Chapter D: E S C R I B’d (3)

The imposts of these _trilithons_ are all of the same height. Mr. _Webb_ p. 61. “informs us, the architrave lying on the top of the great stones of the hexagon and mortaised also into them sixteen foot long, 3 foot 9 inches broad, 3 foot 4 inches high.” Mr. _Webb’s_ 16 foot long, is too scanty, it amounting to 9 cubits and 2 palms, but the intent of the founders was to make these imposts equal both in length and breadth to the foundation of the upright stones that supports them, I mean the two stones at bottom, the sustaining part of the _compages_, which in its whole breadth makes 10 cubits; and 10 cubits long the imposts are to be assign’d. Most certainly whoever undertake to measure them, whether from those fallen on the ground, or still in their proper place, will be apt to fail in giving them just length. Both because 1. ’tis observable that these imposts are form’d somewhat broader upwards, than in their bottom part; but this may not be taken notice of by every one. This was done very judiciously upon an optical principle, which it is plain the founders were aware of. For a stone of so considerable an elevation, by this means only, presents its whole face in view. Therefore they that measure it at bottom will not take its true length. 2. If they take the dimension, either from a stone still in its proper place, or from one fallen down, they will be very liable to shorten the measure. For in the first case, the upper edge of these imposts, must needs have suffer’d from the weather, in so elevated an exposure, thro’ the space of 2000 years. It is very apparent they have suffered not a little. Large and deep furrows of age are visible all around them. But if they measure those fallen, they must well imagine such have doubly suffered, from weather, and from the people every day diminishing all corners and edges, to carry pieces away with them. So that in this case, analogy and symmetry only can supply these defeats. Thus we found before, that the breadth of the imposts of the outer circle is equal to their ichnographical breadth: so it is here, being 10 cubits. Besides, the outer face of these imposts is longer than the inner, as being in the larger circle. Therefore ten cubits is to be understood their medium measure.

_The orthographical Section of Stonehenge upon the Cross diameter._]

Mr. _Webb_ gives it as a general measure, that they are 3 foot 9 inches broad. He has before told us, the uprights which support them were 3 foot 9 thick; take that twice, it makes 7 foot and a half, which he assigns for the breadth, of the uprights. This is all just within a trifle, and it is not expected that he who was not aware of the cubit, by which these works were made, should do it with greater accuracy. The truth of the whole is this: _Webb_’s 7 foot and half is 4 cubits and a half, as we said before; the half of it is 3 foot 9, and a very little more. But this must be taken for the least breadth of the imposts, that at the ends. For in the middle they are somewhat broader. Tho’ the inside faces are strait, yet, as we observ’d, in proper place, of the imposts of the outer circle; so here, they are rounded behind: their outer circumference answering to the great oval upon which they are founded. So likewise their ends are made upon a _radius_ of that oval, whence the inner face of the impost is somewhat shorter than the outer, and is another reason why their lengths may easily be taken somewhat too short. I have drawn the imposts in their true shape in the ground-plot. The artifice of the tenons and mortaises of these _trilithons_ and their imposts, what conformity they bear to that of the outer circle, is exceedingly pretty, every thing being done truly geometrical, and as would best answer every purpose, from plain and simple principles. In the bottom face of the impost, if divided into three squares, the two mortaises are made in the middle of the two outermost squares. Draw diagonal lines from corner to corner; where they intersect, is the center of the mortaise; which central distance from one to the other, is seven cubits of the Druid measure. Each tenon is a cubit broad upon its longest diameter, for they are of an oval figure. An admirable contrivance, that the imposts should lie firm upon the heads of the uprights, and keep the uprights steady in their places, to strengthen and adorn. We may remark this pretty device, in the management of the tenons and mortaises. Cut an egg across upon its shortest diameter or conjugate; one half thereof represents the shape of the tenons of the outer circle. Cut it across upon its transverse diameter, one half is the shape of the tenons of the _adytum_. ’Tis evident the meaning of it is this. The tenons of the outer circle are higher in proportion, than the others, because the imposts are less and lower than the others, and on both accounts more liable to be disturb’d, either by accident or violence, than the others: therefore more caution is us’d for their preservation. This is an instance of art, noble and simple withal. Mr. _Webb_ says the imposts are 3 foot 4 inches high, which is precisely 2 cubits, a sixth part of the height of the _medium_ order of _trilithons_; as the imposts of the outer circle are a sixth part of the height of the stones of the outer circle. The medium order of _trilithons_ is above 24 foot high, _i. e._ 14 cubits. The lower order is 13 cubits, _viz._ those next the entrance. The upper _trilithon_ behind the altar was 15 cubits. Each rising a cubit higher than the other, as we before observ’d.

I promis’d to show the reader what _Stonehenge_ is, and what it was. The latter, I presume, is done in the four prints, TAB. XII, XIV, XV, XVI. being geometric orthographical sections of the whole work, all necessary ways, such as architects prepare in design, when they set about a building. ’Tis wholly needless to spend many words in explaining them. What the work is, of our _adytum_ at present, is shown in the subsequent prints, TAB. XVIII, XXI, XXII. The Vth corresponds with the XIIth. The one shows the front of the temple when in perfection, the other as now in ruins. The XVIth may be compar’d with XIX and XX. all presenting a view from the _adytum_ toward the entrance. TAB. XVIII. is a contrary view, when one standing by the entrance, looks toward the _adytum_. The same is presented in _Plate_ VII. which I call a peep into the _sanctum sanctorum_. XXII. is the same, but a little oblique. This plate shows at present, what the XIVth does in its original. _Plate_ XV and XXI. correspond, showing the _adytum_ on one side, in its perfect, and in its ruinous state. Particularly they explain, what I spoke of, as to the orderly rising of the _trilithons_ in height, one above another, from the lower end to the upper end of the _adytum_. TAB. XXII. illustrates it, by exhibiting to view, the other and most perfect side of the _adytum_. ’Tis an oblique prospect of it, from the entrance.

