Chapter VI: Description of Mediæval Buildings (1)
Description of Mediæval buildings--Lyons, the Ainay, 121; the cathedral, 122; Vienne, St André-le-Bas, and St Pierre, 124; cathedral, 126; ancient houses, 127; Valence, Maison des Fêtes, 127; castle of Crussol, monastery of Cruas, 128; church of Cruas, 132; Montélimar, Viviers--commencement of Provençal examples, St Paul-trois-châteaux, 134; St Restitut, Pont St Esprit, 136; Courthézon, Avignon, 137; history, 138; Notre Dame des Doms, 139; imitation of Roman work, 141; palace of the Popes, 143; history, 144; description of, 145; walls of town, 148; gates, 151; Pont St Bénezet, 151; tower of Villeneuve, 154; castle of St André, 155; gatehouse, 156; curtains, 161; guard rooms on walls, 162; church of Villeneuve, 163; churches of Avignon, the Beffroi, abbey of St Ruf, Priory of St Veran, 164; Vaison, 165; Carpentras, Venasque, Pernes, Le Thor, Cavaillon, 167; Le clocher de Molléges, 168; Tarascon, history, Ste Marthe, 168; castle, 170; houses, gateway, 172; Beaucaire castle, 173; triangular keep, 176; oratory, 178; Les Baux, 179; the town--the bas-reliefs, 180; account of the family, 181; St Gabriel, 182; Arles, St Trophime, 183; includes examples of all periods of Provençal Architecture--the Cistertian nave, 184; the west portal, 187; the cloisters, 188; the Alyscamps, St Honorat, 191; prosperity of Arles after union to France--Renaissance palaces, 192; Mont-Majour, Hermitage, 194; church, 196; cloister, 199; chapel of Ste Croix, 199; the keep, 203; St Gilles, Abbey church, 204; interrupted by Albigensian crusade, 205; portal, 206; sources of Provençal art, 210; Les Saintes Maries, 212; Marseilles, St Victor, 213; Aix-en-Provence, St Sauveur, 217; cloisters, 219; “Les Villes Mortes du Golfe de Lyon,” 220; Montpellier, Maguelonne, 222; Béziers, 222; St Nazaire, 224; Fountain, 227; house in town, 228; Puisalicon, St Pierre de Reddes, St Martin de Londres, 229; Narbonne, history, 230; cathedral, 231; its fortifications, 232; Archbishop’s palace, 233; the keep, 234; St Paul, the Lagunes, the Pyrenees, Perpignan, 235; the castellet, cathedral, 236; citadel, &c., Elne, 239; cathedral, 240; the unfinished chevet, the campanile, 241; the cloisters, 244; Carcassonne, 244; history, 245; towers of the Visigoths, 246; the porte Narbonnaise--the barbican and its defences, 252; the walls and towers, 254; St Nazaire, 257; Aigues Mortes, 260; Canal, 261; walls and gateways, 264; Porte de Nimes, 266; Tour de Constance, 268; Tour Carbonnière, 269.
Eastwards from Marseilles--Toulon, 270; Hyères, 271; castle, 272; St Paul, 273; examples of Cistertian style, 274; Cannet, 275; abbey of Thoronet, 276; the cloisters, 278; remarkable details, 280; chapter house, 281; St Maximin, 282; Fréjus, cathedral and Bishop’s palace, 281; fortified, 289; baptistery, 291; “Pantheon” at Riez, 293; the cloisters, Fréjus, 296; Brass lamp, 298; doorways in town, 299; district of Les Maures, how to visit, 300; St Tropez, fish market, 301; Grimaud, castle, 302; La Garde Freinet, St Raphaël, the Esterelle mountains, 304; Napoule, 305; St Peyré, Mont St Cassien, 307; Cannes, 308; history, Tour du Chevalier, 310; St Anne, 314; Notre Dame d’Espérance, 317; Iles de Lérins, 319; St Honorat, cloisters, 320; Ste Trinité, 320; St Sauveur, 323; castle of St Honorat, 324; style of lower cloister, 330; style of upper cloister, 334; additions, 340; Ste Marguérite, 343; Vallauris, 344; Le Cannet, 347; Mougins, Notre Dame des Vie, 348; Auribeau, 350; Grasse, 351; cathedral, 353; keep tower, 354; Renaissance, 357; l’Oratoire, 357; St Césaire, 359; château de Tournon, 363; Montauroux and Callian, 364; Le Bar, 366; Gourdon, 367; Tourettes, 369; Antibes, 371; two keep towers, 373; Cagnes, castle, 376; castle of Villeneuve-Loubet, 378; history, 381; tower of La Trinité, 382; Biot, 387; St Paul-du-Var, 392; approach to, 393; Architecture of shops and houses, 395; staircase, 397; gateway, 398; church, 400; remarkable keep-tower, 401; Vence, 407; cathedral, 409; keep towers, 411; column, 413; commandery of St Martin, 414; destruction of the Templars, 417; Nice, history, 418; Cimiès Cross, 421; castle of St André, 422; Villefranche, Eza, 422; La Turbie, 428; gateways, 430; Monaco, 432; history, 433; Ducal Palace, 434; Roquebrune, 437; Mentone, 438; Gorbio, Ste Agnes, Castellar, 441; boundary of Provençal Architecture, 441; Ventimiglia, 445; Dolce Aqua, 445; Pigna, 448; San Remo, 449; Taggia, 450; Bussana, Oneglia, &c, 451; Albenga, 452; Genoa, 455.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Details from Cathedral, Genoa, _Title-page_
