Chapter XIII (3)

[206:5] Acts vi. 5. Others conceive, however, that the name Nicolaitanes is merely equivalent to Balaamites (as Balaam in Hebrew is nearly equivalent to Nicolas in Greek, each word signifying _Ruler, or Conqueror of the people_), and that the apostle does not here refer to any party already known by this designation, but to all who, like Balaam, were seducers of God's people. See Neander, "General History," ii. 159. Edinburgh edition, 1847.

[207:1] Rev. ii. 6, 15.

[207:2] Acts xxiii. 1, 6.

[207:3] 1 John ii. 19.

[207:4] Compare Jude 19, and Heb. x. 25.

[208:1] 1 Tim. i. 20.

[208:2] Rev. ii. 15.

[208:3] Hegesippus in Euseb., iv. 22.

[208:4] Eusebius, iv. 22.

[208:5] 1 Cor. xi. 19.

[209:1] James iii. 17.

[210:1] Luke xxiv. 21.

[210:2] Luke xxiv. 17, 22, 23.

[211:1] Acts xx. 7.

[211:2] Rev. i. 10, [Greek: hê kurtakê hêmera]. The day was ever afterwards distinguished by this designation. See a letter from Dionysius of Corinth in Eusebius, iv. 23. See also Kaye's "Clement of Alexandria," p. 418. The first day of the week is called "the Christian Sabbath" in the Ethiopic version of the "Apostolical Constitutions." See Platt's "Didascalia," p. 99. But these Constitutions are of comparatively late origin.

[211:3] Matt. v. 17-19.

[211:4] Matt. iii. 15.

[211:5] Matt. xii. 3-5; Mark ii. 25, 26.

[211:6] Matt. xii. 7.

[211:7] Gen. ii. 3.

[212:1] Exod. xx. 1-17.

[212:2] Mark ii. 27.

[212:3] Matt. xxiv. 20.

[212:4] See Heb. xiii. 10, 15, 16; Ps. li. 17.

[212:5] Isa. lvi. 6, 7. Compare with Isa. ii. 2.

[212:6] Mark ii. 28.

[212:7] John xx. 19, 26. According to the current style of speaking," after eight days" means _the eighth day after_. See Matt, xxvii. 63.

[213:1] Acts ii. 1. That the day of Pentecost was the first day of the week appears from Lev. xxiii. 11, 15. The same inference may be drawn from John xviii. 28, and xix. 31, compared with Lev. xxiii. 5, 6. See also Schaff's "History of the Apostolic Church," i. p. 230, note, and the authorities there quoted.

[213:2] In the same way the Eucharist is called the Lord's Supper: [Greek: Kuriakon deipnon] (1 Cor. xi. 20). Thus also we speak of the Lord's house, and the Lord's people.

[213:3] Heb. x. 25.

[213:4] 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2.

[213:5] Isa. lxv. 17, 18.

[213:6] [Greek: Sabbatiamos]. See Owen "On the Hebrews," iv. 9.

[213:7] Heb. iv. 9, 10.

[213:8] Rom. xiv. 5.

[214:1] Col. ii. 16, 17.

[214:2] The ordinary temple service could scarcely be called congregational. It was almost exclusively ceremonial and typical, consisting of sacrificing, burning incense, and offering various oblations. The worshippers generally prayed apart. See Luke i. 10, xviii. 10, 11.

[215:1] See these eighteen prayers in Prideaux's "Connexions," i. 375, and note. Bingham admits (Orig. iv. 194), that these are their _"most ancient"_ forms of devotion; and, of course, if they were written after the fall of Jerusalem, it follows that the Jews had no liturgy in the days of our Lord. Had they then been limited to fixed forms, He would scarcely have upbraided the Scribes and Pharisees for hypocritically _"making long prayer"_ Matt, xxiii. 14.

[215:2] See Palmer's "Origines Liturgicae," i. pp. 44-92; and Clarkson's "Discourse concerning Liturgies;" "Select Works," p. 342.

[215:3] Matt. vi. 9-13.

[215:4] 1 Thess. v. 18.

[215:5] Eph. vi. 18.

[215:6] Eph. vi. 18.

[215:7] Acts i. 24, 25, iv. 24-30.

[216:1] See Lightfoot's "Temple Service," ch. vii. sec. 2; "Works," ix. 56.

[216:2] Lightfoot's "Prospect of the Temple," ch. xxxiii.; "Works," ix. 384.

[216:3] The multitudes who assembled at the great festivals in the temple could not well unite in one service. The wall of the building was more than half a mile in circumference. See Lightfoot, ix. 217. There were various courts and divisions in the building.

[216:4] Heb. ix. 9-12, x. 1; John ii. 19-21; 1 Pet. ii. 5.

[216:5] Vitringa, "De Synagoga," p. 203.

[216:6] Eph. v. 19. According to some, the Psalms were divided into these three classes.

[216:7] Heb. xiii. 15.

[217:1] Bingham, ii. 482-484.

[217:2] Luke iv. 16, 17.

[217:3] Col. iv. 16; 1 Thess. v. 27.

[217:4] 1 Cor. xiv. 29. It would appear from this that only _two_ or _three_ persons were permitted to speak at a meeting. By him that "sitteth by" (verse 30), a doctor or teacher is meant. See Vitringa, "De Synagoga," p. 600, and Matt. v. 1.

[217:5] 1 Cor. xiv. 27. The gift of "interpretation of tongues" (1 Cor. xii. 10) was quite as wonderful as the gift of "divers kinds of tongues" (1 Cor. xii. 10).

[218:1] Censers were introduced into the Church about the fourth or fifth century. Bingham, ii. 454, 455.

[218:2] 1 Cor. xvi. 19; Col. iv. 15; Philem. 2.

[218:3] Matt. iii. 4.

[218:4] The rite of confirmation, as now practised, has no sanction in the New Testament. The "baptisms" and "laying on of hands," mentioned Heb. vi. 2, are obviously the "divers washings" of the Jews, and the _imposition of hands on the heads of victims_. The laying on of the apostles' hands conferred miraculous gifts. Had the apostle referred to Christian baptism in Heb. vi. 2, he would have used the singular number.

[218:5] Lightfoot affirms that the use of baptism among the Israelites was as ancient as the days of Jacob. He appeals in support of this view to Gen. xxxv. 2. "Works," iv. 278.

[219:1] Lightfoot's "Works," iv. 409, 410. Edit. London, 1822.

[219:2] Acts x. 2, 44-48, xvi. 15, 33, xviii. 8; 1 Cor. i. 16.

[219:3] Acts viii. 37.

[219:4] Mark xvi. 16; John iii. 18.

[219:5] Matt. xix. 14; Luke xviii. 15. In the New Testament children are described as uniting with their Christian parents in prayer (Acts xxi. 5). Were not these children baptized? They were no doubt brought up "in the _nurture_ and admonition of the Lord" (Eph. vi. 4).

[220:1] Col. ii. 11, 12, 13.

[220:2] Col. i. 2, iii. 20; Eph. vi. 1, 4.

[220:3] 1 John ii. 12.

[220:4] Acts ii. 38, 39.

[220:5] 1 Cor. vii. 14. The absurdity of the interpretation according to which _holy_ is here made to signify _legitimate_, is well exposed by Dr Wilson in his treatise on "Infant Baptism," p. 513. London, 1848.

