procession having been announced, every available point of observation was crowded long before the proceedings began. All was orderly, as was to be expected, but the prevailing air was one of cheerfulness. Their hero had lived to the fullness of time, and they had come to show their respect, rather than to mourn. Everywhere groups were engaged in low-voiced conversation, and at times even hushed laughter might be heard. This would be when someone told a treasured story about the dead Chieftain.

But as all the stories told illustrated the other world and other time courtliness of manner, which often made him appear in startling contrast with crude surroundings, there was no disrespect in telling or appreciating them at such a time. Those who told them and those who heard them only loved him the more for graces they admired but could not emulate.

Those who had been favored by the Government with invitations to the State funeral began to assemble early at the Museum, where the body lay in state in the room that is now being used by the Commons. Every walk of Canadian public activity was represented. Besides the high officials of the State, men eminent in the Church, education and social life of the country were represented. Mingling with these, who were mostly young or still in the full vigor of life, were many grey-haired veterans, colleagues of the dead statesman in early campaigns, whose faces were once familiar in the Capital. By 10 o’clock the corridors were crowded. There was much handshaking, and introductions back and forth, while they waited to take their part in the formal farewell to the dead.

Presently officials began to call out instructions, now in English, now in French, and the procession began to form. Following the hearse was a display that would have amazed anyone who thinks of Canada as a land of ice and snow. Half a score of sleighs bearing huge terraced floats that had been built for the occasion were piled high with the floral offerings that had been sent from all parts of Canada or ordered by cable and telegraph from all parts of the world. Banked against a background of flowing purple and funereal black, these many-colored flowers made summer in the midst of winter and brought the seasons in mourning behind that sable hearse. Slowly and with fitting majesty the long procession wound through the white streets with their unbroken guard of citizens. At no place between the Museum and the Basilica, where High Mass was celebrated, was there a spot where anyone could stand or crowd in that was not occupied. As the hearse passed, bearing what was mortal of him who had put on immortality, the watchers uncovered their heads, and their eyes were dimmed by a sudden gust of tears.

In the Basilica, which was draped in black, purple, and gold for this Imperial mourning, the coffin was placed in a golden catafalque crowned with lighted tapers. High overhead was suspended a huge crown with streamers of black and purple looped away into the dim distances of the pillared cathedral. High dignitaries chanted the Mass, while the choir responded to the full music of the great organ. Nothing was lacking to add state and awe to the passing of this simple citizen, who in life needed nothing beyond his native dignity to make him first among the peers.

When the funeral service was over and we passed out of the dim aisles of the Basilica I looked up and saw with sudden exaltation that the sun had broken through the mists and clouds and was shining down as if mourning had been turned to rejoicing. So it seemed, and so I shall believe it to be. I, who had come in from the fields and the open spaces, felt that a great work was ended and that a greater had begun. I felt that all that had raised this man above his fellows and apart from them was now put away. The last ceremonial was ended. Now that his body had been laid in death with the Kings and counsellors of the earth, the spirit of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, a man of the people, had passed into the wide spaces, golden sunshine and open air of the land he loved, to be an inspiration to all Canadians as long as chivalry, courtesy and high achievements are prized among men.

APPENDIX “A.”

Chronology of the life of Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

1841—Born at St. Lin, Quebec, November 20, of Acadian descent on his mother’s side.

1847—Went to school in New Glasgow, 1850 to L’Assomption College, and in 1857 to McGill University.

1860—Became a law student.

1864—Took degree Bachelor of Civil Law at McGill. Called to Quebec Bar.

1866—Served against Fenian Raid.

1868—Was married to Miss Zoe Lafontaine.

1869—Ensign in Arthabaska Infantry Co.

1871-4—Member of Quebec Legislature for Drummond and Arthabaska.

1877—Elected to Commons for Drummond and Arthabaska.

1877—Sworn in as Privy Councillor and appointed Minister of Inland Revenue in the Mackenzie Cabinet, but was defeated in the bye-election.

1877—Elected to House of Commons for Quebec East.

1880—Made Queen’s Counsel.

1887—Elected leader of the Liberal Party.

1889—Bâtonnier of the Bar (Arthabaska).

1889—Spoke in Toronto for the first time.

1896—Came into power as Premier of Canada.

1897—Established the British Preference. Knighted at Queen Victoria’s Jubilee. Visited Washington in the interests of seal fisheries and better trade relations.

1898—Member of Joint High Commission to Consider Trade with Britain and U. S.

1899—Made an honorary Colonel. Despatched the Canadian Expedition to South African War.

1900—Inaugurated the Western Canada Immigration policy.

1901—Received the Duke and Duchess of Cornwall, and accompanied them across Canada.

1902—Attended the Colonial Trade Conference.

1903—Introduced the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Scheme.

1904—Elected Member for Wright, also for Quebec East.

1905—Established the new Provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta.

1907—Attended the Imperial Conference.

1908—Elected Member for Ottawa. Received the Prince of Wales at Quebec Tercentenary.

1909—Voted with the whole House on the “Unanimous Resolution” re Canadian Navy.

1910—Passed the Canadian Naval Service Act.

1911—Represented Canada at Coronation of King George and Queen Mary. Liberal Government defeated at the polls on Question of Reciprocity in Natural Products with the United States.

1912—Toured Ontario.

1913—Led the Opposition forces in the “Naval Blockade” in Parliament.

1914—Co-operated with Sir Robert Borden in the “Councils of War.”

1915—Maintained a Parliamentary Truce in House during War session.

1917—Was asked by Sir Robert Borden to enter a Union Government, but declined.

Led the Opposition forces in the general election in opposition to the conscription issue. Opposition was defeated, and Union Government elected by large majority. Sir Wilfrid personally was elected in his old seat of Quebec East, but was defeated in Ottawa.

1918—Led the Parliamentary Liberal Opposition to the Union Government in the House of Commons.

1919—Died in Ottawa, February 17.

APPENDIX “B.”

Thanks are extended to the following papers and writers for permission to use published articles and other material:

The Lindsay Post; Fred Landon; The London Advertiser; The Regina Leader; The Waterloo Chronicle; The Journal of Commerce; Saturday Night; The St. Thomas Times-Journal; The Montreal Herald; The Daily Telegraph; The Mail and Empire; The Eganville Leaflet; Calgary Herald; Kingston Whig; The Halifax Chronicle; Fredericton, N.B., Mail; Brockville Recorder; Woodstock Sentinel-Review; The Statesman; St. John Globe; Ottawa Journal; Canadian Baptist; Vancouver Sun; Saskatoon Phoenix; Kingston Standard; Toronto Star Weekly; Peterborough Examiner; Athens Reporter; Bracebridge Gazette; Amherst Daily News; Halifax Echo; The Montreal Star; The Ottawa Citizen; The Quebec Telegraph; the Daily Telegraph, St. John, N.B.; Moncton, N.B., Times; The Toronto Daily News; J. W. Mallon, Daily Star, Toronto; Hamilton Times; Austin Mosher; The Montreal Gazette; Alexander Smith, barrister, Ottawa; Harry Anderson, The Globe, Toronto; Mr. P. C. Larkin, Toronto; Hon. Chas. Murphy, Ottawa; Hector Charlesworth, Toronto.

We also thank the Dominion Press Clipping Bureau for its valuable assistance.

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Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious printing errors have been silently corrected.

Inconsistencies in hyphenation, spelling and punctuation have been preserved.