Map of Provence and Riviera, _To face page_ 1
Details from Cathedral, Arles--_Headpiece_, 1
Details from Arles Museum--_Headpiece_, 7
Head in Arles Museum--_Tailpiece_, 24
Details from Cathedral, Genoa--_Headpiece_, 25
“ of Tomb of Cornelia, Arles--_Tailpiece_, 31
“ from Arles Museum--_Headpiece_, 32
VIENNE, Temple of Augustus and Livia, 36
“ Roman Forum, 37
“ The Pyramid, 38
“ Restored, 39
ORANGE, Roman Theatre--_Exterior_, 41
“ “ “ _Interior_, 43
“ Triumphal Arch, 46
ST REMY, Triumphal Arch and Mausoleum, 49
ARLES, Amphitheatre--_Exterior_, 52
“ “ _Interior_, 53
“ Roman Theatre, 55
“ Place d’Hommes, 57
“ The Alyscamps, 58
“ From the Museum, 59
“ Tomb of Cornelia, 60
“ From the Museum, 61
“ “ “ 62
“ “ “ 63
NIMES, Amphitheatre--_Exterior_, 64
“ “ _Interior_, 65
“ “ Corridor, 67
“ Maison Carrée, 69
NIMES, Statue of Venus, 71
“ Nymphæum, 72
“ La Tourmagne, 74
“ Le Pont du Gard, 75
FRÉJUS, Amphitheatre, 81
FRÉJUS, Aqueduct, 83
CLAUSONNE, Aqueduct, 84
CIMIES, (_Looking N.E._) 85
“ (_Looking S. W._), 86
LA TURBIE, Monument to Augustus, 87
From Arles Museum--_Tailpiece_, 89
“ --_Headpiece_, 90
SAN MINIATO, 101
TOULOUSE Cathedral, 106
From Piazza, San Matteo, Genoa--_Headpiece_, 121
LYONS, The Ainay, 122
“ Arcades in Cathedral, 123
VIENNE, St André-le-Bas, 124
“ St Pierre, 125
“ St Maurice, 126
“ House in, 127
VALENCE, Maison-des-Têtes, 128
CRUSSOL, Castle, 129
CRUAS, Abbey (_from S.W._), 130
“ Monastery Church, 131
“ Church, 133
ST PAUL-TROIS-CHÂTEAUX, _Part of Exterior_ (_from Révoil_), 135
AVIGNON, Church of Notre Dame des Doms, and Palace of
the Popes, 140
“ Monument of Pope John XXII., 142
“ Plan of the Palace of the Popes (from Viollet-le-Duc’s
_Dictionnaire_), 143
“ Portion of City Wall (_West side_), 149
“ Pont St Bénezet and Chapel of St Nicholas, 152
VILLENEUVE, Tower, 154
ST ANDRÉ, Oratory in Castle, 155
“ Castle, Villeneuve-lez-Avignon. _Plan of Entrance
Gateway_, 156
“ Castle of, Villeneuve-lez-Avignon. _Exterior of
Gateway_, 157
“ Castle, _Interior of Gateway_, 158
ST ANDRÉ, Castle, _Fireplace in Gatehouse_, 159
“ “ _Walls of Enceinte_, 160
“ Guard-room on wall, 161
“ Remains of a Guard-room on wall, 162
VILLENEUVE-LEZ-AVIGNON, Church, 163
Le Clocher de Molléges (from Viollet-le-Duc’s _Dictionnaire_), 168
TARASCON, Ste Marthe, 169
“ Castle, 171
TARASCON, House, 172
“ Gate, 173
BEAUCAIRE, Plan of the Castle, 174
“ Castle (_from S.-E._), 175
“ “ (_from N.-E._), 175
“ Plans of the Keep, 176
“ Castle (_Interior of Courtyard_), 177
LES BAUX, Fortress, 179
ST GABRIEL, Church, _West Front_. (From _Révoil_), 182
ARLES, St Trophime, 185
“ West Portal of St Trophime, 186
“ Cloisters, St Trophime, (_Eastern Arcade_), 189
“ “Clocher” of the Church of St Honorat, (From _Révoil_), 191
“ Renaissance House, 193
MONT-MAJOUR, Plan of Hermitage, 194
“ Hermitage--Chapel of St Peter, 195
“ The Church and Keep, 197
“ Cloisters, 198
“ Chapelle de Sainte Croix, 200
“ Mortuary Chapel, 201
“ The Keep, Hermitage, etc., 202
“ Plans and Section of Keep, 203
ST GILLES, Portal, 207
“ South Doorway, (_Enlarged_), 208
LES SAINTES MARIES, Church. (From _Révoil_.) 213
MARSEILLES, St Victor--_Exterior_, 214
“ “ _Interior_, 215
“ Monument in St Victor’s, 216
AIX-EN-PROVENCE, St Sauveur, Doorway, 217
“ “ “ _Interior_, 218
“ Cloisters, St Sauveur, 219
BÉZIERS, From the Orbe, 223
BÉZIERS, Tower, South side of St Nazaire, 224
“ Apse, St Nazaire, 225
“ Cathedral of St Nazaire, 226
“ Fountain in Cloisters, 227
“ House, 228
“ St Pierre de Reddes. (From _Révoil_.) 229
NARBONNE, Cathedral of St Just, 231
PERPIGNAN, The Castellet, 237
PERPIGNAN, Cathedral of St Jean, 238
ELNE, Marble Gateway, 241
“ Cathedral, 242
“ Cloisters, 244
CARCASSONNE, general view, 245
“ Towers and Castle, 247
“ Outer and Inner Walls, North Side, 249
“ Porte Narbonnaise, 251
“ Western Walls and Barbican, 253
“ Interior of Walls, 256
“ St Nazaire, 258
AIGUES MORTES, “Tour de Constance,” 261
“ Walls on East and North Sides, 263
“ Interior of South Side of Walls, 265
“ Porte de Nimes, 267
HYÈRES, Castle, 272
“ St Paul, 273
CANNET, 275
THORONET, Church from South-West, 276
“ “ _Interior_, 277
“ Cloister, 279
“ Caps in Cloister, 280
“ Fountain in Grounds, 283
ST MAXIMIN, Church, 284
FRÉJUS, Plan of Cathedral, 285
“ Cathedral, _Interior_, 286
“ Western Enclosure and Cathedral Buildings, 287
“ Cathedral, Eastern Tower and Bishop’s Palace, 288
“ “ South or Entrance Front, 290
“ “ Baptistery, 292
RIEZ, The “Pantheon,” _Plan_ (_From Texier and Pullan_), 293
“ “ _Section_ “ “ 294
FRÉJUS, Cathedral, Cloisters, 295
“ “ “ _Interior_, 297
“ Cathedral, Brass Lamp (_From a drawing by Mr R.
