Chapter II: Part II: The Eve of “1641” 137 (2)

The grants and leases to the natives were of very small value, mostly 60 acres, and were only given to a small number. In a great number of cases they were limited either by being only given for one or two lives, with remainders to Englishmen, or by the possibility of forfeiture under the regime of a new landlord. The Derry see lands were at first let out thus; to English or Scotch on lease for sixty years; to Irish for twenty-one years or three lives, with power of revocation by the succeeding Bishop.[43] Before eight years had elapsed we find that the tenants had been compelled to surrender their leases and take out new ones “on increased rents, by means whereof the revenues were well increased, to the honour of Almighty God.” Occasionally a native appears with 1,000 acres opposite his name, but it is pretty rare. For example, “Only forty natives in the whole extensive County of Donegal obtained small grants in the dreary regions of Doe and Fanet, now Kilmacrenan. Several of them were representatives of noble Irish families, and the remainder belonged to the class of native gentry. The prevailing surnames amongst them were those of O’Donnell, MacSwyne, O’Gallagher, and O’Boyle. A few very old people got pretty liberal grants, but with remainders to Sir Ralph Bingley and Sir Richard Hansard.”[44] Some of the conditions attached to grants in this reign are very striking:

Dowry to be forfeited on marrying an Irishman.

Not to take tenants nor employ anyone who could only speak Irish.

Not to destroy passes or bridges unless they led into the Irishmen’s
land.

Not to take the names of O’Rourke, O’Mulloy, The Fox, McCoghlan,
O’Doyne, The Great O’Ferrall, The Great O’Carroll.[45]

It looks a little absurd when some Smith or Brown of an English county, or a Menzies or a Montgomery from Scotland, is enjoined so seriously that he must never take the name of The Fox, or The Great O’Carroll.

We must turn now to the religious ideals of the Plantation, and we all know King James was nothing if not religious. I shall try to approach the subject with a dispassioned candour, and speak as an Irishman who loves his country, and as a churchman who longs to see the day when the Protestant Church in Ireland shall become converted to Irish ideas in politics. That Church has been given ecclesiastical Home Rule, and has made full use of its privileges, for it treats theological matters in a way quite independent of English churchmanship. May we not hope for the day when politically it shall cease to allow itself to be dragged at the tail of one English political party? In the Plantation it was intended that the church by the State established should have an endowment in every place; the idea being that in every 1,000 acres sixty should be reserved for the support of the clergyman. And an additional endowment was given by the lands and the patronage of parishes handed over to Trinity College, Dublin. It was, doubtless, hoped that a settled and established Protestant ministry would lead the people all to turn over in time to that faith. And in the meantime, Government was prepared to do all it could by fears and bribery to lead the people in the way it was wished they should go. For a native squire or peasant to conform was the passport to get a miserable patch of land. Lord Coursye was given a pension of £100 a year for good service, and it was continued and increased to £150 to his eldest son because he had become a Protestant. In another case, Sir James Dillon was made Lord Dillon and Baron of Kilkenny because his eldest son had conformed.[46] Yet with all these brilliant prospects before them, the people did not flock in their thousands around the preachers of the Established Church. The reason of this was that there was practically no Protestant church in Ulster. It existed only on paper; it was a regular Army Corps. The ecclesiastical buildings were ruinous and desolate; the clergy, where such existed, were the offscourings of the English church, men of depraved life, or so ignorant that they could hardly perform their duties properly. From the bishops down, pluralities were the common and recognized thing; occasionally even we see a man actually holding an English living and a lot of Irish ones at the same time; thus the same man was Archdeacon of Dublin, Treasurer of Cashel Cathedral, Vicar of Galballydrome and Leighlin Macvoge, and Rector of Battersea in Surrey.[47] John Todd, who seems to have been even below the average of the Irish clergy of that time, as we shall see presently, is found on his appointment as Bishop of Down in 1610 writing to Norton to ask him to intercede with Salisbury that he may not lose his right to the mastership of the Savoy. Even men of high character like Archbishop Usher themselves benefited by these abuses. The fines of the recusants—_i.e._, the Catholics—were to go to pious purposes like the building of Protestant churches, or were impounded by the Archbishop of Armagh for charity, and no account given. The Ulster bishops were mostly ignorant and greedy Scotchmen, for ever quarrelling with all the other planters about their church possessions, and not always getting the best of the quarrels either. This is what we read in one place in the Patent Rolls: “King’s Letter to the Lord Deputy to confirm Andrew Moneypenny in the Archdeaconry of Connor by putting in force all the orders made by Lord Viscount Grandison against Nicholas Todd, a tailor by profession, an unlearned man, placed in that situation by his unworthy brother John Todd, late Bishop of Down and Connor, and deprived of said dignity for notorious causes, both of insufficiency of learning and corruption in manners.” Chichester as usual impresses us as seeing into these abuses in a clearer and more sensible way than the rest of the Castle set of that time. We find him writing to the Lord Justice and Davies about religion, when he says all is confused and out of order, as if it were in a wilderness where neither Christianity nor religion was ever heard of. He says, “the Bishops claim too much land and have too little.” He wishes the king would make a new allotment, as if in a new Plantation in America. The state of Munster was even worse, owing to the rapacity of the notorious Miler Magrath, who bled immense numbers of parishes for his children. In Mullognony or Newchapel, County Tipperary, (where I was rector from 1895 to 1898) Miler’s son Terence had got the profits of the prebend from the nominal incumbent, who was in such a wretched state that in 1607 Terence Magrath had to give him a cloak to present himself before the Commission that enquired into the abuses. The undertakers, not, I suppose, seeing that the Established Church was making much way, with its grasping Bishops and ruined churches, and absentee ministers, opposed the episcopal claims with all the ardour of Wee Free Kirkmen appealing to the House of Lords, and in a great many cases imported Presbyterian ministers from Scotland. So we can see that even if the native element had been willing to conform, there was practically no established religion for them to join. James began to recognise this when too late in the day, and there is an amusing State Paper in which we see a patent plan of his, that young natives should be caught up, and educated in Trinity College Dublin, to work as Protestant clergymen among the natives, and then if any livings of small value should become vacant, they should be appointed to them.