[220:6] This would, indeed, have been almost, if not altogether, impossible. They would probably act somewhat differently at the river Jordan and in such a place as the jail at Philippi.

[220:7] [Greek: Baptizô].

[221:1] Dr Wilson has demonstrated the incorrectness of Dr Carson's statements on this subject. See his "Infant Baptism," p. 96.

[221:2] Wilson's "Infant Baptism," p. 157. In Titus iii. 5, 6, there is something like a reference to this mode of baptism: "The washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost which _he shed_ (or _poured out_) on us abundantly." [Greek: Ou execheen eph' hêmas plousiôs].

[221:3] In some cases, as at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost, they do not seem to have had the means of immersing their converts. See also Acts x. 47. The text John iii. 23, indicates the difficulty of baptizing by dipping.

[221:4] Isa. lii. 15; Ezek. xxxvi. 25; I Pet. i. 2; Heb. ix. 10; Rev. i. 5.

[221:5] 1 Cor. v. 7, 8.

[221:6] Acts xx. 7.

[221:7] Acts xx. 7; 1 Cor. x. 16.

[222:1] It was in use before the end of the second century. See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 431, 451.

[222:2] 1 Cor. x. 17.

[222:3] 1 Cor. v. 11.

[222:4] See Lightfoot's "Works," iii. 242, and xi. 179. Vitringa "De Synagoga," p. 550.

[222:5] Acts xx. 28.

[223:1] Heb. xiii. 17.

[223:2] Heb. xxi. 17.

[223:3] 1 Tim. iii. 5.

[223:4] 1 Tim. v. 19, 20.

[223:5] Heb. xiii. 17.

[223:6] 1 Cor. v. 1,13.

[223:7] 2 Cor. ii. 6.

[224:1] See Period I. section i. chap. v. p. 88.

[224:2] 1 Cor. v. 2, 6.

[224:3] 1 Cor. V. 3-5.

[224:4] 1 John v. 19, [Greek: en tô ponêrô].

[225:1] In the above passage respecting delivering unto Satan there may be a reference to Job ii. 6, 7, and it may be that some bodily affliction rested on the offender. In that case there would be here an exercise of supernatural power on the part of Paul. According to Tertullian, to deliver to Satan was simply to excommunicate. "De ceteris dixit qui illis traditis Satanae, id est, extra ecclesiam projectis, erudiri haberent blasphemandum non esse."--"De Pudicitia," c. xiii.

[225:2] 1 Cor. i. 11,12.

[225:3] That the Church of Corinth at this time was organized in the same way as other Christian communities is evident from various allusions in the first epistle. See 1 Cor. iv. 15, vi. 5, xii. 27, 28. Crispus, mentioned Acts xviii. 8, was, no doubt, one of the eldership. There is a reference to the elders in 1 Cor. xiv. 30. See Vitringa, "De Synagoga," p. 600.

[225:4] In the apostolic age, censures were pronounced in presence of the whole church. See 1 Tim. v. 20. It is to be noted that Paul himself does not excommunicate the offender. He merely delivers his apostolic judgment that the thing should be done, and calls upon the Corinthians to do it; but he expects them to proceed in due order, the rulers and the people performing their respective parts.

[227:1] 2 Cor. ii. 7, 8. The mode of proceeding here indicated is illustrated by what took place in the Church of Rome about the middle of the third century. There certain penitents first appeared before the presbytery to express their contrition, and then it was arranged that "this whole proceeding should be communicated _to the people_, that they might see those established in the Church, whom they had so long seen and mourned wandering and straying."--Cyprian, Epist. xlvi. p. 136. Edit. Baluzius, Venice, 1728.

[228:1] That "the church" here signifies the eldership, see Vitringa, "De Synagoga," p. 724.

[228:2] Matt, xviii. 15, 17.

[228:3] In our English version the original word [Greek:(paradosin)] is improperly rendered _tradition_.

[228:4] Thess. iii. 6.

[228:5] Matt. v. 45.

[229:1] 2 Thess. iii. 14, 15.

[229:2] For an account of the excommunication of the Druids, see Caesar, "De Bello Gallico," vi. 13. Many things in the Latin excommunication are doubtless borrowed from paganism.

[229:3] As an example of this, see an old form of excommunication in Collier's "Ecclesiastical History," ii. 273. Edit. London, 1840.

[230:1] Eph. iv. 11, 12.

[230:2] 1 Cor. xii. 28.

[230:3] 2 Tim. iv. 5.

[230:4] Acts xxi. 8, viii. 5.

[230:5] 1 Tim. i 3, v. 1, 7, 17; Tit. i. 5.

[231:1] Acts viii. 13; 2 Tim. i. 6. This latter text is often quoted, though erroneously, as if it referred to the ordination of Timothy. The ordainer usually laid on only his right hand. See "Con. Carthag." iv. can. iii. iv. In conferring extraordinary endowments both hands were imposed. See Acts xix. 6.

[231:2] John xiv. 26, xvi. 13, xx. 22.

[231:3] Matt. x. 1, xxviii. 18, 19.

[231:4] John xx. 26, xxi. 1; Acts i. 3; 1 Cor. ix. 1.

[231:5] Such is the opinion of Chrysostom and others. See Alford on this passage.

[231:6] Acts vi. 2-4.

[231:7] In the Peshito version helps and governments are translated _helpers_ and _governors_.

[232:1] It is remarkable that the lay council of the modern synagogue are called Parnasim or Pastors. See Vitringa, "De Synagoga," pp. 578, 635.

[232:2] Mr Alford observes that in 1 Cor. xii. 28, "we must not seek for a _classified_ arrangement"--the arrangement being "rather suggestive than logical." Hence "helps" are mentioned _before_ "governments." In the same way in Eph. iv. 11, "pastors" precede "teachers."

[232:3] Acts xx. 28; 1 Pet. v. 2.

[232:4] Acts xx. 17, 28; Titus i. 5, 7; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2.

[232:5] 1 Tim. iii. 1, 2, 5.

[232:6] 1 Pet. v. 1, 2, 4 The identity of elders and pastors is more distinctly exhibited in the original here, and in Acts xx. 17, 28, as the word translated _feed_ signifies literally _to act as a shepherd_ or pastor.

[232:7] 1 Tim. v. 17. Mr Ellicott, in his work on the "Pastoral Epistles," thus speaks of this passage--"The concluding words, [Greek: en logô kai didask.], certainly seem to imply _two_ kinds of ruling presbyters, those who preached and taught and those who did not."

[233:1] Compare 1 Cor. xii. 28, and Philip, i. 1; 1 Tim. iii. 1-8.

[233:2] Acts vi. 3, xiv. 23; Titus i. 5; James v. 14.

[233:3] 1 Cor. xiv. 1, 5, 6, 31.

[233:4] Section Rom. xii. 6-8.

[233:5] 1 Tim, iii. 5. Lightfoot says that, "in every synagogue there was a civil triumvirate, that is, three magistrates who judged of matters in contest arising within that synagogue."--"Works," xi.179. The same writer declares that "in every synagogue there were elders that ruled in civil affairs, and elders that laboured in the word and doctrine."--"Works," iii. 242, 243.