Burns Begg_), 298
“ Doorways, 299
ST TROPEZ, general view, 300
“ Entrance to Fishmarket, 301
GRIMAUD, From the Plain, 302
GRIMAUD, Castle, 303
NAPOULE, Castle, 305
“ “ 306
MONT ST CASSIEN, 307
CANNES, Bay of, and the Esterelle Mountains, 309
“ The Old Town, 311
“ Tour du Chevalier, 312
“ “ “ Plan and Section, 313
“ Church of St Anne, 315
“ “ “ Plan, 316
“ “ “ Doorway, 316
“ Mont du Chevalier, 317
“ Notre Dame d’Espérence, 318
ST HONORAT, Cloisters of Monastery, _Interior_, 320
“ Ste Trinité, _Interior_, 321
“ “ Plan, 322
“ “ West End, 323
“ “ East End, 324
“ “ Doorway, 325
“ St Sauveur, Lérins (_from Révoil_), 325
“ Castle, Plan of Ground Floor, 326
“ “ (_from N.-W._), 327
“ “ Lower Cloister, 329
“ “ Capitals and Bases, 330
“ “ “ “ Base, 331
“ “ Lower Cloister, 333
“ “ (_from N.-E._), 335
“ “ (_section from N. to S._), 336
“ “ Plan of First Floor, 337
“ “ Upper Cloister, 338
“ “ Upper Cloister, Details, 339
“ “ Refectory, 341
STE MARGUÉRITE, Castle, 343
VALLAURIS, Abbot’s Summer Palace, 345
“ Chapel of Abbot’s Summer Palace, 345
“ “ “ “ “ 346
LE CANNET, “Maison du Brigand,” 347
“ Notre Dame des Anges, 348
MOUGINS, Notre Dame de Vie, 349
“ Gate to Town, 350
AURIBEAU, 351
GRASSE, View of Town, 352
“ Cathedral, Plan of, 352
“ “ West End, 353
“ “ (_Campanile at N. E. angle_), 354
“ “ _Interior_, 355
“ Keep Tower, 356
“ Staircase, 357
“ Church of the Oratoire, 358
“ “ “ Cap of Main Pier, 359
ST CÉSAIRE, Ancient Gateway, 359
“ Carving over Doorways, 360
“ Church, _Exterior_, 361
“ “ _Interior_, 362
“ Plan of Church, 363
CHATEAU DE TOURNON, 363
CALLIAN, Town and Castle, 364
LE BAR, South Doorway of Church, 365
GOURDON, View of, 367
“ Houses, 368
“ Château, 369
TOURETTES, Church, 370
“ Font, 371
ANTIBES (_from West_), 372
“ Tower or Keep attached to Cathedral, 374
“ “ “ of the Castle, 375
CAGNES, Castle (_from the South_), 377
“ “ (_from the N.-E._), 378
VILLENEUVE-LOUBET, Castle (_from the N.-W._), 379
“ “ “ (_from the S.-E._), 380
LA TRINITÉ, Tower of (_Plan_), 382
“ “ (_from the Chapel_), 383
LA TRINITÉ, Tower of (_from the S.-W._) 386
BIOT, View of, 387
“ Church--_Exterior_, 389
“ “ Plan of, 390
“ “ _Interior_, 391
ST PAUL-DU-VAR, (_from the East_), 393
“ (“ _West_), 394
“ Details, 395
ST PAUL-DU-VAR, Old Shops and Houses, 396
“ Side Street, 397
“ Main Street, 398
“ Interior of North Gateway, 399
“ Main Street, 400
“ Chimney-piece in the Maison Suraire, 401
“ Staircase in the Maison Suraire, 402
“ North Gateway, 403
“ Church, West End of, 404
“ “ _Interior_, 405
“ “ Plan of, 406
“ Tower or Keep, 407
VENCE, Cathedral--_Interior_, 409
“ “ Plan, 410
“ “ East End, 412
“ “ Font, 413
“ Behind Cathedral, 414
“ Ancient House, 415
“ Doorway, 416
“ Tower or Keep of the Consul, 417
ST MARTIN-LES-VENCE, Commandery, 418
CIMIES, Cross, 420
NICE, Castle of St André, 421
“ St André, 423
EZA, (_from the Railway Station_), 424
“ (_from the East_), 425
“ Approach to the Town Gate, 426
“ Entrance Gateway to Town, 427
“ Interior of Entrance Gateway, 428
“ House, 429
“ Doorway, 430
LA TURBIE, Outer south Gateway, 430
LA TURBIE, Inner South Gateway, 431
“ Eastern Gateway, 432
“ Houses, 433
MONACO, Ducal Palace, 435
“ “ “ (_N. W. Bastion_), 436
ROQUEBRUNE, Entrance to Town, 437
“ Font, 438
“ Castle, 439
MENTONE, (_from the Harbour_), 440
VENTIMIGLIA, West Portal of Cathedral, 442
“ Interior of Cathedral, 443
DOLCE AQUA, Street, 444
“ Castle of the Dorias, 445
“ “ “ (_from the S. W._), 446
SAN REMO, Street, 447
“ Houses, 448
“ San Siro (_North Doorway_), 449
TAGGIA, Gateway and Street, 450
“ Doorway, 451
“ “ 452
“ Cloisters, St Christofero, 453
ALASSIO, Church, 454
ALBENGA, Towers and West End of Church, 455
“ (_from Railway Station_), 456
“ Tower at North-East of Church, 457
GENOA, Cloisters, San Matteo, 459
“ Doorway, Piazza San Matteo, 460
“ Church, Cloisters, etc., 461
“ Campanile, 462
Knocker, Elne Cathedral--_Tailpiece_, 463
Lamp from Old Church, Monaco, 464
Details from Tomb of Cornelia, Arles Museum, 467
Scale of English Miles]
I.
