Chapter IV: The History of the Lydians (2)

286 Excipiunt eum (Nilum) cataractæ, nobilis insigni spectaculo
locus.—Illic excitatis primùm aquis, quas sine tumultu leni alveo
duxerat, violentus et toriens per malignos transitus prosilit,
dissimilis sibi—tandemque eluctatus obstantia, in vastam altitudinem
subito destitutus cadit, cum ingenti circumjacentium regionum
strepitu; quem perferre gens ibi à Persis collocata non potuit,
obtusis assiduo fragore auribus, et ob hoc sedibus ad quietiora
translatis. Inter miracula fluminis incredibilem incolarum audaciam
accepi. Bini parvula navigia conscendunt, quorum alter navem regit,
alter exhaurit. Deinde multùm inter rapidam insaniam Nili et
reciprocos fluctus volutati, tandem tenuissimos canales tenent, per
quos angusta rupium effugiunt: et cum toto flumine effusi navigium
ruens manu temperant, magnoque spectantium metu in caput nixi, cum
jam adploraveris, mersosque atque obrutos tantâ mole credideris,
longè ab eo in quem ceciderant loco navigant, tormenti modo missi.
Nec mergit cadens unda, sed planis aquis tradit. Senec. _Nat.
Quæst._ l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

287 Herod. l. ii. c. 19-27. Diod. l. i. p. 35-39. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._
l. iv. 1 & 2.

288 Lib. xvii. p. 789.

289 Herod. l. ii. c. 19. Diod. l. i. p 32.

290 Justum incrementum est cubitorum xvi. Minores aquæ non omnia rigant:
ampliores detinent tardiùs recedendo. Hæ serendi tempora absumunt
solo madente: illæ non dant sitiente. Utrumque reputat provincia. In
duodecim cubitis famem sentit, in tredecim etiamnum esurit:
quatuordecim cubita hilaritatem afferunt, quindecim securitatem,
sexdecim delicias. Plin. l. v. c. 9.—Trans.

291 Jul. _Epist._ 50.

292 Diod. l. i. p 33.

293 Lib. xvii. p. 817.

294 Socrat. l. i. c. 18. Sozom. l. v. c. 3.

295 Lib. i. p. 30. & lib. v. p. 313.

296 Cùm cæteri amnes abluant terras et eviscerent; Nilus adeò nihil
exedit nec abradit, ut contrà adjiciat vires.—Ita juvat agros duabus
ex causis, et quòd inundat, et quòd oblimat. Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l.
iv. c. 2.—Trans.

297 Vol. ii.

298 Multiformis sapientia. Eph. iii. 10.

299 Deut. xi. 10-13.

300 Illa facies pulcherrima est, cùm jam se in agros Nilus ingessit.
Latent campi, opertæque sunt valles: oppida insularum modo extant.
Nullum in mediterraneis, nisi per navigia, commercium est: majorque
est lætitia in gentibus, quo minus terrarum suarum vident. Senec.
_Nat. Quæst._ l. iv. c. 2.—Trans.

301 Herod. l. ii. c. 158. Strab. l. xvii. p. 804. Plin l. vi. c. 29.
Diod. l. i p. 29.

302 Plutar. _de Isid._ p. 354.

303 Strab. l. xvii. p. 805. Herod l. ii. c. 73. Plin. l. x. c. 2. Tacit.
_Ann._ l. vi. c. 28.

_ 304 Sat._ vi.

305 Vir bonus tam citò nec fieri potest, nec intelligi—tanquam Phœnix,
semel anno quingentesimo nascitur. _Ep._ 40.—Trans.

_ 306 Od._ iii. l. iv.

307 Strab. l. xvii. p. 805.

308 Or Myos Hormos.—Trans.

309 Strab. l. xvi p. 781.

310 2 Sam. viii. 14.

311 1 Kings ix. 26.

312 He got in one voyage 450 talents of gold, 2 Chron. viii. 18, which
amounts to three millions two hundred and forty thousand pounds
sterling. Prid. _Connect._, vol. i. _ad ann._ 740, _not._—Trans.

313 Strab. l. xvi. p. 481.

314 Part I. i. p. 9.

315 Strab. l. xvii. p. 791. Plin. l. xxxvi. c. 12.

316 Eight hundred thousand crowns, or 180,000_l_. sterling.—Trans.

317 Magno animo Ptolemæi regis, quòd in eà permiserit Sostrati Cnidii
architecti structuræ nomen inscribi. Plin.—Trans.

_ 318 De scribend. Hist._ p. 706.

319 Ne Alexandrinis quidem permittenda deliciis. Quintil.—Trans.

320 A quarter or division of the city of Alexandria.—Trans.

321 Plut. _in Cæs._ p. 731. Seneca, _de Tranquill. Amm._ c. 9.

322 Acts vii. 22.

323 Diod. l. i. p. 63, &c.

_ 324 De Isid. et Osir._ p. 354.