[234:1] [Greek: diplês timês]. Those who adduce this passage to prove that the apostle here defines the pecuniary remuneration of elders involve themselves in much difficulty; for, if limited to the matter of payment, and literally interpreted, it would lead to the inference that, irrespective of the amount of service rendered, all the elders should receive the same compensation; and that no church teacher, though the father of a large family, should be allowed more than twice the gratuity of a poor widow! Compare I Tim. v. 3, and 17. The "double honour" of I Tim. v. 17, is evidently equivalent to the "all honour" of 1 Tim. vi. 1. In the latter case there can be no reference to payment. Paul obviously means to say that the claims of elders should be fully recognized; and in the following verse (1 Tim. v. 18) he refers pointedly to the temporal support to which church teachers are entitled.

[234:2] 1 Tim. iii. 2-7.

[234:3] [Greek: didaktikon].

[234:4] Matt. iv. 23; Acts v. 42, xv. 35.

[235:1] Heb. iii. 13.

[235:2] Col. iii. 16.

[235:3] 1 Pet. iii. 15.

[235:4] 2 Tim. ii. 24, 25.

[235:5] Even a female, though not permitted to speak in the Church, had often this aptness for teaching. Such was the case with the excellent Priscilla, Acts xviii. 26. The aged women were required to be "teachers of good things," Titus ii. 3.

[237:1] In the Church of Corinth several speakers were in the habit of addressing the same meeting. 1 Cor. xiv. 26, 27, 29, 31.

[237:2] 1 Tim. v. 17.

[237:3] Gal. vi. 6.

[237:4] 1 Tim. v. 18.

[237:5] 1 Cor. ix. 14.

[237:6] Matt. x. 1; 1 Cor. xiv. 18.

[237:7] "The place which the apostles occupied while they lived is now filled, not by a living order of ministers, but by their own inspired writings, which constitute, or ought to constitute, the supreme authority in the Church of God.... The New Testament Scriptures, as they are the only real apostolate now in existence, so, are sufficient to supply to us the place of the inspired Twelve."--_Litton's Church of Christ_, p. 410.

[237:1] "While it is clearly recorded that the apostles instituted the orders of presbyters and deacons, it is not so clearly recorded, _indeed it is not recorded at all_, that they instituted the order of bishops."--_Litton_, p. 426. Such a testimony from a Fellow of Oxford is creditable alike to his candour and his intelligence.

[237:2] Acts xv. 6, xvi. 4, xxi. 18, 25.

[237:3] Acts xx. 17, 25.

[237:4] Acts xx. 29-31.

[237:5] Acts vi. 4. "Here," says Mr Litton, "no mention is made of government or of ordination, as the special prerogative of the apostolic office; _and if it were not dangerous to lay too much stress upon a single passage_, it might from this one be plausibly inferred that _the special function of the apostles, as representatives of the ordinary Christian ministry, has descended_, not to bishops, but to presbyters, to whom it specially pertains to give themselves to prayer and the ministry of the Word."--_Litton's Church of Christ_, p. 407. It is certainly not dangerous to lay as much stress upon any Scripture as it will legitimately bear, and the inference hero drawn is in accordance with the rules of the most exact logic.

[238:1] 1 Cor. i. 17.

[238:2] Eph. iii. 8. In dealing with individuals, the apostles seldom challenged obedience on the ground of their divine authority. When they are represented as directing the movements of ministers, the language generally implies simply that the parties in question undertook certain services at their instigation or request, or by their advice. Thus, Paul says that he _besought_ Timothy to abide in Ephesus, that he _left_ Titus in Crete, and that he _sent_ Epaphroditus to the Philippians (1 Tim. i. 3; Titus i. 5; Philip. ii. 25). But Paul himself is said to have been _sent forth_ to Tarsus _by the brethren_ (Acts ix. 30). When Mark refused to accompany Paul and Silas into Asia Minor he did not therefore forfeit his ecclesiastical status (Acts xiii. 13, xv. 37-39). Apart from their special commission, the apostles were entitled to deference from other ministers on account of their superior age and experience; and Paul sometimes refers to this claim. See Philem. 8, 9. On the same ground all who have recently entered the ministry are bound to yield precedence to aged pastors, and to respect their advice. See 1 Pet. v. 5.

[238:3] It can scarcely be necessary to remind the reader that the postscripts to these epistles setting forth that Timothy was "ordained the first bishop of the church of the Ephesians," and that Titus was "ordained the first bishop of the Church of the Cretians," are spurious. See Period i. sec. ii. chap. i. p. 181.

[239:1] 1 Tim. i. 3. Paul says (1 Cor. iv. 17) to the _Corinthians_--"I have sent unto you Timotheus .... who shall bring you into remembrance of my ways which be in Christ;" and, according to the mode of reasoning employed by some, we might infer from this text that Timothy was bishop of Corinth. "It is a suspicious circumstance," says Dr Burton, "that several persons who are mentioned in the New Testament, are said to have been bishops of the places connected with their names. Thus Cornelius is said to have been bishop of Caesarea, and to have succeeded Zacchaeus, though it is highly improbable that either of them filled such an office."--"Lectures," i., p. 182.

[239:2] 1 Tim. vi. 17.

[239:3] See Period i. sect. i. chap, ix. p. 131.

[239:4] Acts xx. 30, 31.

[240:1] The word [Greek: katastêsês], here translated "ordain," should rather be rendered _constitute_, or _establish_.

[240:2] Titus i. 5.

[240:3] Titus iii. 13.

[240:4] Acts vi. 3, xiv. 23; 2 Cor. viii. 19, 23.

[240:5] Acts xxiii. 3.

[240:6] "The whole Sanhedrim were the judges, and sitting to judge him according to the law."--_Alford on Acts_ xxiii. 3.

[241:1] See Prideaux's "Connections," part ii. books 1 and 8.

[241:2] Acts xxvi. 17, 18. See also, as another illustration, Matt. xvi. 19.

[241:3] 2 Cor. xi. 28.

[241:4] 1 Tim. iv. 12, 13; 2 Tim. ii. 22, 23; Titus ii. 7, 8.

[241:5] 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2, iv. 16, v. 19, 20, 22; 2 Tim. ii. 2, 15, iv. 2, 5; Titus iii, 8, 9.

[242:1] 1 Tim. v. 5, 16, vi. 1, 2, 9, 17; Titus ii. 6, 9, 10.

[242:2] One of the most remarkable instances of an appeal to the sense of individual obligation in a case where many were concerned may be found in Gal. vi. 1.

[242:3] Whitby, in his "Preface to the Epistle to Titus," says candidly of the allegation that Timothy and Titus were bishops respectively of Ephesus and Crete--"Now, of this matter, I confess I can find nothing in any writer of the first three centuries, nor any intimation that they bore that name."

[242:4] 1 Tim. i. 3; 2 Tim. iv. 10, 12, 21; Titus i. 5, iii. 12.

[242:5] Hence Fulgentius speaks of "cathedra Joannis Evangelistae Ephesi." Lib. "De Trinitate," c. 1. Contradictory traditions sometimes happily annihilate each other.

[243:1] Homer, "Iliad," ii. v. 156.

[243:2] Mark x. 42-45.

[244:1] 1 Pet. v. 3.

[244:2] Acts i. 15, 21-23, 26.

[244:3] 2 Cor. viii. 19, 23. See also 1 Cor xvi. 3.

[244:4] Acts vi. 3, xiv. 23. See also 1 Tim. iii. 10, compared with 1 John iv. 1.

[244:5] Clemens Romanus states that, in the apostolic age, ecclesiastical appointments were made "with the approbation of the whole church." "Epist. to Corinthians," § 44.