The quantity of the solid is well adjusted, in proportioning the stone-work of this _adytum_, to the intervals upon the ichnography. Each _trilithon_ is 10 cubits, and each interval about 6. The jambs, or _vacuum_ of the entry expand themselves to 25 cubits, which is about 43 feet. From which measure my Lord _Pembroke_ demonstrated the falsity of _Webb_’s hexagonal scheme, when his Lordship first did me the honour to discourse about _Stonehenge_. In Mr. _Webb_’s designs, we find two jambs (taking one _trilithon_ away) expand but little above 31 feet, by his own scales. Tho’ I don’t pretend, but that some of my foregoing measures, may here and there possibly vary a little, upon a very strict trial, and where proper judgment is not us’d, because the stones in some parts may protuberate, or great parts of them may have fallen off; yet 10 foot difference from truth cannot be allow’d of. In the _Plates_ XIX and XX. observe the inside of that upright stone, which makes the northern jamb of the chief entrance of the outer circle. A very great piece is fallen off towards the top, which discovers its tenon and the mortaise of the impost above it. And in the management of such prodigious stones as these are, fix’d in the ground, and ramm’d too like posts: ’tis not to be wonder’d at, if by chance we find some little variation. Tho’ for my own part, I observ’d none; rather wonder’d, how it was possible for them, without lewices and the like devices, to set them in their places to such preciseness. And the reader, whose mind has receiv’d no prepossession, cannot but be abundantly satisfy’d, that the multitude of measures I have given from Mr. _Webb_’s own account, are perfectly agreeable to the scale of cubits, deduc’d from works of the _Egyptians_ and others: and that in round and full numbers, not trifling fractions. If we collate the numbers given, with the _Roman_ scale, the measures appear very ridiculous and without design; and that is a sure way of confuting the opinion, of its being a _Roman_ work. But as these stones are generally rough, and by time must suffer in all dimensions, ’tis not practical to take their true measure, without necessary judgment, and relation had to symmetry.

Of these greater stones of the _adytum_, as I observed before, there are none wanting. They are all on the spot, 10 upright stones, 5 cornishes. The _trilithon_ first on the left hand is entire _in situ_, but vastly decay’d, especially the cornish. There are such deep holes corroded, in some places, that daws make their nests in them. The next _trilithon_ on the left hand, is entire, compos’d of three most beautiful stones. The cornish happen’d to be of a very durable kind of _English_ marble, and has not been much impair’d by weather. My Lord _Winchelsea_ and myself took a considerable walk on the top of it, but it was a frightful situation. The _trilithon_ of the upper end of the _adytum_, was an extraordinary beauty. But alas through the indiscretion probably, of some body digging there, between them and the altar, the noble impost is dislodg’d from its airy seat, and fallen upon the altar, where its huge bulk lies unfractur’d.

_Recidit in solidam longo post tempore, terram
Pondus, & exhibuit junctam cum viribus artem._ Ovid _Met._

The two uprights that supported it are the most delicate stones of the whole work. They were, I believe, above 30 foot long, and well chizell’d, finely taper’d and proportion’d in their dimensions. That southward is broke in two, lying upon the altar. The other still stands entire, but leans upon one of the stones of the inward oval.

_Jamjam lapsura cadentique
Imminet assimilis_——————

The root-end or unhewn part of both, are rais’d somewhat above ground. We cannot be sure of the true height of this, when it was perfect: but I am sure 15 cubits, which I have assign’d, is the lowest. The next _trilithon_, _that_ toward the west, is intire, except that some of the end of the impost is fallen clean off, and all the upper edge is very much diminish’d by time. As _Lucretius_ says,

————_Minui rem quamque videmus,
Et quasi longinquo fluere omnia cernimus ævo,
Ex oculisque, vetustatem, subducere nostris._

_The Orthographic Section of Stonehenge upon the Chief diameter_]

The last _trilithon_, that on the right hand of the entrance into the _adytum_, has suffer’d much. The outer upright being the jamb of the entrance, is still standing, the other upright and impost are both fallen forwards into the _adytum_, and broke each into three pieces. I suppose from digging near it. But from one piece of the impost lying loose, in the middle, between the jambs of the _adytum_, Mr. _Webb_ in the plan of his ruins of _Stonehenge_ (being his 6th _Scheme_) forms the remains of his imaginary 6th _trilithon_, supposing it one of the stones of the inner or lesser hexagon, as he calls it. Yet if this fragment was really a stump of such a stone, as he would have it, still it would not create an hexagonal form of the cell, but stand just in the middle of the entrance, and block it up in a very absurd, unseemly, and incommodious a manner. And nothing can be more certain, than that there never was such a thing in being. That stone of the _trilithon_ which is standing, has a cavity in it which two or three persons may sit in, worn by the weather.