The beautiful buildings of the North of France are as well known to all English lovers of architecture as many of the edifices of our own country, and every one is more or less acquainted with them.
The various styles which have prevailed there--whether Gothic or Renaissance, Ecclesiastical, Castellated or Domestic--have all been fully illustrated and rendered familiar by numerous admirable works, both French and English. Besides, being so near our own shores, and lying as it does, between England and Paris, this part of the country is easily accessible, and is much visited by English tourists and students of architecture.
The various styles of Northern France, too, have many points of resemblance to those on this side of the channel; and there thus exists a feeling of sympathy between the two which renders the study of both, and a comparison of their similarities and differences, particularly interesting to the English observer.
All these circumstances have contributed to make the great cathedrals of Amiens, Beauvais, Rouen, Rheims, and Chartres familiar and attractive; while the picturesque towns of Northern France, with their quaint half-timbered houses, and the no less picturesque costumes of the inhabitants, are constantly brought before us in the charming representations of our artists.
The ancient castles of Normandy and Northern France, such as the Châteaux d’Arques, Gaillard, and Falaise, are as closely connected with English as French history; and as the dwellings of our Plantaganet Kings, and the scene of many important events in their lives, they claim even more attention at our hands than they have yet received.
But the South of France is a comparatively unknown country. It is much less frequented by our countrymen than the North, and its buildings and scenery rarely form the subject of our artists’ paintings. It is indeed true that a very large number of English people winter in the Riviera or at Pau; but these visitors are all desirous to perform their migration at a single flight, and to move, as by a magic spell, unconscious of the horrors of the middle passage, from the gloom of the dreary winter of England to the bright sunshine and lovely landscape of the South. That this should be the case is perhaps scarcely to be wondered at, so many of the visitors being themselves delicate or in company with invalids. But for their own sakes it is much to be regretted, as they thus pass through a great deal of fine and novel scenery without observing it, and catch but a passing glimpse of some of the most ancient and interesting cities, churches, and castles in Europe. It must, however, be confessed that the intervening district between the North and South is not a pleasant region in mid-winter. Between Lyons and Marseilles the cold is frequently very intense, and the whole valley of the Rhone suffers from the fierce and bitter “mistral” which sweeps down it from the region of the Cevennes Mountains on the north-west. To enjoy a tour in the valley of the Rhone on the way out to the Riviera one must start earlier than usual, so as to make the October weather available, or delay till the return journey in spring.
The Englishman travelling southwards for the first time is chiefly struck with the entire change in the aspect of the scenery, the vegetation, the style of the buildings, the colour of the soil and hills, the brilliant sunshine, and the clear blue sky, which everywhere meet the view in descending the Rhone. This is especially the case in going south by the night train from Paris. Soon after leaving Lyons daylight commences, when the traveller awakes to find himself in a new zone. All the surroundings are transformed: instead of the sombre sun and foggy atmosphere of the North, he enjoys the bright light and breathes the clear air of the South, and finds around him, instead of bare trees and frozen herbage, vineyards and gardens still rich with the lovely tinted foliage of autumn.
The buildings in these gardens and fields particularly strike the eye of the architect. They are so unlike what he has been accustomed to, and left behind only a few hours ago. The houses of timber-framed work, with their steep roofs covered with slates or flat tiles, and the snug homesteads of England and the North of France, have entirely vanished; and in their stead only small square or oblong erections are to be seen scattered here and there through the fields, with plastered and tinted walls, and covered with tiled roofs of the ribbed Italian pattern, all laid at flat slopes, and generally having one side of the roof much longer than the other.
At Avignon the change of aspect is even more complete. “On arriving at Avignon,” says Prosper Mérimée, “it appeared to me that I had left France behind. Landing from the steamboat I had not been prepared by a gradual transition for the novelty of the spectacle which presented itself; the language, the costumes, the aspect of the country, everything appears strange to one coming from the centre of France. I believed myself in the middle of a Spanish town. The crenellated walls, the towers furnished with machicolations, the country covered with olives and plants of a tropical vegetation, recalled Valencia, &c.”