[245:1] Acts vi. 6; 1 Tim. v. 22.

[245:2] See Selden, "De Synedriis," lib. i. c. 14.

[245:3] Acts xiii. 1-3.

[245:4] Acts xiv. 23.

[245:5] 1 Tim. iv. 14. That the preposition [Greek: meta] here indicates the instrumental cause, see Acts xiii. 17, xiv. 27.

[245:6] Acts vi. 6. Some have thought it strange that Paul gives no instructions to Titus respecting the ordination of deacons in Crete. See Titus i. 8. This was unnecessary, as the elders, when ordained, could afterwards ordain deacons.

[245:7] Rom. xvi. 1.

[245:8] [Greek: diakonon].

[246:1] 1 Tim. v. 3, 4, 9.

[246:2] Rom. xvi 2.

[247:1] 1 Cor. xii. 12, 21, 26.

[249:1] Such as we find described in Deut. xxxi. 10-12.

[249:2] In Greek [Greek: ekklêsia]. The reference in the text is to its ecclesiastical use, for in the New Testament it sometimes signifies a mob. See Acts xix. 32.

[249:3] Acts xi. 22, xv. 4.

[249:4] Acts xxi. 20, [Greek: posai muriades]--literally, "how many tens of thousands."

[249:5] One of these is mentioned Acts xii. 12.

[249:6] Acts xiii. 1.

[249:7] Acts ix. 31. The true reading here is, "Then had _the church_ ([Greek: ekklêsia]) rest throughout all Judea and Galilee and Samaria." This reading is supported by the most ancient manuscripts, including ABC; by the Vulgate, and nearly all the ancient versions; including the old Syriac, Coptic, Sahidic, Ethiopian, Arabic of Erpenius, and Armenian; and by the most distinguished critics, such as Kuinoel, Lachmann, Tischendorf, Alford, and Tregelles. It is likewise sustained by the authority of what is believed to be by far the most valuable cursive MS. in existence. See Scrivener's "Codex Augiensis," Introd. lxviii., and p. 425. Cambridge, 1859.

[250:1] John xvii. 21.

[250:2] Eph. iv. 16.

[250:3] See Col. ii. 19.

[251:1] Acts viii. 14.

[251:2] Acts xi. 22. "No notion is more at variance with the spirit of apostolic Christianity than that of societies of Christians existing in the same neighbourhood, but not in communion with each other, and not under a common government."--_Litton_, p. 450.

[251:3] 2 Cor. viii. 19.

[251:4] Period I. sec. iii. chap. i. p. 214.

[251:5] "That the Church did really derive its polity from the synagogue is a fact upon the proof of which, in the present state of theological learning, it is needless to expend many words."--_Litton's Church of Christ_, p. 254.

[251:6] See Selden, "De Synedriis," lib. ii. c. 5; Lightfoot's "Works," iii. 242, and xi. 179. Josephus says that Moses appointed only seven judges in every city. "Antiq." book iv. c. 8, § 14. See also "Wars of the Jews," ii. c. 20, § 5.

[252:1] Luke xxii. 66; Acts v. 21, vi. 15. See also Prideaux, part ii. book vii., and Lightfoot's "Works," ix. 342.

[252:2] Matt. xvi. 21, xxvi. 59; Mark xv. 1. See also Lightfoot's "Works," iv. 223.

[252:3] 1 Chron. xxiv. 4, 7-18.

[252:4] Acts v. 34.

[252:5] As they represented the people, and were probably twenty-four in number, there may be a reference to them in Rev. iv. 4.

[252:6] Matt. v. 22.

[253:1] Deut. xvii. 8-10; 2 Chron. xix. 8-11; Ps. cxxii. 5.

[253:2] Acts ix. 1, 2, 14.

[253:3] Acts ii. 14, 41, 42, iv. 4, 32, 33, 35, v. 14, 42, vi. 6, 7, viii. 14.

[253:4] Acts xiii. 1, 3.

[253:5] Titus i. 5.

[253:6] 1 Tim. iv. 14.

[253:7] In the same way the Puritans, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, frequently held meetings in London during the sittings of Parliament. See Collier, vii. 33, 64.

[254:1] For a more particular account of the constitution of the meeting mentioned in the 15th chapter of the Acts, see Period I. sec. i. chap. v. p. 82.

[255:1] Acts xv. 6.

[255:2] Acts xv. 19. "James, according to the somewhat pompous rendering in our English version, says--'Wherefore _my sentence is_'--in the original--[Greek: dio elô krina]--a common formula by which the members of the Greek assemblies introduced the expression of their individual opinion, as appears from its repeated occurrence in Thucydides, with which may be compared the corresponding Latin phrase (_sic censeo_) of frequent use in Cicero's orations."--_Alexander on the Acts_, ii. p. 83.

[256:1] Mark xvi. 15.

[257:1] See the spurious epistle of Clement to James, prefixed to the Clementine Homilies. Cotelerius, "Pat. Apost." vol. i. p. 617.

[258:1] Acts xx. 17.

[258:2] Acts xx. 16.

[258:3] The view here taken is corroborated by the authority of Irenaeus, iii. c. 14, § 2:--"In Mileto enim convocatis episcopis et presbyteris, qui erant ab Epheso, _et a reliquis proximis civitatibus_," &c.

[259:1] Acts xx. 18.

[259:2] Acts xix. 8, 10.

[259:3] Acts xx. 31.

[259:4] Acts xx. 25. Demetrius says to the craftsmen--"Ye see and hear that _not alone at Ephesus, but almost throughout all Asia_, this Paul hath persuaded and turned away much people." Acts xix. 26.

[259:5] See Period I. sec. i. chap. viii. p. 123.

[259:6] 1 Cor. xvi. 19.

[259:7] Gal. i. 2.

[259:8] Gal. v. 13.

[259:9] Gal. vi. 2.

[259:10] 1 Pet. i. 1.

[260:1] 1 Pet. v. i, 2.

[260:2] In Acts xx. 28, these designations are identical. The exhortation in 1 Pet. v. 5--"Yea, all of you be _subject one to another_"--is obviously addressed to _ministers_, and implies their mutual subordination. This command can be acted upon only by ministers who are confederated and who hold the same ecclesiastical status. Lachmann adopts a somewhat different reading of this verse without changing the sense, for he puts a semi-period after [Greek: allêlois]. According to his Larger Edition of the Greek Testament, the commencement of the verse should be rendered thus--"Likewise ye younger (presbyters) submit yourselves unto the elder, AND ALL TO ONE ANOTHER." I here suppose _presbyters_ to be understood, as the apostle is speaking to them in all the preceding part of the chapter.

[260:3] 2 Cor. viii. 5, 18, 22; Phil. ii. 25, 28; Col. iv. 7-9; 2 Tim. iv. 9-12.

[260:4] 2 Cor. iii. 1.

[261:1] 2 John 10.

[261:2] 1 John iv. 1.

[261:3] Phil. i. 15-18.

[263:1] Rev. i. 1.

[264:1] Rev. i. 11.

[264:2] Rev. i. 12-16.

[264:3] Rev. i. 20.

[264:4] This was the opinion of Gregory Nazianzen, as well as others. There is an ingenious article on this subject in the "Bibliotheca Sacra" for April 1855. Its author, the Rev. Isaac Jennings, advocates the view propounded in this chapter.