It was twenty-seven years since a Parliament had been held in Dublin, and when the Ulster Plantation was finished it was decided to convene one in 1613. The histories mostly say that it was called to give legal sanction to the Plantation; if so, it was a case of a late locking of the stable door. It seems more likely that the object, if any, of the Parliament was for the dominant English party to triumph over the fallen natives, and to pass Bills of a further intolerant character. We can see in its constitution, but in a more pronounced form than they would have dared to show in England, symptoms of the abuses and the arbitrary acts which culminated in the total overthrow of the Stuart dynasty. We shall follow the usual order of that period, to execute first, and judge afterwards; so first we shall look into the Parliament and its doings, and then take a brief survey of the subsequent enquiries into its constitution.

It was a most disorderly scene, especially in its earliest stage. Each party had hoped for a majority, but the numbers were slightly in favour of the English party. These latter proposed Davies as Speaker in the Lower House; whereupon Sir James Gough, Sir Christopher Nugent, and William Talbot, late Recorder of Dublin, proposed Sir John Everard, late a judge of the Queen’s Bench, but displaced by King James on account of his religion. The affirmative (the supporters of Davies) went out to be numbered; the negative, as was the custom then, remaining behind. But instead of letting themselves be numbered, the Irish party proceeded as if they were the whole house, chose Everard, and put him in the chair. The Englishmen, coming in and finding they numbered 125 in a house of 226, knew they had a majority, and put Davies on Everard’s lap. The English then began to remove Everard, by pulling at his legs, while the Irish held him in his place by the collar, Davies still sitting on his knees. Sir John Everard was old and infirm; he was got out of his place with only slight injuries to his leg, whereupon the Irish members withdrew altogether from the house. Then the Catholic lords wrote to the king, and the Irish commoners wrote to the Privy Council of England, both complaining of the business about the Speakership, and the legality of the new boroughs, the members of the Lower House also asking to be excused from attending. To the Lords’ complaints answer was made that the Commons’ business did not concern them, to which they replied that though not in the Lower House, they made yet but one body and one Parliament. Then the Lord Deputy commanded the Irish commoners to attend to pass the Act of recognition of the King’s Title; upon which they sent him a petition recognizing the King’s Title, but utterly refusing to sit in the house, unless their Speaker Everard was approved, and the new burgesses rejected. The Lords now acted similarly, and as the Irish element was strong in Dublin, Parliament was adjourned to the 27th of July, 1614.[48]