Not less great than the differences in climate and in the aspects of nature, are those of the arts of the North and South; and these diversities in nature and art, although now all embraced within the compass of one great and united country, are indications of the political differences which, in former times, existed between the various portions of it. The growth of France as a kingdom has been slow and gradual. Not to refer to changes which have occurred in our own times to modify the extent of her surface, it should be remembered that Provence was no part of France till the fifteenth century. It was not till 1481, in the time of Louis XI., that Provence passed under the rule of the King of France.
During the earlier and more important epochs of the architectural revolutions in that province, it formed an independent State, and was in advance, in art and literature, of its northern neighbours. In considering the history of its architecture, it is important that this should be kept clearly in view. We shall see, as we glance rapidly over the history of the Southern provinces, that, in most respects, the development of the civilisation of the South differs from that of the Northern kingdom, and that the growth of the architecture naturally follows the progress of the respective countries. The art of the South, although it reached maturity earlier than that of the North, was also the first to decay; and, as the Northern Franks spread their arms over the South, and bit by bit got possession of the land, so their noble and vigorous style of architecture accompanied them, and, to a great extent, superseded the older and more finished, but less expansive, styles of the southern provinces.
But the country we are dealing with has a history which extends back for hundreds of years before the names of Gaul or France were heard of. This region has in all ages formed a centre for the reception of the culture and arts of the various nations of the Mediterranean, and from which these have again been radiated to the remoter countries of the West. Its reminiscences thus carry us back to the dawn of history, some three thousand years ago, when we find the coast in the hands of the Phœnician navigators, by whose commercial and naval activity it could not fail to be greatly influenced. To the Phœnicians succeeded the Greeks, who colonised the country, and infused into it that spirit of Grecian culture and art of which it was long the home. The Romans next took possession of the land, and, under their dominion, it became a favourite province, and was lavishly enriched with the productions of the magnificent architecture of the Empire.
Amidst the horrors of the barbarian irruptions which followed the fall of the Empire, this fortunate province succeeded in maintaining some relics of Roman civilisation; and when the dawn began to appear after the terrible night of the Dark Ages, it was amongst the first to show signs of life and revival. In the South, song and literature, encouraged by contact with the Saracens of Spain, sprang up and flourished ere, in the North, the struggle for existence had produced a settled condition in the land. Here too the Christian Church took an early and firm hold, and has left interesting traces of its sacred edifices of very early date. It was here also that the primitive monastic societies of the West preserved the learning and enlightenment whereby the nations were subsequently revived and illumined. During the Middle Ages we shall likewise find that this remarkable region still retained its distinctive attitude as a centre of artistic and commercial energy between the East and the West. It occupied in this respect, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a very remarkable position, and was at that time the scene of action of some of the chief political and religious movements in the West of Europe.
While connected as a fief with the “Holy Roman Empire,” it was also in close proximity to the growing power of France on the north, and to Spain and Italy on the south. For a time indeed it was under the suzerainty of Aragon, and was thus brought into contact with the science and arts of the Moors in Spain. From Italy again it received an impulse from the energy of the growing Republics of that country; while it also felt only too terribly and effectively the sway and power of the Pope. At the same time it became the chief _entrepôt_ of the growing traffic from the East, and the highway by which the artistic and other products of the Levant were dispersed through France and the North of Europe.
The importance of this region was at that period immense, but in course of time it gradually diminished, until at length the tide of influence became reversed. The increasing power of France overshadowed the South, and the policy and arts of the North gradually encroached upon and finally absorbed it.
Having to investigate the architecture of a region so rich in historic and artistic records, it may be well, before considering its monuments in detail, to glance a little more fully at the historic conditions under which the various styles we shall meet with were produced and developed. We shall thus be the better able to understand and appreciate their place and significance in connection with the growth of the architecture.
II.
The history of the littoral of the Mediterranean goes back to the earliest dawn of maritime enterprise.
The coast was visited by the Phœnicians, those first and adventurous merchants and navigators of the Levant, who pushed their commerce even as far as the shores of distant Britain. Carthage was one of the Tyrian Colonies, and so also was Cadiz, founded about 1100 B.C.
The Phœnicians established many cities and ports on the coast, such as Illiberris, Narbonne, and Marseilles, and carried on a considerable trade with them. Some of these have entirely perished, while in the remainder only a few traces have been found of their Phœnician origin.
The next navigators who explored the Riviera were the Greek colonists from Phocæa, itself a Grecian colony on the coast of Asia Minor, the inhabitants of which were forced to leave their country by the invasion of the Persians under Cyrus.
These adventurers, after establishing themselves in Corsica, spread to other parts of the coast. They settled about 600 B.C., by treaty with the natives, at Massilia or Marseilles. Owing to its fine rock-sheltered harbour, and from its proximity to the mouth of the Rhone, which then formed the highway to the extensive and populous country lying to the northwards, this colony soon grew into a flourishing seaport. In course of time the Massiliotes became rich, and acquired extensive lands around their town. They also spread their canvas over the neighbouring seas, and established numerous colonies all along the coast, such as Narbonne, Antibes, Nice, Monaco, &c.
The Phocæans brought with them from their native home, and introduced wherever they went, their Greek tongue, together with their Grecian culture and love of Art.
The government of their towns was founded on the pattern of that of Phocæa, the people choosing a council of 600, a committee of whom formed the executive.
They had also schools and colleges for the teaching of grammar and letters, and the encouragement of science and art.