[265:1] This is the opinion of Prideaux, Vitringa, and many others. See Prid. "Connec." part. i. book vi.; and Vitringa, "De Synagoga," lib. iii. par. 2, cap. 3.

[265:2] Acts xiii. 15.

[265:3] Luke iv. 16.

[265:4] Luke iv. 20.

[266:1] Prideaux, part i. book vi. vol. i. p. 385. Edit. London, 1716.

[266:2] "The hours of public devotions in them on their synagogue days were, as to morning and evening prayers, the same hours in which the morning and evening sacrifices were offered up at the temple."--Prideaux, part i. book vi.

[266:3] Maurice, in his work on Diocesan Episcopacy in reply to Clarkson, admits (p. 257) that in our Saviour's time, Laodicea had "but few inhabitants." Philadelphia is described by Strabo as a place with a small population.

[266:4] Acts xix. 20.

[266:5] Acts xix. 26.

[267:1] Prideaux speaks of the angel of the synagogue, in relation to the rulers, as "_next to them_, or perchance one of them."--Part i. book vi. vol. i. p. 385.

[267:2] It appears never to have occurred to Tertullian that the angels of the Churches were bishops. He obviously considered the angel of the Church an invisible intelligence. Thus he says of Paul--"Lusit igitur et de suo spiritu, et de ecclesiae angelo, et de virtute Domini, si quod de consilio eorum pronunciaverat rescidit."--_De Pudicitia_, c. xiv. ad finem. See also Tertullian "De Baptismo," c. vi. Such, too, was the opinion of Origen.--"De Principiis," lib. i. c. 8, and "De Oratione," 11. The fact that, _long after the hierarchy was formed_, in two or three rare cases a bishop is called an angel, in reference to the angels of the Apocalypse, is nothing to the purpose. See Bingham, i. 79.

[268:1] Phil. iv. 14, 18.

[269:1] Phil. ii. 25.

[269:2] 2 Cor. viii. 23, [Greek: apostoloi ekklêsiôn]. In after-times it was deemed proper that those messengers should be of the clerical order.--See Cyprian, epist. xxiv., lxxv., and lxxix.

[269:3] Luke vii. 27, [Greek: ton angelon mou].

[269:4] James ii, 25, [Greek: tous angelous].

[269:5] John xxi. 7, 20.

[270:1] Thus Hippolytus speaks of a certain elder, named Hyacinthus, who was sent to the governor of Sardinia with a letter for the release of the Christians banished there. "Philosophumena," p. 288. The _legate_ of the bishop of Rome is a species of memorial of the angel of the ancient Church.

[270:2] Rev. ii. 7, 11, 17, 29, iii. 6, 13, 22.

[270:3] Rev. i. 11.

[271:1] Rev. i. 1.

[271:2] Isa. xlix. 15, 16.

[271:3] The Christians of Hierapolis are mentioned Col. iv. 13.

[271:4] Acts xx. 4.

[272:1] Lev. xxvi. 11, 12.

[272:2] Rev. i. 16.

[272:3] Ps. lxvii. 1, 2.

[275:1] A.D. 96 to A.D. 98.

[275:2] A.D. 98 to A.D. 117.

[276:1] Origen, "Contra Celsum," i. § 67. See also i. § 26.

[276:2] Origen, "Contra Celsum," iii. § 29.

[277:1] Justin Martyr, "Apol." ii. 61. Edit, Paris, 1615.

[277:2] The Peshito, or old Syriac version, is supposed to have been made in the first half of the second century.--Westcott "On the Canon," pp. 264, 265. There are traces of the existence of a Latin version in the time of Tertullian, or before the close of the second century.--Ibid., p. 275. "Two versions into the dialects of Upper and Lower Egypt--the Thebaic (Sahidic) and Memphitic--date from the close of the third century."--Ibid. pp. 415, 416.

[278:1] See Middleton's "Inquiry," pp. 3, 9.

[278:2] See Kaye's "Tertullian," pp. 98-101. Edition, Cambridge, 1826.

[278:3] Tertullian states that the Emperor Marcus Aurelius became friendly to the Christians, in consequence of a remarkable interposition of Providence in favour of his army, in a war with the Marcomanni and the Quadi. It was alleged that, in answer to the prayers of a body of Christian soldiers, afterwards known as the _Thundering Legion_, the imperial troops were relieved by rain, whilst a thunderstorm confounded the enemy. It is quite certain that the Roman army was rescued from imminent peril by a seasonable shower; but it is equally clear that the emperor attributed his deliverance, not to the God of the Christians, but to Jupiter Pluvius, and that a certain section of the Roman soldiers was known long before by the name of the Thundering Legion. There is no evidence that Marcus Aurelius ever became friendly to the Christians. See Lardner. "Heathen Testimonies," "Works," vii. 176-188.

[279:1] See Middleton's "Inquiry," p. 84. Edition, Dublin, 1749. Bishop Kaye has remarked that, in the writings of Tertullian, "the only power of the exercise of which specific instances are alleged, was that of exorcising evil spirits." "Kaye's Tertullian," p. 461. From the symptoms mentioned it would appear that the individuals with whom the exorcists succeeded were epileptics.

[279:2] Irenaeus, who seems to have been not unfavourable to the Montanists, speaks of the gift of tongues as possessed by some in his age, and yet he himself, as a missionary, was obliged to struggle with the difficulties of a foreign language. "Adv. Haeres," v., c. 6, and "Praef." ad. 1.

[279:3] When Theophilus of Antioch, towards the end of the second century, was invited by Autolycus to point out a single person who had been raised from the dead, he did not accept the challenge. See Kaye's "Justin Martyr," p. 217.

[279:4] Middleton's "Inquiry," Preface, p. iv.

[279:5] Middleton, pp. 22, 23.

[280:1] Plinii, "Epist." lib. x. epist. 97.

[280:2] Tertullian, "Ad Scapulam," c. 5.

[280:3] "Spicilegium Syriacum" by Cureton, p. 31. The correspondence between Abgar and our Lord, given by Eusebius, is manifestly spurious.

[281:1] Gregory of Tours, "Hist. Francorum," lib. i. c. 28.

[281:2] Sozomen, "Hist. Eccles." ii. 6, and Philostorgius, "Hist. Eccles." ii. 5.

[281:3] "Adversus Judaeos," c. 7.

[282:1] Justin Martyr, "Dialogue with Trypho," Opera, p. 345.

[282:2] Theophilus, "Ad Autolycum," lib. ii. See also Origen, "In Matthaeum," Opera, tom. iii. p. 858.

[282:3] "Life of Alexander Severus," by Lampridius.

[282:4] Euseb. viii. 1.

[284:1] Cyprian, "De Laude Martyrii," Opera, pp. 620, 621. See also Tertullian, "Ad Scapulam," c. 5. _ad finem_.

[285:1] Tertullian, "Apol." 50.

[287:1] Tertullian, "De Idololatria," c. 17.

[287:2] Matt. x. 35, 36.

[287:3] Tertullian, "Apol." c. 3, and "Ad Nationes," i. § 4.

[287:4] 1 Cor. xv. 19.

[288:1] The Christians long gloried in the fact that Nero was their first persecutor. See Tertullian, "Apol." c. 5.

[289:1] Plinii, "Epist." lib. x. epist. 97.

[290:1] Matt. xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3. That Simon and Simeon are the same, see Acts xv. 7, 14.