Looking at the matter from the standpoint of mere legality, we are obliged to acknowledge that the Irish party were in the wrong more than once in these transactions. When they had been left together for the purpose simply of being numbered, they chose to ignore the other party, and would not let themselves be counted, but proceeded forcibly to put Everard in the chair. Then, of course, the Lords were interfering in a way that would not be allowed nowadays, when they declined to go on till the matters in the Commons had been settled. And finally, if there were any illegalities in the new boroughs (and there were many, as we shall see), the correct thing, of course was for Parliament first to meet, and then for any errors in the returns to be dealt with. But we need not blame the Irish party for these little blunders. There had not been a meeting of Parliament for a generation, and they went there in a high state of tension and exasperation, first at the confiscations, and then at the conduct of the returning officers.

On the return of the Parliament, there was a controversy about the precedence of the Lord of Slane over the Lord of Kerry; this being ended, Parliament passed ten Acts: An Act of recognition of the King and his action in Ulster, stating with delicate irony, that James had established his government in the hearts of his people. One removing benefit of clergy in certain cases. Repeals of old Acts against admitting and associating with Scots, and against having commerce with the Irish enemies. An Act of General Pardon. An Attainder of Tyrone, Tyrconnell, Sir Cahir O’Dogherty and others. And a subsidy. Sir R. Cox, who was a violent Protestant, tells us, that on Chichester’s being summoned to England, “Irish affairs were so well managed by the Lord Deputy, that the King was fully convinced of the seditious designs of the Irish.”

When the recusant lords appealed to the king, his reply was insolent and silly; it was intended to drive them into further opposition. It is not worth quoting. He admits that two returns were proved false, and he foreshadowed the future failures of the Stuart race by such violent words as these, written to the noblemen: “You that are of contrary religion must not look to be the only law-makers. You that are but half-subjects should have but half privilege; you that have an eye to me one way and to the Pope another way.”

Now let us turn to the Commission and its findings.[49] They were directed not only to inquire into the disputes about the elections, but to find out if any of the elected members could not speak English, and to find out whether there were any combinations or conspiracies not to elect Protestants, and to see if any Jesuits or priests had any meddling in such matters. They also were directed to see if any general assessments and levies of money were made without authority, and to report if the priests and Jesuits were responsible; also to report generally on abuses in Ireland; and on the prospects of a Plantation in Wexford. The names of the Commissioners were, Lord Chichester, Sir Humphrey Winche, Sir Charles Cornwallis, Sir Roger Wilbraham, and George Calvert. They found that: In Armagh an Irish freeholder and candidate was kept out by an armed man at the door, upon which he, Henry McShane O’Neale, withdrew with most of the Irish freeholders. That in Cavan, Captain Fleming, an Irish freeholder, had appealed to the sheriff for an adjournment of nominations, and had been given hopes of one, but, the sheriff not adjourning, the Irish were not represented at the election. In the King’s County, the Irish candidates, one of whom could not speak English, had the greater number of names on their nomination paper, yet the under-sheriff returned the two English candidates. In this case two whose names were written down for the Irish candidates, disavowed their signatures, and another confessed to having put his name on the list after the election was done, and Sir Terence O’Dempsey gave his vote by proxy. In Limerick it was questioned whether the English or Irish candidates had the greater number of freeholder votes; the sheriff did not take the obvious course of numbering the freeholders, but returned the Englishmen. He denied that it was his duty to number the polls. In Fermanagh, neither of the Irish candidates responded to the Commissioners’ invitation to be present, for good reasons: one could not speak English, and the other “indicted for treason, broke prison, and hath betaken himself to the woods.” They found that at this election Captain Gower did not pull Brian McGuire’s beard from his face, but only shook him by the beard. In Roscommon the Irish candidates’ witnesses seem to have been rejected, because of their “speaking only the Irish language, and being men of mean condition, as they seemed to us.” In passing we may mention that two of Sir John Everard’s supporters in Parliament could only speak Irish. In Dublin, the Mayor being absent, the recusants duly elected two aldermen at the County Court; later the Mayor proclaimed an election at Hoggin, when two English candidates were nominated by the Mayor. To see which had a majority, he made the parties divide, and then, without counting the polls, he declared the Englishmen, his nominees, elected. In Trim there were two elections, as there did not seem to be any proper authority for fixing a date. In Kildare borough, the sovereign returned two, whom the Commission declared to be not elected, deciding that the Irish candidates were returned. In Wicklow there was a confusion between the reputed portriff and the deputy-constable about the proper date, and finally two English candidates were returned. In Cavan, the sovereign and inhabitants held an election, without waiting for the sheriff’s permission, and declared two natives elected. The Ulster men all resented the intrusion of the sheriffs upon them.[50] Then the sheriff directed his warrant to the sovereign, and another election was held. The greater number voted for the natives, yet the sovereign declared the English candidates returned, though they had fewer voices. The Commission here says: “At this election Sir Oliver Lambert with a little walking-stick, did strike one George Brady, one of the inhabitants, for using towards him some rude behaviour, and giving him some unfitting speeches; and upon view by us, it did not appear to us, that his head had been broken.”