_Stonehenge_ is compos’d of two circles and two ovals, respectively concentric. At the distance of two cubits inward from the greater oval, describe another lesser oval, on which the stones of the inner oval are to stand: 19 stones in number, at about the central distance of 3 cubits. This lesser oval is to be describ’d by a string and the 2 centers, as before. Or by 2 circles from a 10 cubit _radius_, and the 2 centers _a_ and _b_, as of the other before was spoken. Mr. _Webb_ says, p. 60, “the stones of the hexagon within, 2 foot 6 inches in breadth, one foot and a half thick and 8 foot high, in form pyramidal.” His two foot and a half is our cubit and half, for the breadth of these stones; being but a third of the breadth of the stones of the greater oval. And the interval between stone and stone, the same. Their height is likewise unequal, as the _trilithons_, for they rise in height as nearer the upper end of the _adytum_. Mr. _Webb_’s 8 foot assign’d, is a good _medium_ measure, for it is just 4 cubits and 4 palms, the third part of the height of the _medium trilithon_. From the ruins of those left, we may well suppose, the first next the entrance and lowest were 4 cubits high; the most advanc’d height behind the altar might be five cubits, and perhaps more. The stones are somewhat of what Mr. _Webb_ calls a pyramidal form, meaning that of an _Egyptian_ obelisk, for they taper a little upwards. They are of a much harder sort than the other stones, as we spoke before, in the lesser circle. The founders provided that their lesser bulk should be compensated in solidity. They were brought somewhere from the west. Of these there are only 6 remaining upright. The stumps of two are left on the south side by the altar. One lies behind the altar, dug up or thrown down, by the fall of that upright there. One or two were thrown down probably, by the fall of the upright of the first _trilithon_ on the right hand. A stump of another remains by the upright there, still standing. Their exact measures either as to height, breadth or thickness, cannot well be ascertain’d. For they took such as they could find, best suiting their scantlings, but the stones were better shap’d and taller, as advancing towards the upper end of the cell.

CHAP. VI.

_Of the number of the stones. Of the altar-stone. Of what has
been found in digging, about the temple. A plate of tin of the
Druids writing. A plate of gold, supposed to be of the Druids
writing._

Thus have we finished the work, or principal part of this celebrated wonder; properly the temple or sacred structure, as it may be called. Tho’ its loftiest crest be compos’d but of one stone, laid upon another. “A work, as Mr. _Webb_ says justly, p. 65. built with much art, order and proportion.” And it must be own’d, that they who had a notion, that it was an unworthy thing, to pretend to confine the deity in room and space, could not easily invent a grander design than this, for sacred purposes: nor execute it in a more magnificent manner. Here space indeed is mark’d out and defin’d: but with utmost freedom and openness. Here is a _kebla_ intimating, but not bounding the presence of the Deity. Here the variety and harmony of four differing circles presents itself continually new, every step we take, with opening and closing light and shade. Which way so ever we look, art and nature make a composition of their highest gusto, create a pleasing astonishment, very apposite to sacred places.

The great oval consists of 10 uprights, the inner with the altar, of 20, the great circle of 30, the inner of 40. 10, 20, 30, 40 together, make 100 upright stones. 5 imposts of the great oval, 30 of the great circle, the 2 stones standing upon the bank of the _area_, the stone lying within the entrance of the _area_, and that standing without. There seems to have been another stone lying upon the ground, by the _vallum_ of the court, directly opposite to the entrance of the avenue. All added together, make just 140 stones, the number of which _Stonehenge_, a whole temple, is compos’d. Behold the solution of the mighty problem, the magical spell is broke, which has so long perplex’d the vulgar! they think ’tis an ominous thing to count the true number of the stones, and whoever does so, shall certainly die after it. Thus the Druids contented themselves to live in huts and caves: whilst they employ’d many thousands of men, a whole county, to labour at these publick structures, dedicated to the Deity.

Our altar here is laid toward the upper end of the _adytum_, at present flat on the ground, and squeez’d (as it were) into it, by the weight of the ruins upon it. ’Tis a kind of blue coarse marble, such as comes from _Derbyshire_, and laid upon tombs in our churches and church-yards. Thus _Virgil_ describes an ancient altar, after the _Etruscan_ fashion, and which probably had remain’d from patriarchal times.

_Ædibus in mediis nudoque sub ætheris axe
Ingens ara fuit._———— Æne. II.

_Servius_ upon the IIId _Georg._ says, in the middle of a temple was the place of the Deity: the rest was only ornamental. This altar is plac’d a little above the _focus_ of the upper end of the ellipsis. Mr. _Webb_ says, p. 56. the altar is 4 foot broad, 16 in length. 4 foot is 2 cubits 2 palms, which at four times measures 16 foot. I believe its breadth is 2 cubits 3 palms, _i. e._ 1 and a half: and that its first intended length was 10 cubits, equal to the breadth of the _trilithon_ before which it lies. But ’tis very difficult to come at its true length. ’Tis 20 inches thick, a just cubit, and has been squar’d. It lies between the two centers, that of the compasses and that of the string: leaving a convenient space quite round it, no doubt, as much as was necessary for their ministration.

_The Section of Stonehenge looking towards the Entrance._]

Mr. _Webb_ says, the heads of oxen, and deer, and other beasts have been found upon digging in and about _Stonehenge_, as divers then living could testify, undoubted reliques of sacrifices, together with much charcoal, meaning wood-ashes. Mr. _Camden_ says, mens bones have been found hereabouts. He means in the barrows adjacent, and I saw such thrown out by the rabbets very near the temple. But eternally to be lamented is the loss of that tablet of tin, which was found at this place, in the time of King _Henry_ VIII. (the _Æra_ of restitution of learning and of pure religion) inscrib’d with many letters, but in so strange a character, that neither Sir _Thomas Elliot_ a learned antiquary, nor Mr. _Lilly_ master of St. _Paul_’s school, could make any thing out of it. Mr. _Sammes_ may be in the right, who judges it to have been _Punic_; I imagine if we call it _Irish_, we shall not err much. No doubt but it was a memorial of the founders, wrote by the _Druids_: and had it been preserv’d till now, would have been an invaluable curiosity. To make the reader some amends for such a loss, I have given a specimen of supposed Druid writing, out of _Lambecius_’s account of the Emperor’s library at _Vienna_. ’Tis wrote on a very thin plate of gold, with a sharp-pointed instrument. It was in an urn found at _Vienna_, roll’d up in several cases of other metal, together with funeral _exuviæ_. It was thought by the curious, one of those epistles, which the _Celtic_ people were wont to send to their friends in the other world. So certain a hope of a future state had the _Druids_ infus’d into them. The reader may divert himself with endeavouring to explain it. The writing upon plates of gold or tin is exceeding ancient, as we see in _Job_ xix. 24.