The language, civilisation, and culture of the whole of the Massiliote towns were thus entirely Greek, and gave a Grecian character to the first enlightenment of Southern Gaul; a circumstance which left a distinct trace in the artistic style of the country, even under the Empire, just as in Sicily and southern Italy, the settlement of the Greek colonists in those countries produced a similar result.
The Massiliotes, being rivals of the Carthaginians as merchants and navigators, naturally took part with the Romans in their Punic wars, furnished them with ships, and became their allies.
In 154 B.C. the Ligurian tribes of South Gaul rose against the Massiliote colonies, and the latter in their turn applied to their Roman allies for assistance. This formed the first introduction of the Roman Legions into Gaul. Other disputes with the native tribes arose, and in 123 B.C. C. Sextus Calvinus completed the subjugation of the Salyes, and founded the first Roman settlement in transalpine Gaul at Aquae Sextiae (now Aix), where he had found the warm springs attractive.
The road from Italy into Gaul by the sea-coast was thus secured, and a way opened for further conquest.
In 118 B.C. Q. Fabius Maximus and C. Domitius Ahenobarbus defeated the Avernes and Allobroges, and became masters of the Southern Celts. A Roman colony was then established at Narbo Martius (Narbonne), to secure the country and protect the road into Spain.
During the civil war Massilia espoused the cause of Pompey, a course which led to the town being besieged and taken by Caesar. Massilia was then Romanized and lost her colonies, but she still retained her letters and arts, and her schools continued to flourish under the Empire.
By the year 50 B.C. the whole of Gaul had been subdued by Julius Caesar. Colonies were established by him and his successors at Arles, Orange, Vienne, and all the important Gallic towns, and the country was thus brought under Roman rule and influence. Traces of the gradual passage from Greek to Roman culture are to be found in the monuments of the earlier centuries of the Christian era. This is observable in the change from the Greek to the Latin language, the Greek names assuming a Latin form and being inscribed in Roman characters.
Under Rome the towns of Gaul were adorned with the profusion of splendid public buildings universal throughout the Empire, every town being provided with its Forum and Temples, its Theatre, Amphitheatre, Baths, Aqueducts and Triumphal Arches. The style of architecture adopted was naturally that of the Romans, but in many buildings and sculptures of the early centuries, a strong Greek feeling may be detected. This is also the case at Pompeii, in Southern Italy, which was likewise originally a Greek colony.
During the second and third centuries, South Gaul gradually became entirely Romanized, and was the favourite province of the Empire, with the seat of the prefect at Trèves. In the first brilliant period of the Empire, her extensive conquests added to her strength, both in supplying men for her armies, and wealth for the embellishment of her cities. Hence the magnificent display of public buildings then erected everywhere throughout the Roman world. But it also tended to her enervation through luxury and superfluity. This gradually encouraged the growing corruption of the Empire, and caused continually fresh demands on the provinces to feed the central craving and consumption--while with luxury the strength of Rome relaxed, and she became unable in return to extend to the provinces the support they required.
This weakness went on, gradually increasing, till in the fifth century the country fell an easy prey to the hordes of Barbarians who then poured in upon it. In the fourth century the Visigoths had burst over Southern Gaul, and settled in the fertile plains between the Pyrenees and the Garonne. That part of the country being well peopled and civilised, and the conquerors comparatively small in number, they were in course of time, to a great extent, absorbed into the general population. The civilisation and polity of the Romans thus continued to preserve a comparatively uninterrupted course in the south-west of Gaul.
It is a peculiarity of all the Greek and Roman colonies, as compared with those of modern times, that they were established in cities. In the cities were centred all the life and movement of the ancient world. The land of course had to be cultivated, but that was done by bands of slaves led out from the towns. The open country was uninhabited, and except within a short distance from the towns, lay waste and uncultivated. The form of government exercised in the various states, was founded on that of the towns. The supreme power of Rome herself, with all her wide-spread command, was but an extended municipal authority, and every town was in this respect a repetition of the capital on a small scale. As the conquests of Rome extended, this form of government was found inadequate to the control of the numerous nations finally comprised under Roman sway.
The Empire, with its stronger grasp and centralised control, with its multitude of functionaries, all appointed by and in constant relation with a central will, alone enabled the existence of Rome to be continued for some centuries.
But when the Empire also finally decayed and fell, the old municipal principle again came to the front. As the colonies had been founded in cities, so when the Imperial system gave way, the city again asserted itself; and in Southern Gaul, where the barbarians had been civilised, municipal authority prevailed, and each town became an independent little State--the natural tendency of these municipalities being to detach themselves, and to watch jealously the proceedings of their neighbours.
This municipal principle is a leading characteristic of the Middle Ages in Italy and Southern Gaul, and distinguishes these countries from the Northern provinces. Traces of it are still very apparent in Italy and Provence, and contribute greatly to the picturesque character of these provinces. There even yet the soil is to a great extent cultivated by peasants, who dwell together in crumbling old cities perched on the tops of hills, and surrounded with ancient walls. Daily the men, women, and mules descend to their labour in the fields, till the evening, when they may be met toiling up the steep and rocky paths to a well-earned rest in their ancestral town.