They found there was a general combination against electing Protestants; the reason being, the natives believed laws would be propounded concerning religion and for banishment of priests. They found that the Roman Catholic knights of the shire and burgesses levied contributions to pay for sending their agents for their appeal to England. And the moneys obtained by the priests seem to have been dues of the most ordinary kind. In fact, the dragging in of the priests and Jesuits, first suggested in James’s commands to the Commission, proved to be a perfect mare’s nest. They found that two burgesses were returned from Clogher, which had never sent members before, and had no charter to do so. The Commission then went on to describe the disorderly scene at the meeting of Parliament. It appeared that several of the new corporations had no right to return members, their charters bearing date after the Commission for the holding of the Parliament, and some after the summons to the Parliament.

After that, they go into the general grievances of the country. Juries will not present recusants. “The small number, less sufficiency, and little residence of the ministers. The want and defect of churches, either wholly ruined, or so out of repair as to be unfit for the service of God.” Remedy, to enforce the laws of conformity, and to do away with idle and scandalous ministers. The soldiers extort; officers take money not to cess; the provost-marshal’s men extort. The people are afraid to make complaint for fear of worse impositions. The extortion of clerks and multiplying of new offices. The clearing out of Wexford for a new plantation; some old freeholders restored to their land or portion, but with some of the English party holding it in trust for them; while 390 freeholders, and 14,500 other people “may be removed at the will of the patentees, notwithstanding few are yet removed.” For this plantation a jury was appointed and found “ignoramus” to the King’s title. They were bound over to appear again, and then eleven agreed to find for the title; but five, who refused, were committed to prison, and censured in the Castle Chamber. After that come figures about the Wexford Plantation and the rent reserved, which was £5 per 1,000 acres for the English, and £6 6s. 8d. for the natives.

Here ends the Commissioners’ finding. It was worded with caution, but we can see they felt that the condition of Ireland was one of gross misgovernment. In fact, it would be impossible to feel anything else, if the subject were dealt with from the point of view of legality. Notice that no fault or crime was urged against the native population except those violations of the law which come from their adhesion to their own views in politics and religion. On the other hand, every constitutional law was being broken by the misgovernors of the land. How James could assert there were only illegalities in the cases of two members of Parliament, it is difficult to say. Even if the King’s County case was doubtful, the Kildare case, the Cavan case, and the Clogher case, would clearly make six. Some of these findings, as about the military impositions, and the Wexford peasantry being tenants at will, must have been bitter reading for Sir John Davies, who had written so strongly against that sort of thing, and who, though rapacious and heartless, may be fairly described, in the writer’s humble opinion, as the father of the Ulster custom.

The Commission, as far as it touched Parliamentary matters, dealt only with the House of Commons. The constitution of the House of Lords was as bad. On the eve of the meeting of the Parliament, on 31st March, 1613, a King’s letter was issued to call to the Upper House by writ, Lord Abercorn, Lord Henry Brian, son of the Earl of Thomond, Lord Audley, Lord Ochiltree, and Lord Burleigh. The letter also said if the right of Lord Barry, Viscount Buttevant was questioned because he had an elder brother who is deaf and dumb, the question was to be silenced by the king’s commandment, because of his dutiful behaviour, and because he had enjoyed the title for many years without contradiction. A letter in the Carew Papers shows that Lord Henry Brian or O’Brien was summoned because he was a Protestant, where we also read that Lord Athenrie, who was too poor to attend, was to be induced to give his proxy to some Protestant lord.[51]