_Plutarch_ in his pamphlet _de dæmonio Socratis_ tells a similar story. “About the time of _Agesilaus_, they found a brazen tablet in the sepulchre of _Alcmena_ at _Thebes_, wrote in characters unknown, but seem’d to be _Egyptian_. _Chonuphis_, the most learned of the _Egyptian_ prophets then, being consulted upon it, confirm’d it, and said it was wrote about the time of _Hercules_ and _Proteus_ king in _Egypt_.” _Tzetzes_, chil. 2. hist. 44. mentions _Proteus_ a king in lower _Egypt_ by the sea side, pretends he was son of _Neptune_ and _Phœnicia_, throwing him up thereby to very ancient times, those of the first famous navigators, our _Hercules_ and the _Phœnicians_. He is said to have lived in the island afterward call’d _Pharos_, from the watch-tower there erected. Here _Homer_ sings, that _Proteus_ diverts himself with his _phocæ_ or sea-calves, most undoubtedly his ships. But at that time of day, every thing new and strange was told by the _Greeks_ in a mythologic way.

In the year 1635, as they were plowing by the barrows about _Normanton_ ditch, they found a large quantity of excellent pewter, as much as they sold at a low price for 5_l._ says Mr. _Aubry_ in his manuscript collections, relating to antiquities of this sort. There are several of these ditches, being very small in breadth, which run across the downs. I take them for boundaries of hundreds, parishes, _&c._ Such as the reader may observe in my _Plate_ XXXI. of the barrows in _Lake-field_. I suspect this too was a tablet with an inscription on it, but falling into the hands of the countrymen, they could no more discern the writing, than interpret it. No doubt but this was some of the old _British stannum_, which the _Tyrian Hercules_, sirnam’d _Melcarthus_, first brought _ex Cassiteride insula_, or _Britain_. Which _Hercules_ liv’d in _Abraham_’s time, or soon after.

Mr. _Webb_ tells us, the Duke of _Buckingham_ dug about _Stonehenge_: I fear much to the prejudice of the work. He himself did the like, and found what he imagin’d was the cover of a _thuribulum_. He would have done well to have given us a drawing of it. But whatever it was, vases of incense, oil, flower, salt, wine and holy water, were used by all nations in their religious ceremonies.

Mr. _Thomas Hayward_, late owner of _Stonehenge_, dug about it, as he acquainted Lord _Winchelsea_ and myself. He found heads of oxen and other beasts bones, and nothing else. In 1724. when I was there, _Richard Hayns_ an old man of _Ambresbury_, whom I employed to dig for me in the barrows, found some little worn-out _Roman_ coins at _Stonehenge_, among the earth rooted up by the rabbets. He sold one of them for half a crown, to Mr. _Merril_ of _Golden Square_, who came thither whilst I was at the place. The year before, _Hayns_ was one of the workmen employ’d by Lord _Carlton_ to dig clay on _Harradon_ hill, east of _Ambresbury_, where they found many _Roman_ coins, which I saw. I suspect he pretended to find those at _Stonehenge_, only for sake of the reward. My friend the late Dr. _Harwood_ of _Doctors-Commons_ told me, he was once at _Stonehenge_ with such sort of _Roman_ coins in his pockets, and that one of his companions would have persuaded him, to throw some of them into the rabbit-holes: but the Doctor was more ingenuous. Nevertheless were never so many such coins found in _Stonehenge_, they would prove nothing more, than that the work was in being, when the _Romans_ were here; and which we are assured of already. I have a brass coin given me by _John Collins_ Esq; collector of the excise at _Stamford_. The heads of _Julius_ and _Augustus_ averse: the reverse a crocodile, palm-branch and garland. COL. NEM. the colony of _Nemausus_ in _France_. It was found upon _Salisbury_ plain; and might be lost there before the _Roman_ conquest of _Britain_ under _Claudius_, by people of _France_ coming hither; or in after-ages: no matter which.

_July 5 1723._ By Lord _Pembroke_’s direction, I dug on the inside of the altar about the middle: 4 foot along the edge of the stone, 6 foot forward toward the middle of the _adytum_. At a foot deep, we came to the solid chalk mix’d with flints, which had never been stir’d. The altar was exactly a cubit thick, 20 inches and ⅘; but broken in two or three pieces by the ponderous masses of the impost, and one upright stone of that _trilithon_ which stood at the upper end of the _adytum_, being fallen upon it. Hence appears the commodiousness of the foundation for this huge work. They dug holes in the solid chalk, which would of itself keep up the stones, as firm as if a wall was built round them. And no doubt but they ramm’d up the interstices with flints. But I had too much regard to the work, to dig any where near the stones. I took up an oxe’s tooth, above ground, without the _adytum_ on the right hand of the lowermost _trilithon_, northward. And this is all the account, of what has been found by digging at _Stonehenge_, which I can give.

_An inward View of Stonehenge Aug. 1722. from the north._

_Stukeley delin._ _V^{dr}. Gucht Sc._]

CHAP. VII.