While in the Southern provinces the Empire was thus dying from exhaustion, and the little isolated municipal states of the towns remained the only representatives of civil government left in the land, in Northern Gaul the invasions of the barbarians were much more frequent and numerous, so that almost every trace of Roman civilization was obliterated. But in the midst of all this decay and destruction of general government a new organising and centralising power was arising, in the form of the Christian Church. After passing through the fiery trials of the first three centuries Christianity had been adopted by Constantine in A.D. 313; and by the end of the fourth century the church had become an extensive and united institution, with a well organised hierarchy of clergy, revenues of its own, and provincial, national, and general councils. The vigour of the administration of the church system was conspicuous in the general laxity, and the control of affairs naturally fell into the hands of the ecclesiastical authorities--the priests and bishops. Their jurisdiction was officially recognised, and under the codes of Theodosius and Justinian the control of municipal affairs was remitted to the clergy and bishops, who were thus for a time in their respective cities the representatives of government and order.
From the date of Constantine till the overthrow of society, Barbarism, Paganism, and Christianity went on side by side. While civilisation remained the schools continued, Christians of antique learning and Pagan students discussed together the same problems of philosophy, and the Fathers endeavoured to reconcile them with Christianity. But as successive waves of Barbarians rushed over the land, drowning all before them, almost every semblance of learning was swept away. Hence arose a desire on the part of learned men to retire from the anarchy and insecurity of the conditions around them to some safe retreat, where they might converse on and study in peace those high problems which occupied their minds. These societies, in the natural course of events, were by degrees converted into monasteries. The celebrity of the Eastern ascetics and devotees had penetrated to Western Europe, but the solitary form of religious observance did not at first meet with much encouragement there. Societies of recluses were then, however, also common in the East, and the Eastern monastery was the form adopted by the Western recluses as their model. But monasteries were not at this time religious societies, nor were the monks in Holy orders. They were simply associations of laymen who wished to retire from the confusion and turmoil into which all civil government was thrown, and find peace for study and quiet for contemplation. Such was the famous monastery of the Lérins, founded early in the fifth century by St Honorat, on an island off the coast near Cannes, which soon became the most celebrated school of learning and piety in Southern Gaul, and was as great a blessing to the countries of the Mediterranean as the similar colony of St Columba at Iona was to the North of Britain.
It is easy, however, to fancy how, in the midst of the strife and unrest of the fifth and sixth centuries, such societies tended to become religious, and thus obtain protection from the Church. This they were finally compelled to do, although at the sacrifice of their liberty, by placing themselves under the authority of the bishops, where alone they could find rest and safety. For the Barbarians, many of whom were already Christians, stood in awe of the Church, and the Church strove to secure her ascendancy by maintaining the independence of the spiritual power, and the incapacity of the temporal powers to interfere with it; a doctrine which afterwards led to the terrible struggle for supremacy between the temporal and spiritual powers, represented on the one hand by the Emperor, and on the other by the Pope, a struggle which lasted so long, and involved so many cities in the horrors of the factions of the Guelphs and Ghibellines.
During the fearful reign of anarchy and destruction which prevailed in the sixth and seventh centuries, when all security for life and property had disappeared, and the armed hand of the Barbarian bore down all rule and order before it, the authority of the Bishops likewise gave way. Their Sees were invaded by Goths and Franks, who assumed their titles and drew their revenues. The fate of the monasteries was similar. The invaders seized the seats of the abbots, and the recluses were dispersed. Everywhere nothing but decay and disintegration prevailed. No wonder then, that monuments of this period are rare; the marvel is that any human structures should have survived the shock of universal ruin and destruction. Only a few of the more massive Roman monuments, built as if to last for ever, were able to withstand the tornado. The small and modest Christian edifices have been almost entirely swept away; but fortunately a few rare vestiges have been preserved within our district, sufficient to indicate the nature of the early Christian Architecture under the Empire.
By the eighth century the Barbarian invaders of Gaul had become somewhat settled in their new possessions, and had abandoned their original wandering mode of life. A certain nominal supremacy had always been accorded to the Merovingian Kings of the Franks, but the royal power, together with the title, had now passed into the stronger and more active hands of the Carlovingians, under whom it grew into a distinct royal authority.
At this time a new danger from an unexpected quarter threatened the slowly reviving prospects of the West, and seems for the moment to have had the effect of uniting all the otherwise discordant elements for the purpose of resistance to the common foe. This was the invasion of the Saracens from the South. These warlike zealots had, after over-running and destroying the Roman civilisation of Northern Africa, passed over into Spain, and in 719 they crossed the Pyrenees and invaded Southern Gaul. The old Roman cities were at that time in a comparatively settled and prosperous condition, when their tranquility was thus rudely interrupted. The whole country was devastated by the Saracen invaders, the towns were besieged, and in most cases taken and destroyed. We shall find, as we proceed, that there is scarcely one which does not bear the mark of the destructive hand of the Saracen. The overwhelming flood was, however, at length stemmed by Charles Martel in 732 at Tours, when the Moors were completely defeated and driven back beyond the Pyrenees. This great victory gave repose for a time; and thinking men being weary of the long night of Anarchy which had so long oppressed them, began to look round for some principle by which rule and order might again be restored. Any durable and fixed system would be better than the fluctuation and uncertainty so long experienced. After so many changes and so much diversity of government, the principle of unity naturally presented itself to men’s minds. The tyranny of the Empire was forgotten under the more crushing oppressions of all kinds which had since had to be submitted to; while its unity and strength were remembered, and people began to long for what now appeared to be “the good old times” of the Empire. It was agreed that the only satisfactory form of government was one which, like the Empire, should include the whole Roman world. This was considered to be in accordance with the nature of things. As there is one God, so there should be one Emperor to represent Him on earth as temporal ruler, and one Pope to represent Him in matters spiritual as the head of the Church. And by a remarkable coincidence this idea came to be realised about A.D. 800, in the person of Charlemagne, who extended his sway over nearly the whole of Western Europe. What rendered possible at that time the apparent fulfilment of the dream of universal temporal and spiritual government, was the fact that during Charlemagne’s time these two powers recognised that they could be of considerable service to one another, and were consequently on very friendly terms. As Charlemagne was now the supreme temporal Emperor, so the Bishop of Rome had also fully established his supremacy in the Church. This had been brought about by various fortunate circumstances--by his occupying the See of the great city whose name was still a power, and where the Bishop held the old municipal authority and rule which had there been less disturbed by the invasions of the Barbarians than elsewhere; by his importance as a suzerain, being a very extensive proprietor in Italy and Gaul; and by means of the influence of missionaries sent direct from Rome by the Pope to Britain and Germany, where the converts, being thus brought into immediate connection with Rome, naturally gave their support to the Pope as head of the Church.