A good many of the intended mushroom boroughs came to nothing. Virginia was meant to be a borough, but was never incorporated. Charlestown and Jamestown were intended to be the county towns respectively of the counties of Roscommon and Leitrim, but the ill-omened names have disappeared from our maps, though the village of Jamestown became a pocket borough, returning two members till the Union.[52]

It may be necessary to mention that the colonization of Down and Antrim are quite separate matters. About the beginning of the fifteenth century, the MacDonnells, Lords of the Isles, came to Antrim, and in 1584 a thousand Scottish highlanders, called “Redshanks,” of the septs of the Cambiles, MacDonnells and Magalanes, led by Surleboy, a Scottish chieftain, invaded Ulster. And early in James’s reign some English from Devon were brought over by Chichester and settled in Carrickfergus and Malone, near Belfast. These formed the Planters of Antrim; and Down was colonized through the interference of a laird named Montgomery. Con O’Neill had got into trouble with the Government, and his wife (a lady of great abilities, and a sister of Brian MacArt and half-sister of Owen Roe MacArt) appealed to Montgomery to help him to secure his pardon. Montgomery did secure it; but with the result that the patent for his share of Con’s land specified that the lands should be planted by British undertakers, and that no grants of fee-farms should be given to any of Irish extraction.[53] Then James Hamilton came in and got a share, Con, Hamilton and Montgomery having one-third each. In 1606 O’Neill had to part with his property, giving it up to Montgomery. The latter founded Newtown (or Newtownards), Donaghadee, Comber and Grey-Abbey; and Hamilton founded Bangor, Holywood, Killileagh, and Ballywalter. So these wily Scotchmen got practically the whole of the County Down; and the Scotch settlers who came over in hundreds filled up the land. The barony of Iveagh, which contained so much highlands, was held by the Magenises. They seem to have been astute enough. Though often law-breakers, they did not transgress politically, and when the barony was specially settled in 1617 they got most of the land in Iveagh, and they had only to pay twice as much as the English.[54] Here is a brief contemporary description of the head of the family. “Sir Hugh McEnys was the civilest of all the Irishry of those parts. He was brought by Sir Nicholas Bagnall from the Bonaghe of the O’Neyles to contribute to the Queen. In this place only amongst the Irish of Ulster is the rude custom of tanistship put away. Maginis is able to make 60 horsemen and 80 footmen. Every festival day he wears English garments.”

Besides the Ulster counties, in this reign there were also plantations of King’s County and Longford at a rent to the Crown of 2½d. per acre for pasture land, and ½d per acre for bog and wood, Wexford at rent 1¼d. per acre, Upper Ossory (Queen’s County) at 3d. per acre. Westmeath and Cork. There were also grants in Meath and Louth; but, though large, they hardly professed to be the basis of a plantation.

Many continental immigrants became naturalized in Ireland in this reign; they hailed mostly from Antwerp and Brabant.[55]

Now what has the introduction of the North Britons done for Ireland? It has added complications to the religious problems of the country, by adding a third element. To all who study the history of Ireland, it tends to increase the sense of injustice and wrong, to see how the North and its industries have always been pampered for the three centuries intervening. It has not tended to the consolidation of the Empire, for every Ulster so-called “Loyalist” is a Home Ruler of a type of his own, for he approaches all Imperial problems from a local point of view. In the troublous times when political convulsions come in Belfast, as in 1886 and 1892, the most hated class of men is found to be the body that is representative of law and order, the Royal Irish Constabulary. Ulster is loyal as long as she gets her own way. Her good temper is very like what Sir Antony Absolute says of himself, “You know I am compliance itself—when I am not thwarted; no one more easily led—when I have my own way.” Her vices are worse than the traditional vices of the rest of the land. In morality the South and West of Ireland people are superior; while in temperance, it may at least be said they are not inferior. The virtues of Ulster are economy and industry and determination. They have an unreasoning decision, a blind enthusiasm, in political and religious matters that carries them along in a way that will never be copied by the more thoughtful and more depressed Southern. Ulster has shown the rest of Ireland that, however attractive the land may be, it is well to have trades and industries that do not depend, or only depend partly on the land. The crowning merit of James’s work in Ulster is that there is one part of the country where landlord and tenant, squire and labourer, think very much alike in religion and politics, so that a good understanding should be looked for between the various parties. Had he left Tyrone and Tyrconnell and O’Dogherty with their vassals, the same result would have been arrived at, without all the unconstitutional things I have referred to. Unconstitutional! We have seen the beginning of the Stuart rule; we know how it ended.