325 Plat. _in Tim._ p. 656.

326 Diod. l. i. p. 70.

327 Pag. 69.

328 Ibid.

329 Ibid.

330 Ibid.

331 Herod. l. ii. c. 136

332 This law put the whole sepulchre of the debtor into the power of the
creditor, who removed to his own house the body of the father: the
debtor refusing to discharge his obligation, was to be deprived of
burial, either in his father’s sepulchre or any other; and whilst he
lived, he was not permitted to bury any person descended from him.
Μηδὲ αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι—μήτ᾽ ἄλλον μηδένα
τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀπὸ γενόμενον θάψαι. Herod.—Trans.

333 Diod. l. i. p. 71.

334 Ibid. p. 72.

335 Diod. l. i. p. 22.

336 Herod. l. ii. c. 20.

337 Gen. xlvii. 26.

338 Herod. l. ii. c. 60.

339 Ibid. c. 39.

340 Diod. l. i. p. 88.

341 Plut. _de Isid. et Osir._ p. 354.

342 Plut. _Sympos._ l. iv. p. 670

343 Id. _de Isid._ p. 355.

344 Or Egyptian stork.—Trans.

_ 345 De Nat. Deor._ l. i. n. 82. _Tusc. Quæst._ l. v. n. 78.

346 Herod. l. ii. c. 65.

347 Diod. l. i. p. 74. 75.

348 Herod. l. iii. c. 27, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 76. Plin. l. viii. c. 46.

349 Pliny affirms, that he was not allowed to exceed a certain term of
years; and was drowned in the priests’ well. Non est fas eum certos
vitæ excedere annos, mersumque in sacerdotum fonte enecant. _Nat.
Hist._ l. viii. c. 46.—Trans.

350 Above 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.

351 Quis nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens
Ægyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adorat
Pars hæc: illa pavet saturam serpentibus Ibin.
Effigies sacri nitet aurea Cercopitheci,
Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ,
Atque vetus Thebe centum jacet obruta portis.
Illic cœruleos, hic piscem fluminis, illic
Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam.
Porrum et cœpe nefas violare, ac frangere morsu.
O sanctas gentes, quibus hæc nascuntur in hortis
Numina!

Juven. _Sat._ xv.—Trans.

352 Diodorus affirms, that in his time, the expense amounted to no less
than one hundred thousand crowns, or 22,500_l._ sterling. Lib. i. p.
76.—Trans.

_ 353 Imag._

354 Diod. l. i. p. 77, &c.

355 Ipsi qui irridentur Ægyptii, nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam
utilitatem, quam ex eâ caperent, consecraverunt. Cic. lib. i. _De
Nat. Deor._ n. 101.—Trans.

356 Which, according to Herodotus, is more than 17 cubits in length: l.
ii. c. 68.—Trans.

357 P. 382.

358 P. 377 and 378.

359 Rom. i. ver. 22, 25.

360 Tom. v. pp. 25, 26.

361 Herod. l. ii. c. 85, &c.

362 About 137_l._ 10_s._ sterling.—Trans.

363 Diod. l. i. p. 81.

364 Twelve _Arouræ_. An _Egyptian Aroura_ was 10,000 square cubits,
equal to three roods, two perches, 55-1/4 square feet of our
measure.—Trans.

365 The Greek is, οἴνου τέσσαρες ἀρυστῆρες, which some have made to
signify a determinate quantity of wine, or any other liquid: others,
regarding the etymology of the word ἀρυστὴρ, have translated it by
_haustrum_, a bucket, as Lucretius, lib. v. 51, others by _haustus_,
a draught or sup. Herodotus says, this allowance was given only to
the two thousand guards who attended annually on the kings. Lib. ii.
c. 168.—Trans.

366 Lib. i. p. 67.

367 Herod. l. ii. c. 164, 168.

368 Cant. i. 8. Isa. xxxvi. 9.

369 Diod. p. 76.

370 Ψυχῆς ἰατρεῖον.—Trans.

371 It will not seem surprising that the Egyptians, who were the most
ancient observers of the celestial motions, should have arrived to
this knowledge, when it is considered, that the lunar year, made use
of by the Greeks and Romans, though it appears so inconvenient and
irregular, supposed nevertheless a knowledge of the solar year, such
as Diodorus Siculus ascribes to the Egyptians. It will appear at
first sight, by calculating their intercalations, that those who
first divided the year in this manner, were not ignorant, that, to
three hundred sixty-five days, some hours were to be added, to keep
pace with the sun. Their only error lay in the supposition, that
only six hours were wanting; whereas an addition of almost eleven
minutes more was requisite.—Trans.

372 Lib. ii. c. 84.

373 Diod. l. i. p. 73.

374 Τὴν δὲ μουσικὴν νομίζουειν οὐ μόνον ἄχρηστον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
βλαβερὰν, ὡς ἄι ἐκθηλύνουσαν τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ψυχάς.—Trans.