_Of the area round_ Stonehenge. _The bowing stones. The manner of
sacrificing._

Of the court round the temple of _Stonehenge_, somewhat is said already, and of the two stones standing within the _vallum_: and of the two cavities remarkable, which have some correspondency therewith. I supposed, they were places, where two great vases of water stood, for the service of the temple, when they perform’d religious rites here. And I endeavour’d to illustrate it by a coin of the city _Heliopolis_. 60 cubits is the diameter of _Stonehenge_, 60 more reaches the inner edge of the circular ditch of the court. The ditch originally was near 30 cubits broad, but thro’ long tract of time, and the infinity of coaches, horses, _&c._ coming every day to see the place, ’tis levell’d very much. The intire diameter of the court, reaching to the outward verge of the ditch, is 4 times 60 cubits, which is about 410 foot. The five outer circles of the ditch are struck with a radius of 80, 90, 100, 110, 120 cubits.

Just upon the inner verge of the ditch, at the entrance from the avenue, lies a very large stone, at present flat on the ground. Mr. _Webb_, p. 57. pretends to give us the measure of it, confounding it with the other two before-mention’d to be within the _vallum_, to which they have no relation, no similarity in proportion. This is to favour his notion of three entrances of the _area_, dependant upon his hypothesis of equilateral triangles. He there tells us at the letter F, “the parallel stones on the inside of the trench were four foot broad and three foot thick but they lie so broken and ruin’d by time, that their proportion in height cannot be distinguish’d, much less exactly measur’d.” Thus he, but ’tis _invita Minervâ_; for all three stones, in all appearance, are as little alter’d from their first size, as any stones in the work. The two stones within the _vallum_ are very small stones, and ever were so. The one stands; the other leans a little, probably from some idle people digging about it. This stone at the entrance is a very great one, near as big as any one of the whole work, and seems too as little alter’d from its original form: only thrown down perhaps by the like foolish curiosity of digging near it. Instead of _Webb_’s four foot broad, it’s near seven: but to speak in the Druid measure, four cubits. It is at present above 20 foot long. If it stood originally, and a little leaning, it was one of those stones which the _Welsh_ call _crwm lechen_, or bowing-stones. However, Mr. _Webb_ must falsify the truth very much, in making this and the two former any thing alike in dimension, situation and use. But he does so, much more in the next, which is doubtless a _crwm leche_, still standing in its original posture and place in the avenue. ’Tis of much the like dimension as the other, tho’ not so shapely, and stands in like manner on the left hand, or south, of the middle line, of the length of the avenue. I surmise, the Druids consider’d the propriety of making the other a little more shapely than this, because within the _area_, and nearer the sacred fabric. There is the distance of 119 feet between them, to speak properly, 80 cubits. This interval Mr. _Webb_ contracts to about 43 foot, and supposes there was another stone to answer it on the right hand, as also another to answer that on the inside the ditch. And he supposes the like of those before-mention’d, both within and without the ditch, at his two fancy’d entrances. But of these, there is _nec vola nec vestigium_, and I dare say, never was. This stone has a hole in it, which is observable of like stones, set thus near our like temples: as we shall see in the progress of this work. The stone is of 24 foot in circumference, 16 high above ground, 9 broad, 6 thick. The use of it I can’t certainly tell; but I am inclin’d to think, that as part of the religious worship in old patriarchal times, consisted in a solemn adoration, or three silent bowings: the first bowing might be perform’d at this stone, just without the ditch, the second perhaps at the next stone, just within the ditch. Then they turn’d by that stone to the left hand, as the manner was, in a procession round the temple, both the priests and animals for sacrifice. At those two stones and water-vases, probably there were some washings, lustrations, or sprinklings with holy water, and other ceremonies, which I don’t pretend to ascertain. Then upon the entry into the temple, perhaps they made the third bow, as in presence of the Deity. After this, in the _court_, we may suppose the priests prepar’d the hecatombs and customary sacrifices. If that great stone just within the ditch, always lay, as it does now, flat on the ground, and _in situ_, (which I am not unwilling to believe) then, I apprehend, it was a table for dressing the victims. _Ezekiel_, in describing the temple of _Jerusalem_, speaks of such in the entry, xl. 30, 40, 41, 42, 43.

’Tis just to think, the ancient form of sacrificing here, like that of the _Romans_, _Greeks_ or elder nations, was pretty much the same as that among the _Jews_, and _that_ as in patriarchal times; and in short, no other than the original practice of mankind, since the first institution of sacrifices, at the fall. Therefore we shall subjoin it from _Homer_’s description, in _Iliad_ I. It quadrates extremely well, in all appearance, with the place and temple before us.

Straightway in haste, a chosen hecatomb
To God, prepar’d, the well-built altar round,
They place in order. Then their hands they wash,
And take the salted meal. Aloud the priest,
With hands uplifted, for the assembly prays.
After the prayers, they wav’d the salted meal,
And then retiring slay the animals.
The skins being stript, they cut off both the thighs,
And cover them with cawl; first offer’d crude.
The priest then burns a part on plates,† thereon red wine,
Libation pour’d. The ministring young men
Stand by him, with their five-fold spits in hand.
But when the thighs are burnt, out of the rest
Entrails and flesh, harslets and stakes they make,
Upon the spits transfixt. Then roasted well
They set all forth. After the duty done;
A feast they next prepare. Plenty of food
Distributed around, chearful repast.
Banquet being o’re, the youths huge goblets crown,
And fill to all in cups. Then sacred hymns
Sung to the Deity, conclude the day.