And in the struggles that intervened, Ulster was invariably against the Crown. To the English and Scotch squatters, and the Irish Society, were given arable and pasture lands, fishings, courts leet and baron, ferries, bishoprics and livings, mountain-lands and bogs, courts of pie-powder, exemptions, titles, licences to beg, recusants’ fines, wardships and marriages of minors, charters of the staple, customs on tobacco-pipes, and monopolies of all kinds, and in a few score years the grandchildren of these favoured persons made themselves famous by their bitter opposition to James’s grandson. Thus the whirligig of time brings its revenges.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Notes

Footnote 1:

Tract by Sir Thomas Smith on the Colonisation of Ards, in Co. Down,
1572.

Footnote 2:

_Patent Rolls_, 1 James I., lxx., 22, Dorso, p. 5.

Footnote 3:

See _The Broken Sword of Ulster_, by R. Cuninghame.

Footnote 4:

_State Papers, Ireland_ (1609), p. 330, (1608), pp. 108, 109.

Footnote 5:

Plowden’s _History_, I., p. 341.

Footnote 6:

_Calendar State Papers, Ireland_ (1608-10), Preface.

Footnote 7:

_Broken Sword of Ulster_, p. 153, &c. For the earlier plots of
Mountjoy against Tyrone, see Docwra’s _Narrative_, Celtic Society’s
_Miscellany_, Notes, p. 315.

Footnote 8:

_State Papers, Ireland_ (1608), p. 31.

Footnote 9:

_State Papers, Ireland_ (1608), Preface, p. xli.

Footnote 10:

Celtic Society’s _Miscellany_, Docwra’s _Narrative_, Notes, p. 315.

Footnote 11:

_Carew Papers_, “Discourse for the Reformation of Ireland” (1583). See
also Sir J. Perrott’s Proposals, same vol., II., p. 368; II., p. 415.

Footnote 12:

Hill, _Plantation of Ulster_, p. 222.

Footnote 13:

_State Papers, Ireland_ (1607) Preface, p. lvii.

Footnote 14:

Enrolled _Patent Rolls_, 16 James I., pp. 419, 420.

Footnote 15:

_History_, Vol. II., p. 14.

Footnote 16:

_Broken Sword of Ulster_, pp. 153, 168.

Footnote 17:

P. 313. Note.

Footnote 18:

_Broken Sword of Ulster_, p. 179.

Footnote 19:

MacNevin (_Confiscation of Ulster_, p. 137, note) says the Irish had
to pay £10 13s. 4d. for 60 acres. He does not state how he gets at
this fact. The grants to the natives seem to have been at the rate of
£1 1s. 4d. for 100 acres, which would work out at £10 13s. 4d. for
1,000. (See _Patent Rolls_, James I., passim.)

Footnote 20:

Rev. George Hill, _Montgomery MS._, p. 55, note. _Patent Rolls_, 14
James I., lxiii., 4, Dorso, and 15 James I., xll., 3, Dorso.

Footnote 21:

_Patent Rolls, Ireland_, 19 James I., Part II., xvii., 41.

Footnote 22:

_State Papers, Ireland_ (1609), p. 196.

Footnote 23:

Hill, _Plantation of Ulster_, pp. 220, 223.

Footnote 24:

Hill, _Plantation Papers_, p. 77.

Footnote 25:

_Plantation Papers_, p. 77.

Footnote 26:

_Carew Papers_, p. 228.

Footnote 27:

_Plantation Papers_, pp. 13, 14.

Footnote 28:

Hill, _Plantation of Ulster_. See Sir J. Davies’ letter to Salisbury,
27th June, 1609, about Sir Neale. When the jury were found to be
favourable to him they were dismissed by a trick. Davies recommends to
have him tried by a jury in Middlesex, or kept till the colonies of
English or Scotch may be planted in Tyrconnell.