375 Diod. l. i. pp. 67, 68.

376 Or Ham.—Trans.

377 Diod. l. i. p. 67.

378 Tom. ii. p. 64.

379 Lib. x. c. 54.

380 Swineherds, in particular, had a general ill name throughout Egypt,
as they had the care of so impure an animal. Herodotus (l. ii. c.
47.) tells us, that they were not permitted to enter the Egyptian
Temples, nor would any man give them his daughter in
marriage.—Trans.

381 Xiphilin. _in Apophthegm_. _Tib. Cæs._ Κείρεσθαί μου τὰ πρόβατα,
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαξύρεσθαι βούλομκι.

382 Plin. l. xiii. c. 11.

383 The Papyrus was divided into thin flakes, (into which it naturally
parted,) which being laid on a table, and moistened with the
glutinous waters of the Nile, were afterwards pressed together, and
dried in the sun.—Trans.

384 Posteà promiscuè patuit usus rei, quâ cons ... immortalitas
hominum.—Chartæ ... maxime humanitas constat in memoriâ.—Trans.

385 Plin. l. xix. c. 1.

386 Isa. xiv. 9.

387 Exod. ix. 31.

388 Plin. lib. xix. c. 1.

389 Proximus Byssino mulierum maximè deliciis genito: inventum jam est
etiam [scilicet Linum] quod ignibus non absumetur, vivum id vocant,
ardentesque in focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus
exustis splendescentes igni magis, quàm possent aquis: _i.e._ A flax
is now found out, which is proof against the violence of fire; it is
called living flax; and we have seen table napkins of it glowing in
the fires of our dining rooms; and receiving a lustre and a
cleanness from flames, which no water could have given it.—Trans.

390 Ezek. xxvii. 7.

391 Των δ οστις λωτοιο φαγοι μελιηδεα καρπον,
Ουκ ετ απαγγειλαι παλιν ηθελεν, ουδε νεεσθαι.
Μη πω τις λωτοιο φαγων, νοστοιο λαθηται.

_Odyss._ ix. ver. 94, 95, 102.

—Trans.

392 Ægyptus frugum quidem fertilissima, sed ut propè sola iis carere
possit, tanta est ciborum ex herbis abundantia. Plin. l. xxi. c.
15.—Trans.

393 Numb. xi. 4, 5.

394 Exod. xvi. 3.

395 Inundatione, id est, ubertate regio fraudata, sic opem Cæsaris
invocavit, ut solet amnem suum.—Trans.

396 Percrebuerat antiquitùs urbem nostram nisi opibus Ægypti ali
sustentarique non posse. Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quòd
victorem quidem populum pasceret tamen, quòdque in suo flumine, in
suis manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset. Refudimus Nilo
suas copias. Recepit frumenta quæ miserat, deportatasque messes
revexit.—Trans.

397 Nilus Ægypto quidem sæpe. sed gloriæ nostræ nuaquam largior
fluxit.—Trans.

398 Ezek. xxix. 3, 9.

399 Gen. xii. 10-26.

400 Diod. l. i. p. 41.

401 An historian of Cyrene.—Trans.

402 Sir John Marsham’s _Canon Chronic_. Father Pezron; the Dissertations
of F. Tournemine, and Abbé Sevin, &c.—Trans.

403 Or Ham.

M64 A.M. 1816. Ant. J.C. 2188.

404 Or Cush, Gen. x. 6.

405 The footsteps of its old name (Mesraim) remain to this day among the
Arabians, who call it Mesre; by the testimony of Plutarch, it was
called χημία, Chemia, by an easy corruption of Chamia, and this for
Cham or Ham.—Trans.

406 Herod. l. ii. p. 99. Diod. l. i. p. 42.

407 Diod. l. i. pp. 44, 45.

408 Three thousand two hundred myriads of Minæ.—Trans.

409 See Sir Isaac Newton’s _Chronology_, p. 30.

410 Diod. p. 46.

M65 A.M. 1920. Ant. J.C. 2084.
M66 A.M. 2084. Ant. J.C. 1920.

411 Gen. xii. 10-20.

M67 A.M. 2179. Ant. J.C. 1825.
M68 A.M. 2276. Ant. J.C. 1728.

412 Lib. xxxvi. c. 2.

413 Justin ascribes this gift of heaven to Joseph’s skill in magical
arts: Cùm magicas ibi artes (Egypto) solerti ingenio percepisset,
&c.—Trans.

M69 A.M. 2298. Ant. J.C. 1706.

414 Exod. i. 8.

M70 A.M. 2427. Ant. J.C. 1577.

415 Heb. urbes thesaurorum. LXX. urbes munitas. These cities were
appointed to preserve, as in a storehouse, the corn, oil, and other
products of Egypt. Vatab.—Trans.

416 Exod. i. 11, 13, 14.

M71 A.M. 2494. Ant. J.C. 1510.
M72 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.

417 This name bears a great resemblance to Pharaoh, which was common to
the Egyptian kings.—Trans.

418 Lib. iii. p. 74.

419 Herod. l. ii. c. 102, 110. Diod. l. i. pp. 48, 54.

420 Τὰ νοήματα ἐκμενσώθηναι, lib. xii. c. 4.

M73 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.