[290:2] Trajan died A.D. 117, and if Simeon was born a year after Jesus, he entered upon the 120th year of his age about the close of this Emperor's reign. See Greswell's "Dissertations," vol. ii. pp. 127, 128. It was the opinion of Tertullian that Mary had other sons after she gave birth to our Lord. See Neander's "Antignostikus," and Tertullian "De Monogamia," c. 8.

[293:1] The account of the trial of himself and his companions, as given in the "Acta Sincera Martyrum" by Ruinart, bears all the marks of truth.

[293:2] An account of his martyrdom is given in a circular letter of the Church of Smyrna. See Jacobson's "Patres Apostolici," tom. ii. p. 542. Euseb. iv. 15.

[294:1] These places are distant from each other about seventeen miles.

[296:1] Euseb. v. 1.

[296:2] Among the Romans a concubine held a certain legal position, and was in fact a wife with inferior privileges. Converted concubines were admitted to the communion of the ancient Church. See Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 7.

[296:3] Mosheim ("Commentaries" by Vidal. ii. 52, note) and many others, refer the transaction recorded in the text to the reign of Hadrian, but without any good cause. Tertullian, who tells the story ("Ad Scapulani," c. 5), evidently alludes to a transaction which had recently occurred. In the reign of Commodus there was a proconsul named Arrius Antoninus who was put to death. See Lamprid, "Vita Commodi," c. 6, 7. See also Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 146, note; and "Neander's General History" by Torrey, i. 162, note.

[296:4] Clemens Alexandrinus apparently refers to the times immediately following the death of Commodus when he says--"Many martyrs are daily burned, crucified, and decapitated before our eyes." Strom, lib. ii. p. 414.

[297:1] Tertullian, "Ad Scapulam," c. 4.

[297:2] Compare Justin Martyr, "Apol." ii. pp. 70, 71, and "Dial, cum Tryphone," p. 227, with Tertullian, "Apol." c. 7.

[297:3] Called _libellos_.

[297:4] These parties sometimes appealed to Acts xvii. 9, in justification of their conduct.

[298:1] The _sacrificati_, or those who had sacrificed, as well as offered incense, were considered still more guilty.

[298:2] "Acta Perpetuae et Felicitatis." The martyrs appear to have been Montanists. See Gieseler, by Cunningham, i. 125, note. Tertullian mentions Perpetua, and his language countenances the supposition that she was a Montanist. "De Anima," c. 55.

[300:1] See the "Chronicon" of Eusebius, par. ii., adnot. p. 197. Edit. Venet, 1818.

[301:1] The Roman clergy speak of "the remnants and ruined heaps of the fallen lying on all sides." Cyp. "Epist." xxxi. p. 99. Cyprian complains of _"thousands_ of letters given _daily_" in behalf of the lapsed by misguided confessors and martyrs. "Epist." xiv. p. 59. The writer here probably speaks somewhat rhetorically, and evidently does not mean, as some have thought, that all these letters were written at Carthage. He speaks of what was done "everywhere," including Italy, as well as the cities of Africa. "Epist." xiv., xxii., xxvi.

[301:2] Dionysius of Alexandria, quoted by Euseb., vi. 41.

[302:1] Euseb. vi. 39.

[302:2] A.D. 249 to A.D. 251.

[302:3] Cyprian, Epist. 82, ad Successum.

[302:4] Cyprian, who seems to have been much respected personally by the high officers of government at Carthage, was, when taken prisoner, granted as great indulgence as his circumstances would permit; but Gibbon, who describes his case with special minuteness, most uncandidly represents it as affording an average specimen of the style in which condemned Christians were treated. As an evidence of the social position of the bishop of Carthage we may refer to the testimony of Pontius his deacon, who states that "numbers of eminent and illustrious persons, men of rank and family and secular distinction, for the sake of their old friendship with him, urged him many times to retire." "Life," § 14.

[303:1] Euseb. vii. 13.

[303:2] See Bingham, ii. p. 451.

[304:1] "De Mortibus Persec." c. 10.

[304:2] Euseb. viii. 2; "De Mort. Persec." c. 13. See also "Neander," by Torrey, i. 202, note.

[305:1] Eusebius, "Martyrs of Palestine," c. 4.

[305:2] Eusebius, "Martyrs of Palestine," c. 9.

[305:3] The Vatican Manuscript, the oldest in existence, was probably written shortly after this persecution. It possesses internal evidences that its date is anterior to the middle of the fourth century. See Horne, iv. 161, 10th edition.

[306:1] Eusebius, viii. 6, 9, 10, 12.

[307:1] Firmilian refers to a noted persecution which "did not extend to the whole world, _but was local_." Cyprian, "Epist." lxxv. p. 305.

[308:1] The treatise "De Mortibus Persecutorum" is generally attributed to Lactantius who flourished in the early part of the fourth century. The authorship is doubtful.

[308:2] Ps. ix. 16.

[308:3] Herodian, iii. 23. This circumstance, as well as some others here stated, is not mentioned in the work "De Mort. Persec." Tertullian mentions some other remarkable facts, "Ad Scapulam," c. 3.

[308:4] "De Mortib. Persec.," c. 49.

[309:1] Tertullian, "Apol." c. 46.

[310:1] Tertullian, "Apol." 28.

[310:2] Tertullian, "Ad Scapulam," § 2.

[311:1] John xviii. 36.

[312:1] Phil. iii. 18, 19.

[313:1] Cyprian, "De Lapsis," p. 374.

[313:2] Cyprian, "Ad Cornelium," epist. xlix. p. 143. Cyprian also charges one of his deacons with fraud, extortion, and adultery. Epist. xxxviii. p. 116.

[313:3] Cornelius of Rome in Euseb. vi. 43.

[315:1] See Eusebius, v. 3, vi. 9.

[315:2] See Neander's "Antignostikus," part ii. sect. ii. at the end. It appears that the Christian ascetics adopted the dress of the pagan philosophers.

[315:3] Cyprian, "De Habitu Virginum," pp. 354, 361.

[315:4] Still, in the time of Origen, the sons of bishops, presbyters, and deacons valued themselves upon their parentage.--Origen in "Matthaeum" xv. opera, tom. in. p. 690. Even Cyprian bears honourable testimony to certain married presbyters. See "Epist." xxxv. p. 111. See also "Epist." xviii. p. 67. Cyprian himself was indebted for his conversion to an eminent presbyter, named Caecilius, who had a wife and children. "Life of Cyprian," by Pontius the Deacon, § 5.

[315:1] Cyprian, "Epist." lxii. p. 219. Concerning the _Subintroductae_, see also the letter relating to Paul of Samosata in Euseb. vii. 30.

[316:1] Jerome and Athanasius.

[316:2] See Medhurst's "China," p. 217. The symbol of the cross was engraved on the walls of the temple of Serapis. "When the temple of Serapis was torn down and laid bare," says Socrates, "there were found in it, engraven on stones, certain characters, which they call hieroglyphics, having the forms of crosses. _Both the Christians and Pagans on seeing them, thought they had reference to their respective religions_." "Ecc. Hist." v. 17.

[316:3] Prescott, "Conquest of Mexico," in. 338-340. See also note, p. 340. Sir Robert Ker Porter mentions a block of stone found among the ruins of Susa, having, on one side, inscriptions in the cuneiform diameter; and, on another, hieroglyphical figures with a cross in the corner. See his "Travels," vol. ii. p. 415. Among the ancient pagans, the cross was the symbol of eternal life, or divinity. On medals and monuments of a date far anterior to Christianity, it is found in the hands of statues of victory and of figures of monarchs. See also Tertullian, "Apol." c. 16.