Footnote 29:

_Patent Rolls_, II James I.; 5 lv., 31, p. 250. 14, March 10th. See
pp. 257, 293. _Carew MS._, pp. 49, 88; _State Papers, Ireland_ (1609),
pp. 264, 299; (1610), p. 416.

Footnote 30:

_State Papers_ (1610), pp. 502, 503.

Footnote 31:

_Plantation Papers_, p. 96.

Footnote 32:

_Patent Rolls_, 20 James I., Part III., lxii., 27 Dorso.

Footnote 33:

_Plantation Papers_, p. 29. An early and unsuccessful attempt to plant
had been made on Sir Oghie O’Hanlon’s land in 1569; it had been taken
from him and given to Captain Chatterton. Chatterton was killed, and
as nobody would venture to plant the land, it was restored to
O’Hanlon. An interesting proclamation of Carew’s in 1603, on the
subject of the rate of wages in the North of Ireland, is given in
_Plantation Papers_, p. 79.

Footnote 34:

_Patent Rolls_, 12 James I., I., viii., 2. Lady O’Dogherty was about
to proceed to London in pursuit of relief, and as Chichester found
that her marriage money had never been paid by her brother, Lord
Gormanstown, he got the king to give her £40 a year during pleasure
out of the rents of Inishowen. _State Papers_ (1609), p. 216. _Patent
Rolls_, 14 James I., lxxxii., 14 Dorso, Part I., and 14 James I., vi.,
8, Part 2, Facie.

Footnote 35:

_Patent Rolls_, James I., pp. 48, 443. _Plantation Papers_, pp. 19,
190, 119.

Footnote 36:

_Patent Rolls_, James I., pp. 312, 314. _Plantation Papers_, pp. 19,
119, 190.

Footnote 37:

Reid, _Presbyterianism in Ulster_, I., pp. 103, 104.

Footnote 38:

Prendergast, _Ireland from the Restoration to the Revolution_
(1660-1690), p. 98.

Footnote 39:

Hill, _Plantation Papers_, p. 67, ff.

Footnote 40:

_Plantation Papers_, pp. 26, 189.

Footnote 41:

See _Patent Rolls_, passim; _Carew Papers_, p. 227; _Plantation
Papers_, p. 52.

Footnote 42:

Sir R. Cox, _History_, II., p. 29. _Plantation Papers_, p. 64.

Footnote 43:

_Patent Rolls_, 14 James I., Part I., cvi., 27 Dorso.

Footnote 44:

_Plantation Papers_, p. 146.

Footnote 45:

See _Patent Rolls_, James I., pp. 492, 512, 532, &c.

Footnote 46:

_Patent Rolls_, James I., pp. 455, 473.

Footnote 47:

_Patent Rolls_, 11 James I., 5, cv., 17 Dorso; 18 James I., lxxxvii.,
37 Dorso; pp. 314, 555. 22 James I., cxiv., 47 Dorso. _State Papers_
(1610), pp. 31, 64, 391. See also the Inquiry into the state of
Dioceses of Cashel and Emly and Waterford and Lismore in the _State
Papers_. _Patent Rolls_, 18 James I., xxxiv., 6 Dorso.

Footnote 48:

Sir R. Cox’s _History_; _Plowden_; and the report of Commission
mentioned below and printed in the _Patent Rolls_. The fullest account
is by Cox, where the Acts of the Parliament and the King’s letter to
the remonstrant Lords are described.

Footnote 49:

_Patent Rolls_, 16 James I., pp. 369-401.

Footnote 50:

Camden’s _Ireland_, pp. 123, 125.

Footnote 51:

_Patent Rolls_, 11 James I., lxv., 36 Facie. _Carew Papers_, p. 147.

Footnote 52:

_Patent Rolls_, 10 James I., 1, v. 7 Facie. 20 James I., xlii., 11
Dorso. See Lewis’s _Topographical Dictionary of Ireland_.

Footnote 53:

_Patent Rolls_, James I., p. 236.

Footnote 54:

_Patent Rolls_, 16 James I., xv., Dorso. _State Papers, Ireland_
(1608), 10, Preface, p. xi.

Footnote 55:

While these people were coming over from Belgium, it is of interest to
note that as well as at Louvain, there was an Irish College at Tournai
in 1607. _State Papers_ (1607), p. 230.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

STRAFFORD

PART I

THE GRACES

BY PHILIP WILSON

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Strafford