421 2 Chron. viii. 9. But of the children of Israel did Solomon make no
servants for his work.—Trans.

422 150 stadia, about 18 miles English.—Trans.

423 Tacit. _Ann._ l. ii. c. 60.

424 Legebantur indicta gentibus tributa—haud minùs magnifica quàm nunc
vi Parthorum aut potentiâ Romanâ jubentur—Inscribed on pillars, were
read the tributes imposed on vanquished nations, which were not
inferior to those now paid to the Parthian and Roman powers.—Trans.

M74 A.M. 2448.
M75 A.M. 2530.
M76 A.M. 2533.
M77 A.M. 2549.

425 The reader may consult, on this subject, two learned dissertations
of Abbé Renaudot, inserted in the second volume of _The History of
the Academy of Inscriptions_.—Trans.

426 The sixteen letters brought by Cadmus into Greece, are α, β, γ, δ,
ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, σ, τ, υ. Palamedes, at the siege of Troy,
_i.e._ upwards of two hundred and fifty years lower than Cadmus,
added the four following, ξ, θ, φ, χ; and Simonides, a long time
after, invented the four others, namely, η, ω, ζ, ψ.—Trans.

M78 A.M. 2517. Ant. J.C. 1547.

427 Herod. l. ii. c. 111. Diod. l. i. p. 54.

M79 A.M. 2800. Ant. J.C. 1204.

428 I do not think myself obliged to enter here into a discussion, which
would be attended with very perplexing difficulties, should I
pretend to reconcile the series, or succession of the kings, as
given by Herodotus, with the opinion of archbishop Usher. This last
supposes, with many other learned men, that Sesostris is the son of
that Egyptian king who was drowned in the Red-Sea, whose reign must
consequently have begun in the year of the world 2513, and continued
till the year 2547, since it lasted thirty-three years. Should we
allow fifty years to the reign of Pheron his son, there would still
be an interval of above two hundred years between Pheron and
Proteus, who, according to Herodotus, was the immediate successor of
the former; since Proteus lived at the time of the siege of Troy,
which, according to Usher, was taken An. Mun. 2820. I know not
whether his almost total silence on the Egyptian kings after
Sesostris, was owing to his sense of this difficulty. I suppose a
long interval to have occurred between Pheron and Proteus;
accordingly, Diodorus (lib. i. p. liv.) fills it up with a great
many kings; and the same must be said of some of the following
kings.—Trans.

429 Herod. l. ii. c. 112, 120.

430 Ὡς τῶν μεγαλων ἀδικημάτον μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρὶαι παρὰ τῶν
Θεῶν.—Trans.

431 L. ii. c. 121, 123.

432 Herod. l. ii. c. 124, 128. Diod. l. i. p. 57.

433 Herod. l. ii. p. 139. 140. Diod. p. 58.

434 Herod. l. ii. c. 136.

435 The remainder of the inscription, as we find it in Herodotus, is—for
men plunging long poles down to the bottom of the lake, drew bricks
(πλίνθος εἴρυσαν) out of the mud which stuck to them, and gave me
this form.—Trans.

M80 A.M. 2991. Ant. J.C. 1013.

436 1 Kings iii. 1.

M81 A.M. 3026. Ant. J.C. 978.

437 1 Kings xi. 40. and xii.

M82 A.M. 3033. Ant. J.C. 971.

438 2 Chron. xii. 1-9.

439 The English version of the Bible says, The Lubims, the Sukkiims, and
the Ethiopians.—Trans.

440 Or, of the kingdoms of the earth.—Trans.

M83 A.M. 3063. Ant. J.C. 941.

441 2 Chron. xiv. 9-13.

442 Herod. l. ii. c. 137. Diod, l. i. p. 59.

M84 A.M. 3279. Ant. J.C. 725.

443 2 Kings xvii. 4.

M85 A.M. 3285. Ant. J.C. 719.

444 Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων. εὐσεβης ἔστω—Trans.

445 Chap. xvii.

446 The Vulgate calls that city Alexandria, to which the Hebrew gives
the name of No-Amon, because Alexandria was afterwards built in the
place where this stood. Dean Prideaux, after Bochart, thinks that it
was Thebes, surnamed Diospolis. Indeed, the Egyptian Amon is the
same with Jupiter. But Thebes is not the place where Alexandria was
since built. Perhaps there was another city there, which also was
called No-Amon.—Trans.

447 Nahum iii. 8, 10.

448 Herod. l. ii. c. 142.

M86 A.M. 3299. Ant. J.C. 705.

449 Afric. apud Syncel. p. 74. Diod l. i. p. 59.

M87 A.M. 3319. Ant. J.C. 685.

450 Herod. l. ii. c. 147, 152.

451 He was one of the twelve.—Trans.

M88 A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 670.

452 Herod. l. ii. c. 153, 154.

453 This revolution happened about seven years after the captivity of
Manasseh, king of Judah.—Trans.

454 Lib. i. p. 61.

455 Herod. l. ii. c. 157.

456 Isa. xx. 1.

457 Herod. l. i. c. 105.

458 Herod. l. ii. c. 2, 3.

M89 A.M. 3388. Ant. J.C. 616.