[317:1] Tertullian, "De Praescrip. Haeret." c. 40. See also Kaye's Tertullian, p. 441. "The ancient world was possessed by a dread of demons, and under an anxious apprehension of the influence of charms, sought for external preservatives against the powers of evil, and accompanied their prayers with external signs and gestures." Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 351.

[317:2] See Justin Martyr, "Dialogue with Trypho," pp. 259, 318, and "Apol." ii. p. 90. Tertullian, "Adv. Judaeos," c. 10. In the "Octavius" of Minucius Felix, the following remarkable passage occurs:--"What are your military ensigns, and banners, and standards, but crosses gilded and ornamented? _Your trophies of victory not only imitate the appearance of a cross, but also of a man fixed to it_. We discern the sign of a cross in the very form of a ship, whether it is wafted along with swelling sails, or glides with its oars extended. When a military yoke is erected there is a sign of a cross, and, in like manner, when one with hands stretched forth devoutly addresses his God. _Thus, there seems to be some reason in nature for it, and some reference to it in your own system of religion_." The monogram [symbol: Chi-Rho], composed of the initial Greek capitals [Greek: Chi] and [Greek: Rho] of the name [Greek: christos], was in use among the heathen long before our era. It is to be found on coins of the Ptolemies. Aringhus, "Roma Subterranea," ii. p. 567.

[318:1] Tertullian maintains ("Ad Jud." c. xi.) that the _mark_ mentioned Ezekiel ix. 4 was the letter T, or the sign of the cross. See a Dissertation on this subject by Vitringa, "Observationes Sacrae," lib. ii. c. 15. See also Origen. "In Ezechielem," Opera, tom. iii. p. 424, and Cyprian to Demetrianus, § 12. It would appear that the worshippers of Apollo used to mark themselves on the forehead with the letters [Greek: CHI ETA]. See Kitto's "Cyclopaedia of Bib. Lit." art. FOREHEAD.

[318:2] Tertullian, "De Corona." c. 3. By the Romans, crosses were erected in conspicuous places to intimidate offenders, just in the same way as the drop is now exhibited in the front of a jail. It is not improbable that some of these crosses were afterwards worshipped by the Christians! Aringhi mentions a stone, to be seen in his own time in the Vatican, which was treated with the same absurd reverence. On this stone many of the early Christians were said to have suffered martyrdom, probably by decapitation; but it was afterwards held "in very great honour" at Rome, and regarded as "a sacred thing!" "Roma Subterranea,'" i. 219.

[319:1] Minucius Felix, "Octavius," c. 24. There is a similar passage in Tertullian, "Apol." c. 12.

[319:2] Clemens Alexandrinus, "Paedagog." iii. Opera, pp. 246, 247.

[319:3] Clemens Alexandrinus, "Stromat." v. Opera, p. 559.

[320:1] Canon 30. The comment of the Roman Catholic Dupin upon this canon is worthy of note. "To me," says he, "it seems better to understand it in the plainest sense, and to confess that the Fathers of this Council did not approve the use of images, no more than that of wax candles lighted in full daylight."--_History of Ecclesiastical Writers, Fourth Century_.

[320:2] Tertullian, "De Pudicitia," c. 7. But all were not so scrupulous, for Tertullian elsewhere complains that the image-makers were chosen to church offices. "De Idololatria," c. 7.

[320:3] Tertullian, "De Idololatria," c. 6.

[321:1] Cyprian, "Ad Donatum," Opera, p. 5.

[321:2] Tertullian, "De Spectaculis," c. 4. According to the English Liturgy the person baptized "renounces the devil and all his works, the vain pomp and glory of the world." This was originally intended to apply to such exhibitions as those mentioned in the text.

[322:1] Tertullian, "De Pudicitia," c. 7. Theophilus to Autolycus, book iii.

[322:2] Tertullian "Apol." c. 44. Minucius Felix, in his "Octavius," makes a similar statement:--"The prisons are crowded with criminals of your religion, but no Christian is there, unless he is either accused on account of his faith, or is a deserter from his faith."

[322:3] Justin Martyr, in his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, says to him--"Your blind and foolish teachers even to this day permit every one of you to have _four or five wives_."--_Opera_, p. 363.

[323:1] 1 Tim. iii. 2, 12.

[323:2] Rom. vii. 1-3; 1 Cor. vii. 2.

[323:3] The Montanists, in their extravagance, insisted that any one who contracted a second marriage after the death of his first wife should be excommunicated.

[323:4] 2 Cor. vi. 14.

[324:1] Tertullian, "Ad Uxorem," ii. 4.

[324:2] Gibbon, "Decline and Fall," chap. ii. Some writers, such as Zumpt and Merivale, consider this estimate quite extravagant. Others again think it quite too low. See Schaff's "History of the Christian Church," p. 316. New York, 1859.

[324:3] Gal. iii. 28.

[325:1] Onesimus, the slave mentioned Philem. 10, 16, probably became a Christian minister.

[325:2] 1 Cor. vii. 21.

[325:3] 1 Cor. vii. 20-22.

[325:4] 1 Tim. vi. 1, 2.

[325:5] Kindness to slaves was particularly enjoined by the early Church teachers. See Cyprian, "Lib. Tres. Test. adv. Judaeos," lib. iii. § 72, 73.

[325:6] It is stated in the "Octavius" of Minucius Felix that, in the estimation of the heathen, "for a slave to be partaker in certain religious ceremonies is deemed abominable impiety." (c. 25.)

[326:1] One of the laws made by Constantine shortly after his conversion sanctioned the manumission of slaves on the Lord's day.

[326:2] Thus, on one occasion, Cyprian raised a contribution of about £900 in Carthage to purchase the release of some Christians of Numidia. Cyprian, Epist. lx. p. 216. Tertullian said to the heathen, "Our charity dispenses more in every street, than your religion in each temple."--_Apol._ c. 42.

[327:1] About A.D. 252.

[327:2] Cyprian, "Ad Demetrianum," and "De Mortalitate." "Vita Cypriani per Pontium," c. 9.

[327:3] Euseb. vii. 22.

[328:1] Athanasius, "Hist. Arian. ad Monachos," § 64.

[329:1] Luke xxii. 24-26.

[329:2] Rom. i. 8, 13.

[330:1] Gal. ii. 7-9.

[330:2] Rom. xvi. 3-15.

[330:3] Acts ii. 10.

[330:4] Euseb. ii. 22.

[330:5] Period 1. sec. i. chap. x.

[331:1] Hegesippus seems to have been the first who attempted to draw up a list of the bishops, or presiding presbyters of Rome. See Pearson's Criticism on Euseb. iv. 22, in his "Minor Works," vol. ii. p. 319, Oxford, 1844; and Routh's "Reliquiae," i. pp. 270, 271.

[331:2] Thus, Irenaeus (i. 27) speaks of Hyginus as the _ninth_, and again (iii. 3), as the _eighth_ in succession from the apostles.

[331:3] Thus, Irenaeus affirms (iii. 3) that Linus was the immediate successor of the apostles, whilst Tertullian, who was his contemporary, and who possessed equally good means of information, assigns that position to Clement. "De Praescrip. Haeret." c. 32.