† In another place he adds,

With choice cloven bits of wood,
Without leaves——————————————

These are most ancient rites, symbolical of the purity of the sacrifice of the _Messiah_, pointed at by, and deriv’d from the _Mosaic_ dispensation, where every thing of sacred purpose was to be perfect.

Thus much is sufficient to give the reader an idea of the ancient manner of sacrificing, such, no doubt as was practis’d at this very place entirely the _Hebrew_ rite. I suppose only the priests and chief personages came within the _area_, who made the procession with the sacrifices along the avenue. The multitude kept without, on foot or in their chariots.

_A direct view of the Remains of the adytum of Stonehenge._

_Stukeley delin._ _A. Motte Sculp._]

CHAP. VIII.

_Of the Avenue to_ Stonehenge.

The Avenue of _Stonehenge_ was never observ’d by any who have wrote of it, tho’ a very elegant part of it, and very apparent. It answers, as we have said before now, to the principal line of the whole work, the northeast, where abouts the sun rises, when the days are longest. _Plutarch_ in the life of _Numa_ says, the ancients observ’d the rule of setting their temples, with the front to meet the rising sun. _Promachidas_ of _Heracleum_, and _Dionysius Thrax_ take notice of the same thing. And this was done in imitation of the _Mosaic_ tabernacle and _Solomon_’s temple: probably a patriarchal rite. This avenue extends itself, somewhat more than 1700 feet, in a strait line, down to the bottom of the valley, with a delicate descent. I observe the earth of the ditches is thrown inward, and seemingly some turf on both sides, thrown upon the avenue: to raise it a little above the level of the downs. The two ditches continue perfectly parallel to the bottom, 40 cubits asunder. About midway, there is a pretty depressure, natural, which diversifies it agreeably. _Stonehenge_, I said, is not on the highest part of the hill. I found, the reason, why the Druids set it just where it is; because it is precisely 1000 cubits from the bottom to the entrance of the _area_. When I began my inquiries into this noble work, I thought it terminated here, and Mr. _Roger Gale_ and myself measur’d it so far with a chain. Another year, I found it extended itself much farther. For at the bottom of the valley, it divides into two branches. The eastern branch goes a long way hence, directly east pointing to an ancient ford of the river _Avon_, called _Radfin_, and beyond that the visto of it bears directly to _Harradon_ hill beyond the river. The western branch, from this termination at the bottom of the hill 1000 cubits from the work at _Stonehenge_, as we said, goes off with a similar sweep at first; but then it does not throw itself into a strait line immediately, as the former, but continues curving along the bottom of the hill, till it meets, what I call, the _cursus_. This likewise is a new unobserv’d curiosity belonging to this work, and very much enlarges the idea we ought to entertain, of the magnificence and prodigious extent of the thing. The temple which we have been hitherto describing, considerable indeed as it really is, in itself; yet now appears as a small part of the whole. I shall therefore describe all these parts separately, to render them more intelligible: and then show their connection, and what relation they have, to one another, as well as I can. But it is not easy to enter at once, into the exceeding greatness of thought, which these people had, who founded it; bringing in all the adjacent country, the whole of nature hereabouts, to contribute its part to the work. Therefore I shall discourse of it backward and forward; first going from _Stonehenge_ to its termination, or more properly its beginning, and then return again. Explaining all the way, what is its present condition, and what, ’tis reasonable to suppose, was its original, when the Druids made their first design. This together with the several views I have drawn of it, will give us nearly as good a notion of the whole, as we can at this day expect, and perhaps preserve the memory of it hereafter, when the traces of this mighty work are obliterated with the plough, which it is to be fear’d, will be its fate. That instrument gaining ground too much, upon the ancient and innocent pastoritial life; hereabouts, and everywhere else in _England_: and by destructive inclosures beggars and depopulates the country.

At the bottom of the valley, and the end of the strait part of _Stonehenge_ avenue, 1000 cubits from _Stonehenge_, as we said, the eastern wing of the avenue turns off to the right, with a circular sweep, and then in a strait line proceeds eastward up the hill. It goes just between those two most conspicuous groups of barrows, crowning the ridge of that hill eastward of _Stonehenge_; between it and _Vespasian_’s camp, separated from them both by a deep valley on each side. These two groups of barrows are called generally the seven king’s graves, each. I call that most northerly, the old seven kings graves, for there are really 7, tho’ but 6 most apparent; they are all set at greater distance, all broader, flatter, and as it is most reasonable to suppose, older than the other. The other are set closer together, of a more elegantly turn’d figure, campaniform, and in all appearance, much later than the former. Therefore I call these, being southward and directly between _Stonehenge_ and the town of _Ambresbury_, the new seven kings barrows. Of the seven old, the most northerly one and probably the oldest, is exceeding flat and as it were, almost sunk into the earth with age; so that it is scarce visible at a distance. The avenue runs up to the top of the hill, just between them: and they make as it were wings to it, and I believe were design’d as such, when set there. When the avenue first turns off in the valley, it is much obscur’d by the wheels of carriages going over it, for a great way together: for this is the road to _Lavington_. Nevertheless a curious eye, without difficulty, sees all the traces of it sufficiently, till it is got higher up the easy ascent of the hill, and out of the common road. Then it is very apparent and consists of the two little ditches as before, (when coming directly from _Stonehenge_) exactly parallel, and still 40 cubits asunder. And it is made with the same degree of variation, or about 6 degrees southward from the true east point. So that it is evident again, the Druids intended it should go full east, but their compass by which they set it, varied so much at that time, according to my opinion of the matter. To perpetuate the mark of it as much as I can: I measured the distance of it from the southern ditch thereof, to the ditch of the nearest _i. e._ most northerly of the new 7 kings barrows, and when in the right line of those 7 barrows: it is 257 feet. I know not whether there was any design in it, but it is exactly 150 cubits. From the northern ditch of the avenue here, to the nearest of the old seven kings barrows, is 350 foot; which is exactly 200 cubits.