459 He is called Necho in the English version of the Scriptures.—Trans.

460 Herod. l. ii. c. 158.

461 Allowing 625 feet (or 125 geometrical paces) to each stadium, the
distance will be 118 English miles, and a little above one-third of
a mile. Herodotus says, that this design was afterwards put in
execution by Darius the Persian, b. ii. c. 158.—Trans.

462 Herod. l. iv. c. 42.

463 Joseph. _Antiq._ l. x. c. 6. 2 Kings, xxiii. 29, 30. 2 Chron. xxxv.
20-25.

464 2 Kings xxiii. 33, 35. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, 4.

465 The Hebrew silver talent, according to Dr. Cumberland, is equivalent
to 353_l._ 11_s._ 10-1/2_d._ so that 100 talents, English money,
make £35,359 7_s._ 6_d._ The gold talent, according to the same
source, is 5075_l._ 15_s._ 7-1/2_d._, so the amount of the whole
tribute was 40,435_l._ 3_s._ 1-1/2_d._—Trans.

466 Lib. ii c. 159.

467 Megiddo.—Trans.

468 From the time that Solomon, by means of his temple, had made
Jerusalem the common place of worship to all Israel, it was
distinguished from the rest of the cities by the epithet _Holy_, and
in the Old Testament was called _Air Hakkodesh_, _i.e._ the city of
holiness, or the holy city. It bore this title upon the coins, and
the shekel was inscribed _Jerusalem Kedusha_, _i.e._ Jerusalem the
holy. At length Jerusalem, for brevity’s sake, was omitted, and only
_Kedusha_ reserved. The Syriac being the prevailing language in
Herodotus’s time, Kedusha, by a change in that dialect of _sh_ into
_th_, was made Kedutha; and Herodotus giving it a Greek termination,
it was writ Κάδυτις or Cadytis. Prideaux’s _Connection of the Old
and New Testament_, ol. i. part i. p. 80, 81. 8vo. Edit.—Trans.

M90 A.M. 3397. Ant. J.C. 607.

469 Jer. xlvi. 2.

470 2 Kings, xxiv. 7.

471 A rivo Ægypti.

472 This little river of Egypt, so often mentioned in Scripture as the
boundary of Palestine towards Egypt, was not the Nile, but a small
river, which, running through the desert that lay betwixt those two
nations, was anciently the common boundary of both. So far the land,
which had been promised to the posterity of Abraham, and divided
among them by lot, extended. Gen. xv. 18. Josh. xv. 4.—Trans.

M91 A.M. 3404. Ant. J.C. 600.

473 Herod. l. ii. c. 160.

474 Herod. c. 160.

M92 A.M. 3410. Ant. J.C. 594.

475 Jer. xliv. 30.

476 Herod. l. ii. c. 161. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

477 Ezek. xxix. 3.

478 Ezek. xvii. 15.

479 Isa. xxxi. 1, 3.

480 Ezek. xxix. 2, 3, 4.

481 Ezek. xxix. 8, 9.

482 Chap. xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.

M93 A.M. 3416. Ant. J.C. 588.

483 Jer. xxxvii. 6, 7.

M94 A.M. 3430. Ant. J.C. 574.

484 Herod. l. ii. c. 161, &c. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

485 The baldness of the heads of the Babylonians was owing to the
pressure of their helmets; and their peeled shoulders to their
carrying baskets of earth, and large pieces of timber, to join Tyre
to the continent. Baldness was itself a badge of slavery; and joined
to the peeled shoulders, shows that the conqueror’s army sustained
even the most servile labours in this memorable siege.—Trans.

486 For the better understanding of this passage, we are to know that
Nabuchodonosor sustained incredible hardships at the siege of Tyre;
and that when the Tyrians saw themselves closely attacked, the
nobles conveyed themselves and their richest effects on shipboard,
and retired into other islands. So that when Nabuchodonosor took the
city, he found nothing to recompense the toil which he had undergone
in this siege. S. Jerom.—Trans.

487 Chap. xxix. 18, 19, 20.

488 Jerem. xliii. 12.

489 Herod. l. ii. c. 163, 169. Diod. l. i. p. 62.

490 Ezek. xxx. 22.

491 Ezek. xxx. 24.

492 Ezek. xxx. 25.

493 Ver. 14, 17.

494 I have given the names of these towns as they stand in our English
version. In the margin are printed against Zoan, Tanis; against Sin,
Pelusium; against Aven, Heliopolis; against Phibeseth, Pubastum,
(Bubastus;) and by these last names they are mentioned in the
original French of M. Rollin.—Trans.

495 Jerem. xliv. 30.

496 Ezek. xxx. 13

497 Jerem ch. xliii. xliv.

M95 A.M. 3435. Ant. J.C. 569.