[331:4] Euseb. iii. 4.

[332:1] Irenaeus, "Contra Om. Haer." iii. 3, § 3. Bunsen has justly remarked that, "with Telesphorus the most obscure period of the Roman Church terminates."--_Hippolytus_, iv. pp. 209, 210.

[332:2] Irenaeus, iii. 4, § 3.

[332:3] This name continued to be given to the Roman bishop until at least the close of the second century. See Irenaeus quoted in Euseb. v. 24.

[332:4] [Greek: katholikos]. See this subject more fully illustrated in Period II. sec. iii. chap. viii.

[333:1] "Qui absistunt a principali successione, et quocunque loco colligunt, suspectos habere (oportet) vel quasi haereticos et malae sententiae; vel quasi scindentes et elatos et sibi placentes; aut rursus ut hypocritas, quaestus gratia et vanae gloriae hoc operantes." Irenaeus, iv. 26, § 2.

[333:2] See Period II. sec. iii. chap. vii.

[333:3] Blondel's "Apologia pro sententia Hieronymi," p. 18. Under ordinary circumstances the new president, or bishop, was often elected before his predecessor was buried. See Bingham, book ii. c. xi. § 2.

[333:4] See Pearson's "Minor Works," ii. 520.

[333:5] This method of appointment continued to be observed long afterwards in some parts of the Church. See Bingham, book iv. chap. i. sec. i. At Alexandria in the beginning of the fourth century the presbyters selected three of their senior members, of whom the people chose one. Cotelerius, ii., app. p. 180.

[334:1] [Greek: Ton tês episkopês klêron]. "Irenaeus," ed. Stieren, i. p. 433.

[334:2] The Paschal feast. Irenaeus admits that this point formed only a subordinate topic of discussion. See Stieren's "Irenaeus," i. p. 826, note 6.

[334:3] See Period II. sec. iii. chap. vii.

[334:4] Euseb. iv. 14.

[335:1] Cyprian speaks of sending messengers to Rome "to ascertain and report as to any rescript published respecting" the Christians. "Epist. ad Successum." The Roman clergy could at once supply the information.

[336:1] Extract of a letter from Dionysius of Corinth, preserved in Eusebius, iv. 23.

[336:2] The testimonies to this fact may be found discussed in Minter's "Primordia Eccelesiae Africanae," p. 10. Herodian, who flourished in the third century, speaks of Carthage as the next city after Rome in size and wealth. Lib. vii. 6.

[336:3] In this way we may readily account for various statements in Tertullian and Cyprian.

[337:1] We here see how a father who wrote so soon after the apostolic age, blunders egregiously respecting the history of the Apostolic Church.

[337:2] So I understand "his qui sunt undique." See Wordsworth's "Hippolytus," p. 200. We have thus a remarkable proof that the word _catholic_ was not in use when Irenaeus wrote, for he here expresses the idea by a circumlocution.

[337:3] "Propter potentiorem principalitatem."

[337:4] Irenaeus iii. 3. See on this passage Gieseler, by Cunningham, i. 97, note. See also Period II. sec. iii. chap. viii.

[337:5] The circular letter relating to the martyrdom of Polycarp quoted in Euseb. iv. 15. It was probably written a considerable time after the death of the martyr, as it speaks of the way in which his _memory_ was cherished when it was drawn up. § 19. As it uses the word _catholic_ it must have been written after the appearance of the work of Irenaeus.

[337:6] Irenaeus quoted in Euseb. v. 24. See Period II. sec. iii. chap. viii.

[339:1] We have an extract from them in Euseb. v. 4.

[339:2] Period II. sec. i. chap. ii. p. 296.

[339:3] Hippolytus, "Refut. Om. Haeres." book ix.

[340:1] This probably occurred early in the reign of Septimius Severus, who at first is said to have been very favourable to the Church. Shortly before, many in Rome of great wealth and eminent station had become Christians.--Euseb. v. c. 21.

[340:2] See a more minute account of this controversy in Period II. sec. iii. chap. xii.

[340:3] This is evident from the fact that Hippolytus is scarcely willing to recognise some of the Roman bishops, his contemporaries. But meanwhile both parties probably belonged to the same synod. Hippolytus seems to have been the leader of a formidable opposition.

[341:1] Matt. xvi. 18.

[341:2] See the Muratorian fragment in Bunsen's "Analecta Ante-Nicaena," i. 154, 155. This, according to Bunsen, is a fragment of a work of Hegesippus, and written about A.D. 165. Hippolytus, i. 314.

[341:3] "Hermae Pastor," lib. iii. simil. ix. § 12-14. "Petra haec.... Filius Dei est.... Quid est deinde haec turris? Haec, inquit, ecclesia est.... Demonstra mihi quare non in terra aedificatur haec turris, sed supra petram."

[341:4] Tertullian, "De Praescrip." xxii. "Latuit aliquid Petrum aedificandae ecclesiae petram dictum?" Tertullian here speaks of the doctrine as already current. Even after he became a Montanist, he still adhered to the same interpretation--"Petrum solum invenio maritum, per socrum; monogamum praesumo per _ecclesiam, quae super illum, aedificata_ omnem gradum ordinis sui de monogamis erat collocatura."--_De Monogamia_, c. viii. Again, in another Montanist tract, he says--"Qualis es, evertens atque commutans manifestam domini intentionem personaliter hoc Petro conferentem? _Super te_, inquit, _aedificabo ecclesiam meam_."--_De Pudicitia_, c. xxi. See also "De Praescrip." c. xxii. According to Origen every believer, as well as Peter, is the foundation of the Church. "Contra Celsum," vi. 77. See also "Comment in Matthaeum xii.," Opera, tom. iii. p. 524, 526.

[342:1] See this subject more fully explained in Period II. sec. iii. ch. viii.

[343:1] Even the letters of Victor, which created such a sensation throughout the Church, are not forthcoming. See Pearson's "Vindiciae Ignatianae," pars 2, cap. 13, as to the spuriousness of those imputed to him.

[343:2] They extend from Clement, who, according to some lists, was the first Pope, to Syricius, who was made Bishop of Rome A.D. 384. All candid writers, whether Romanists or Protestants, now acknowledge them to be forgeries. They may be found in "Binii Concilia." They made their appearance, for the first time, about the eighth century.

[344:1] This is the date assigned to its erection by Bunsen, but Dr Wordsworth argues that it was erected earlier.

[344:2] 22d August.

[345:1] The first edition appeared at Oxford in 1851, exactly three hundred years after the discovery of the statue.

[345:2] This point has been fully established by Bunsen and Wordsworth.

[345:3] This is expressly stated by Tertullian, "Adversus Praxeam," c. i.

[345:4] See Bower's "History of the Popes." Victor, 13th Bishop.

[345:5] According to the commonly received chronology, Victor occupied the papal chair from A.D. 192 to A.D. 201; Zephyrinus from A.D. 201 to A.D. 219; and Callistus from A.D. 219 to A.D. 223.

[346:1] [Greek: andros idiôtu kai aischrokerdous].

[346:2] [Greek: apeiron tôn ekklêsiakôn horôn].

[346:3] "Philosophumena," book ix.

[348:1] "Philosophumena," book ix.

[348:2] 14th October.

[348:3] "Philosophumena," book i., prooemium.

[348:4] [Greek: dedoikôs eme].