Whilst we are here upon the elevation of this hill, between these two groups of barrows, ’tis 2700 feet from the beginning of this wing of the avenue at the bottom of the valley, where it commences. It still continues in the very same direction eastward, till unfortunately broke off by the plow’d ground, 300 feet from hence. This plow’d ground continues for a mile together, as far as the river’s side at _Ambresbury_. So that ’tis impossible to trace it any farther. The first plow’d field, that southward, is Mr. _Hayward_’s; the other is of a different estate, call’d _Countess-farm_. And the plowing of these two go on at right angles one of another. That piece on the north side of the avenue, of the latter tenure, goes along the line of the avenue, is long and narrow, and has (as usual with greedy farmers) encroach’d upon and swallow’d up so much of the length of the avenue. And that amounts to 750 feet more in length, which must certainly be added to the avenue. This is all along the eastern declivity of the hill we are upon, _that_ of the twice seven kings graves, and reaches near the bottom of the valley, between it and the hill whereon stands _Vespasian_’s camp. Now reason and the judgment I have got in conversing with works of this kind, tell me, the founders would never begin this avenue at the bottom of a valley, but rather on a conspicuous height, which is visible from a great distance of country round. We must suppose the intent of the avenue was to direct the religious procession to the temple; and that at the beginning of it, they made fires early in the morning of that day, when they held their grand festivals, to give notice to all the adjacent country. Therefore when we cross this valley still eastward, with the former direction of the compass, and mount that next hill, whereon stands _Vespasian_’s camp: we find exactly such a place as we could wish, and extremely suitable to that purpose, For it commands a very extensive prospect both upwards and downwards of the river, and on the other side of it, for many miles; all about that part of the country where it is highly reasonable to think the old _Britons_ liv’d, who frequented this temple. This eminence is north of _Vespasian_’s camp, north-west from _Ambresbury_ church. Here is a very large scene of the country taken in. It has a fine gentle rise for half a mile and more, even quite from the ford at _Radfin_. You see the most delightful river _Avon_ flank’d with villages on both sides, from almost as far as new _Sarum_, and then to the head of it, 5 miles off. It was the custom of the Druids to give notice, by fires, of the quarterly days of sacrifice. Thus the Druids in _Ireland_ before christianity, us’d to kindle a fire call’d in their language _Tlachdgha_, on _All saints_ eve, to perform a general sacrifice: as Mr. _Llwyd_ mentions in his _Irish_ dictionary. Mr. _Toland_ speaks of others too. I observ’d there has been a bank across the bottom of the valley, for the more easy passage of the religious ceremony, and this much corroborates my conjecture of the avenue reaching hither.

_Inward View of Stonehenge from the high altar. Aug. 1722._

_Stukeley delin._ _V^{dr.} Gucht sc._]

_Plate_ XXIV. explains all that I have last said about this avenue, and shews its direction to _Haradon_ Hill, on the other side the river.

I am apt to believe from the conformity I have observ’d in these works, that there was a _sacellum_ or little temple here upon this hill, where the avenue began. We suppose this might easily be destroy’d when they began to plow here, being so near the town. I have found several of these kind of large stones, either travelling to _Stonehenge_, or from it. One as big as any at _Stonehenge_, lies about 3 miles off northward, in _Durington_ fields. Another in the water at _Milford_, another at _Fighelden_; they seem to have been carried back to make bridges, mildams or the like, in the river. There is another in the _London_ road, east from _Ambresbury_, about 2 mile from the town. Another in the water at _Bulford_. A stone stands leaning at _Preshute_ farm near the church, as big as those at _Stonehenge_. What confirms me in the conjecture that there was a _sacellum_ here originally, is, that an innumerable company of barrows on the opposite hill, on the other side of the river coming down _Haradon_, and in the line of the avenue seem to regard it; as is usual in these works. For those barrows are not in sight of _Stonehenge_ itself, by reason of the interposition of the hill whereon stand the double groups of seven king’s graves. And even those two groups seem to regard this little temple as well as the great one, curving that way. The distance from hence to _Stonehenge_ is 4000 cubits.

In order to have a just notion of this avenue, it is necessary to go to the neighbouring height of _Haradon_ hill, on the other side the river. The largest barrow there, which I call _Hara_’s and which probably gave name to the hill, is in the line of the avenue; the ford of _Radfin_ lying between, as we see in the last _Plate_. I stood upon this hill _May_ 11. 1724. during the total eclipse of the sun, of which I gave an account in my _Itinerarium_. Here is a most noble view of the work and country about _Stonehenge_. Whoever is upon the spot cannot fail of a great pleasure in it; especially if the sun be low, either after rising or before setting. For by that means the barrows, the only ornaments of these plains, become very visible, the ground beyond them being illuminated by the suns slaunting rays. You see as far as _Clay-hill_ beyond _Warminster_ 20 miles off. You see the spot of ground on the hill, whereon stands _Vespasian_’s camp, where I conjecture the avenue to _Stonehenge_ began, and where there was a _sacellum_, as we conceive. From hence to that spot a valley leads very commodiously to _Radfin_, where the original ford was.