_ 498 In Tim._

499 Herod. l. ii. c. 172.

500 Herod. l. ii. c. 73.

501 The cubit is one foot and almost ten inches. Vide supra.—Trans.

502 Or, 58,125_l._ sterling.—Trans.

503 Ἐπῆρξε δὲ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν τῆ Ἀσίᾳ, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ Θάλατταν, καὶ
Κυπρίωι καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, p. 5. edit. Hutchinsoni.—Trans.

M96 A.M. 3479. Ant. J.C. 525.

504 Bochart, part II. l. ii. c. 16.

505 The first scene of the fifth act, translated into Latin by Petit, in
the second book of his _Miscellanies_.—Trans.

506 Herod. l. iii. c. 17-19.

507 Polyb. 944. Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 2, 3.

508 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.

509 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.

510 Lib. vii. p. 502.

_ 511 Apolog._ c. 23.

512 In Psalm xcviii.

513 Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.

514 Plut. _de Superstit._ p. 171.

515 Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and
pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a
tear falling from her, “would have been punished by a fine;” and
still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut. _de
Superstitione_.—Trans.

516 Tertul. _in Apolog._

517 Minut. Felix.

518 Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.

519 It appears from Tertullian’s _Apology_, that this barbarous custom
prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penès
Africam Saturno immolabantur palàm usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii,
qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus
scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militiâ patriæ nostræ, quæ
id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est, _i.e._ Children were
publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of
Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees
which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate
their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who
were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul.
Tertul. _Apolog._ c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the
proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his
ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for
proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian,
when he writ his _Apology_, had forgot his name. However this be, it
is certain that the memory of the incident here related by
Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not
been long dead.—Trans.

520 Plut. _de serâ vindic. deorum_, p. 552.

521 Herod. l. vii. c. 167.

522 In ipsos quos adolebat sese præcipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore
suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S.
Amb.—Trans.

523 Cûm peste laborarent, cruentâ sacrorum religione et scelere pro
remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et
impuberes (quæ ætas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris
admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vitâ
dii maximè rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well
as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be
credited.—Trans.

524 Lib. xx. p. 756.

_ 525 De Superstitione_, p. 169-171.

526 Idem. _in Camill._ p. 132.

_ 527 De Superstitione._

_ 528 De Rep._ l. ii. c. 11.

529 It is entitled, _Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica_, &c.
Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.

530 Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.

531 This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and
Phœnicians, signifies judges. _Shophetim._—Trans.

532 Ut Romæ consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges
creabantur. Corn Nep. _in vitâ Annibalis_, c. 7. The great Hannibal
was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.

533 Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos
erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.

534 Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n.
62.—Trans.

535 Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.

536 Arist. loc. cit.

537 Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.

538 Polyb. l. vi. p. 494

M97 A.M. 3609. A. Carth. 487.

539 Lib. ix. c. 2.

540 Justin l. xix.

541 Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.

542 Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.

543 M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were
established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of
Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these
officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful
youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar
with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat prætereà cum
eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem
nonnulli diligi turpiùs quàm par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo
factum est ut à præfecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse.
Corn. Nep. _in vitâ Amalcaris_.—Trans.

M98 A.M. 3082. A. Carth. 682.

544 Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l.
vi. p. 497.—Trans.

545 Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.

546 Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.

547 Lib. iii. p. 147

548 25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr.
Bernard=8-1/4_d._ English money, consequently 25,000=859_l._ 7_s._
6_d._—Trans.

549 As Syphax and Masinissa.

550 King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.

551 Nepos, _in vitâ Annibalis_.

552 Cic. l. i. _De Orat._ n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.

553 These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and
translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose
version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.

554 Voss. _de Hist. Gr._ l. iv.

555 Plut. _de fort. Alex._ p. 328. Diog. Laërt. _in Clitom._

556 Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Pœnus et valdè studiosus ac diligens.
_Academ. Quæst._ l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.

_ 557 Tusc. Quæst._ l. lii. n. 54.

558 Suet. _in vit. Terent._

559 Factum senatûs consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis
Græcis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere
sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the
reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one
Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of
Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards
fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the
tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred
to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.

560 Quàm volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec
robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnes, &c. sed pietate ac religione,
&c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus. _De Arusp. Resp._ n.
19.—Trans.

561 Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum
advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quæstûs cupiditate
vocabantur. Cic. _Orat. ii. in Rull._ n. 94.—Trans.

562 Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiæ vestibulo fremere, ne
tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur præda. Consensum est ut, &c.
Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.

563 A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to
them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day
appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were
desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man’s conscience pleaded
guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause
and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et carè vendere; in quo dicto
levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique
vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S.
August. l. xiii. _de Trinit._ c. 3.—Trans.

564 Plut. _de gen. Rep._ p. 799.

565 Lib. xxii. n. 61.

566 Utica et Carthago, ambæ inclytæ, ambæ à Phoenicibus conditæ; illa
fato Catonis insignis, hæc suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and
Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first
renowned by Cato’s fate, the last by its own.—Trans.

567 Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different
accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He
says, that the town consisted of three parts, _viz._ Cothon, or the
port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been
first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called
the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of
all, and probably by Dido.

Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the
taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a
hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander,
(cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after
Megara.—Trans.

568 Liv. _Epit._ l. ii.

569 Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App. _de bello Pun._ p. 1. Strab. l. xvii.
p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.

570 120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.

571 Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring
to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land
as an ox’s hide would encompass. The request was thought too
moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest
thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on
which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale
of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that
the Hebrew word _Bosra_, which signifies a fortification, gave rise
to the Greek word _Byrsa_, which is the name of the citadel of
Carthage.—Trans.

572 Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.

573 Effodêre loco signum, quod regia Juno
Monstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore bello
Egregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.

Virg. _Æn._ l. i. ver. 447.

The Tyrians landing near this holy ground,
And digging here, a prosp’rous omen found:
From under earth a courser’s head they drew,
Their growth and future fortune to foreshew:
This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,
Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.

Dryden.—Trans.

574 The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.)
is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the
principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to
declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being
afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic
honesty,) “that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was
capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but
that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would
be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the
conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest
beasts.” Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and
asking, “if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner
which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even
their lives?” they then delivered the king’s message; and bid her
“set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country’s
welfare.” Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichæus with tears and
lamentations, and answered, “that she would go where the fate of her
city called her.” At the expiration of three months, she ascended
the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that
she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.

575 Justin, l. xix. c. 1.

576 Justin, l. xix. c. 2.

577 Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditæ Carthageniensibus remittere.
Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.

578 Sallust. _de bello Jugurth._ n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.

579 These altars were not standing in Strabo’s time. Some geographers
think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philænorum
Aræ; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west
of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.

580 Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.

581 Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.

582 Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.

583 Liquescit excussa glans fundâ, et attritu aeris, velut igne,
distillat. _i.e._ The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves;
and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire.
Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.

584 Strab. l. iii. p. 167.

585 Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words,
Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the
authority of Strabo, _viz._ that the inhabitants learnt their art
from the Phœnicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται
ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is
still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and
Phœnicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an
enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried
three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the
waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave
to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present
purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be
unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were
once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to
Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new
habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures
having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l.
viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were
not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which
they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph,
who, in his _Travels_, informs us, that being becalmed near these
islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of
fruit to sell.—Trans.

586 Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.

587 Guadalquivir.

588 Strab. l. iii. p. 171.

589 Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.

590 Seville.

591 Duero.

592 Guadiana.

593 Tarragona.

594 Barcelona.

595 Ebro.

596 Lib. v. p. 312.

597 Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.

598 Lib. iii. p. 158.

599 Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time
facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant
universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.

600 Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quæ quidem continentis
sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.

601 Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.

602 Passaro.

603 Il Faro.

604 Cape Boéo.

605 Strab. l. vi. p. 267.

606 This is Strabo’s calculation; but there must be a mistake in the
numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of
this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might,
from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the
port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60
or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus
corrected. The passage from Lilybæum to Africa, is only 25
leagues.—Trans.

M99 A.M. 3501. A. Carth. 343. Rome, 245. Ant. J.C. 503.

607 Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.

608 The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the
unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any
knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order
that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility.
Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.

609 Idem, p. 246.

M100 A.M. 3520. Ant. J.C. 484.

610 Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.

611 This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.

612 Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Bœotia, to the
number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable
battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.

613 An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206_l._ 5_s._,
consequently 2000 talents is 412,500_l._—Trans.

M101 A.M. 3592. A. Carth. 434. A. Rom. 336. Ant. J.C. 412.

614 Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.

615 Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.

616 The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of
this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the
wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants,
is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and
feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with
hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the
unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city
and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom
he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred
shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully
relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his
wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the
philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning
his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so
excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be
exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they
thought they should live for ever.—Trans.

617 This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to
the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic
war. Cic. _Orat._ iv. _in Verrem._ c. 33.—Trans.

618 The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct
people.—Trans.

M102 A.M. 3600. A. Carth. 412. A. Rom. 344. Ant. J.C. 404.

619 Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.

620 Triremes.

621 Honos alit artes.

622 The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book
xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.

623 Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.

624 Panormus.—Trans.

625 Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more
probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was
so formidable.—Trans.

626 Diodorus.

627 About 61,800_l._ English money.—Trans.

628 This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.

629 About 206,000_l._—Trans.

630 Justin, l. xx. c. 5.

631 Diod. l. xv. p. 344.

632 This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being
afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some
philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their
brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful
lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to
converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to
pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games,
whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother
Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians
entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their
pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city,
he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both
together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction
of the oracle, _viz._ that he should die when he had overcome his
betters.—Trans.

M103 A.M. 3656. A. Carth. 498. A. Rom. 400. Ant. J.C. 348.

633 Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut. _in Timol._

634 Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning
schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could
no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a
scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily,
notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from
Dionysius’s father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the
streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so
considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he
answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but
not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However,
fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill,
from which she had raised his father.—Trans.