This _Radfin-farm_ seems to retain its _Celtic_ name: meaning a ford or passage for chariots, the old way of carriage here used. _Rhedeg_ _currere_, _rhedegfain_ _cursitare_, in _Irish reathaim_. _Fin_ in the old _Irish_, is white. It regards the chalky road which went up from the ford. ’Tis a pretty place, seated in a flexure of the river, which from hence seems to bend its arms both ways, to embrace the beginning of the avenue. The place is very warm, shelter’d from all winds, and especially from the north. I am persuaded it was originally a seat of an Archdruid or Druid. See Mr. _Toland_ discoursing of the Druids houses, p. 111. The nuns of _Ambresbury_ too had a chapel there. The ford is now quite disus’d, because of the bridge by the town’s end; and the road of it is foreclos’d by hedgerows of pastures on both sides the lane, leading northwards from _Ambresbury_ to north _Wiltshire_. This road lying between _Radfin_ and the beginning of _Stonehenge_ avenue, is sweetly adorn’d with _viorna_. We are supposed now to stand on the _tumulus_ of _Hara_, an old _Irish_ royal name, and possibly the king who was coadjutor in founding _Stonehenge_, who lived, it’s likely, in the eastern part of _Wiltshire_: for which reason they directed the avenue this way.

_Et nunc servat honos sedem, tuus, ossaque nomen._

Here are very many barrows upon this side of the hill, all looking toward the sacred work. Hence we survey _Ambresbury_, _Vespasian_’s camp, and _Stonehenge_, the _cursus_, and little _Ambresbury_. Likewise a very ancient barrow which answers to that of _Vespasian_’s camp, seeming to be plac’d here with some regularity and regard to the _sacellum_ at the beginning of the avenue. This is a long barrow, which I suppose the Archdruids who liv’d at _Radfin_, and perhaps the chief person concern’d in projecting the magnificent work. The reader must indulge me the liberty of these kind of conjectures; there is no evidence positive left in such matters of great antiquity. I have some little reason for it, which I shall mention when we speak of the barrows. There is this present use, to affix thereby names to things, that we may talk more intelligibly about them.

We are next to advance down _Haradon_-hill in the same direction, nearer _Radfin_, from whence I drew _Plate_ XXV. This valley leads us very gently to the river.

——————_Qua se subducere colles
Incipiunt, mollique jugum demittere clivo
Usque ad aquam._—————— Virg.

This and the two views in _Plate_ XXVI. give us a good notion of the country on this side. There are seven barrows together, in the road from _Ambresbury_ to _Radfin_, one great one and six little ones, which regard the _sacellum_, but cannot possibly to _Stonehenge_. This was a family burying-place probably of some considerable personage, who liv’d at _Ambresbury_. These plates show us too, the avenue marching up the next hill, where the old and new seven kings barrows receive it again, as wings to it. This is shown more distinct in the next plate, TAB. XXVII. where the corn ground has began to encroach upon it. I could scarce forbear the wish,

_Pereat labor irritus anni._————

When you are gone a little farther toward _Stonehenge_, and arriv’d at the top of the hill, if you turn back you have the view presented to you like that TAB. XXIV. beyond A the beginning of the avenue, is _Radfin_, beyond that _Haradon_. The prospect forward, toward _Stonehenge_, is shown TAB. XXVIII. There you see the union of the two wings of the avenue, at the commencement of the strait part of it C. Again, you may observe the nature of the west wing of the avenue, going with a continued curve round the bottom of the hill, till it enters the _Hippodrom_ or _cursus_. At a distance you see _Yansbury_ camp, thought to be another of _Vespasian_’s. Next you descend into the valley to the union of the wings of the avenue, and ascend the agreeable part of it, to the temple. Along here went the sacred pomp. How would it delight one to have seen it in its first splendor!

_Stukeley delin._ _Toms sculp^t._

_An inward view of Stonehenge from behind y^e high Altar looking towards the grand entrance A little oblique_ Aug:1722.

A. _the altar_]

————_Jam nunc solennes ducere pompas
Ad delubra juvat, cæsosque videre juvencos._ Virg.

I have often admir’d the delicacy of this ascent to the temple. As soon as you mount from the bottom, ’tis level for a great way together: and the whole length of it is a kind of ridge, for it slopes off both ways from it on each side; so that the rain runs off every way. Just about half way there is a depressure, as a pause or foot pace, showing one half of the avenue ascending, the other descending, both magnificent, in the ancient gusto. There was a temple of _Jupiter Labradæus_ near _Mylasa_ a city of _Caria_, much frequented. The way leading thither was called sacred, and pav’d 60 furlongs, thro’ which their procession went. _Philostratus_ says, you went to the temple of _Diana_ at _Ephesus_, by a stone portico of a _stadium_. _Pausanias in Phocicis_ says, the avenue to the temple of _Minerva Cranea_ near _Elatea_ is ascending, but so gently that it is imperceptible. Again in Chap. X. we read of a pav’d way, to the oracle at _Delphos_. But the natural pavement of our avenue is much finer. I take notice, that _Jupiter Labradæus_ was a statue holding a halbard in his hand, which instrument like a _securis_ or amazonian ax, was as a scepter to the _Lydian_ kings. And apparently our _English_ halbard is the very word, with an asperate way of pronunciation prefix’d, _Labrada_. So our Druids carried about a sharp brass instrument which we often find, call’d a celt, (I know not whence) with which they us’d to cut the _Misletoe_, at their great festival in midwinter. I have represented one hanging at our Druids girdle, in TAB. I. it was to be put into the slit at the end of his staff, when used. But of this hereafter. Now with the _Poet_ in his celebrated _Ode_

—————————————————— _Quibus
Mos unde deductus per omne
Tempus, Amazonia securi
Dextras obarmet, quærere distuli:
Nec scire fas est omnia_———— Horat.