635 Plut. p. 248-250.

636 Plut. p. 248-250.

637 This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by
Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.

638 Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.

639 Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.

M104 A.M. 3685. A. Carth. 527. A. Rom. 429. Ant. J.C. 319.

640 He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all
allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his
birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his
capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timæus. But
his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious
Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the
conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution
of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv.
p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so
great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.

641 The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.

642 50,000 French crowns, or 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.

643 Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with
such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And
perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the
enemy’s horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for
that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and
assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.

644 Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.

645 Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.

646 Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children.
Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.

647 And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of
Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with
the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and
expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary
opinion.—Trans.

648 Diod. p. 767-769.

649 He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which
his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably
allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at
the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate
(whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel,
it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he
was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c.
3.—Trans.

650 Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.

651 It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the
pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse;
had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and
insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the
spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt. _De
vitâ beatâ_, c. 19.—Trans.

652 Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8

653 He was poisoned by one Mænon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His
teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body
tortured all over with the most racking pains. Mænon was excited to
this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed
to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles.
Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is
observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in
all the material part of this tyrant’s history.—Trans.

654 Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.

M105 A.M. 3727. A. Carth. 569. A. Rom. 471. Ant. J.C. 277.

655 Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.

656 Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.

657 Idem.

658 Plut. _in Pyrrh._ p. 398.

659 Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The
Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palæstra,
where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and
for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other.
The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express
the Greek term.—Trans.

M106 A.M. 3724. A. Carth. 566. A. Rom. 468. Ant. J.C. 280.

660 Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.

661 Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.

M107 A.M. 3741. A. Carth. 583. A. Rom. 485. Ant. J.C. 263.

662 Frontin.

663 The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon
Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.

M108 A.M. 3743. A. Rom. 487.

664 Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.

665 Id. p. 20.

M109 A.M. 3745. A. Rom. 489.

666 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.

667 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.

668 A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.

669 These pillars were called _Rostratæ_, from the beaks of ships with
which they were adorned; _Rostra_.—Trans.

670 Polyb. l. i. p. 24.

M110 A.M. 3749. A. Rom. 493.

671 Polyb l. i. p. 25.

672 Id. p. 30.

M111 A.M. 3750. A. Rom. 494.

673 Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.

674 Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.

675 In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of
Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole
army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one
of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was
elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus,
however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his
first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy
himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African
river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole
Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been
buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death
in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to
darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from
the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited
a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than
even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its
blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent
country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one
hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be
credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same
monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as
the Numantine war.—Trans.

676 Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod. _Eclog._
l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.

_ 677 De Bell. Pun._ p. 30.

678 This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be
true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were
certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one
would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the
relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it
finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence
therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring
Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in
a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this
let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the
Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many
others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme
formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers,
were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss
of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of
so horrid a crime.—Trans.

679 Lib. i. p. 36, 37.

680 Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in
hâc eâdem terrâ fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset
patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec
cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altiùs elatus erat, eo
fœdiùs corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.

681 Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper
to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a
mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of
Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ
Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα,
καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus
rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Græciâ allatis]
Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedæmonius, vir disciplinà Laconicâ
imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas,
agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take
the sense of this passage to be, “a man formed by the Spartan
discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military
affairs.”—Trans.

682 This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men
against many of the stories told of Regulus’s barbarous treatment,
after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further
of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance
of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers,
(as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First,
it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these
cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the
Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be
silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to
violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer.
This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this
belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of
Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage,
occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons
to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two
Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in
the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and
put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these
died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care
of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered
to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the
senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against
the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus
dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus
frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her
captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of
her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate
being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties,
she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband
died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports,
increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the
Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the
latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two
such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the
poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.

M112 A.M. 3755. A. Rom. 499.

683 Appian, _de Bella Pun._ p. 2, 3. Cic. _de Off._ l. iii. n. 99, 100.
Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec. _Ep._ 99.

684 Horat. l. iii. _Od._ 3.

685 Polyb. l. i. p. 37.

686 Or Clypea.—Trans.

687 Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.

688 P. 41, 42.

689 Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.

690 Polyb. p. 50.

M113 A.M. 3756. A. Rom. 500.

691 Ibid. p. 51.

692 Ibid. p. 54-59.

693 A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.

694 Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.

M114 A.M. 3763. A. Rom. 507.

695 These islands are also called Ægates.—Trans.

696 This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty
thousand French livres, or 515,000_l._ English money.

697 Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.

M115 A.M. 3763. A. Carth. 605. A. Rom. 507. Ant. J.C. 241.

698 Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.

699 The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.

700 And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.

701 Ibid. p. 66.

702 Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in
raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He,
therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of
Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated
to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would
leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters.
Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.

703 Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per
inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per
occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quàm quod in
illos jure fieri posset, quærebant. Sallust. _in Bell.
Gatilin._—Trans.

M116 A.M. 3767. A. Carth. 609. A. Rom. 511. Ant. J.C. 237.

704 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.

705 Lib. iii. p. 162-168.