The Papal sanction had now become usual, and was considered necessary by Kings, to their establishment on the throne--especially in Germany, where Papal supremacy so fully reigned. But while the King required the Pope’s countenance, the Pope also was most desirous to obtain the aid of the temporal power, in order to overthrow the authority of the Lombards in the North of Italy, and to obtain possession of the Exarchate.
Their requirements thus fitted in with one another, so that at the coronation of Charlemagne as Emperor by Pope Leo, in the year 800, the supremacy and unity of the two heads of affairs, in matters spiritual and temporal, seemed to be complete, and the Holy Roman Empire to be established on a secure and permanent basis.
After the time of Charlemagne, however, great disruptions of his empire ensued; but the idea of a central power took root, and although not developed according to the original conception, it led in time to the formation of the various nations which now occupy the different countries of Western Europe.
The idea of an universal Holy Empire deserves special attention in connection with Architecture. The same causes as led to this conception would also prevail with regard to the art, and especially the style of Architecture to be followed in the Empire. This we shall find there is reason to believe was the case, and that up to this time, and even till the tenth century, the churches were apparently erected in one traditional style, more or less followed in the whole of the Western Empire; whereas after the above date the architecture diverges into various national varieties in the different countries into which Europe was then sub-divided.
Under Charlemagne a wonderful revival took place in Letters, Arts, Schools, and Religion--the first dawn after the long night of anarchy. In Italy, Provence, and Aquitaine, where the towns had preserved something of the Roman municipal rule, and of the manners, letters, and arts of the Empire, Literature and Art began slowly to improve and revive. The relics of Roman culture which they possessed, together with the constant intercourse of the dwellers in the towns with one another, and the circumstance that here, as in Italy, the Nobles as well as the Burghers dwelt within the walls, all helped to bring about a more speedy revival in the South than in the North, where the Nobles dwelt apart in their isolated castles. The reminiscences of Roman luxury, and the warm and voluptuous climate, while they tended to enervate and weaken, tended also to the growth of music, song and literature. National poets arose, the predecessors of the Troubadours, who became so prominent in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
This enlightenment, combined with the nascent chivalry of the eleventh century, which introduced the worship of Woman with gallantry and the Courts of Love, formed a striking contrast to the rigid asceticism of the Burgundians, and competed strongly with the expansion of the Monastic institutions. It was the same spirit of freedom and progress which in the following century excited the suspicion and hatred of the clergy, and gave rise to the dreadful scenes of massacre amongst the Albigenses of Aquitaine, and the horrors of the Inquisition.
Architecture naturally participated in the general advancement and showed symptoms of new life. From the ninth century evidences exist of this revival in the monuments still to be found in these countries.
Charlemagne’s relations with the East were of a friendly character, and he is said to have sent to Byzantium for men of learning and science. Amongst these were no doubt Architects and Sculptors, who would thus bring with them the elements of the Byzantine influence so distinctly manifested in the early churches of the Rhineland.
The revival of the Holy Roman Empire under Charlemagne, although it paved the way for the new life which was to follow, was not in itself that new life. Up to this time the shadow of old Rome was still upon the nations. The Goths wondered at, and envied the great central government of the Empire, and strove to imitate and revive its power in their own persons; and for this purpose they caused the Roman Laws to be collated, and they endeavoured to administer them. This too, as we have seen, was Charlemagne’s idea. But the new life of the modern world did not look back to Rome as its model. It was glad to borrow from Rome all the laws and culture it could make available, but its central idea is not that of universal empire, but of separate and independent kingdoms. Hence the long struggle in the North between the Austrasians, who strove to impose upon the provinces their missi and officials from a central head, and the Neustrians, whose Germanic instincts of individual freedom led them to contend for the independence and liberty of action of the hereditary rulers of the various provinces--the principle which in the end prevailed and determined the condition of modern European countries.
The dream of an universal spiritual and temporal Empire was only an attempt to raise the ghost of old Rome, but the new principle now being developed of independent kingdoms marks the birth of the new modern life.
The revival of the eleventh century was further greatly aided by the Church, both secular and regular. The bishops and clergy being the best educated class in the community, were the frequent advisers of those in authority, thus leading to the proper position of the Church being recognised and maintained. The monasteries also underwent the same spirit of revival and reformation. Of this the history of the Abbeys of Cluny and Citeaux form a remarkable illustration. The Abbey of Cluny was founded about 909 A.D. by Guillaume le Pieux, duc d’Aquitaine, but Odon, the second Abbot, was the real creator of the house. He introduced the idea of subordination and order amongst monasteries, _i.e._, that there should be one head Abbey, with numerous others subordinate to, and dependent on it. This plan was also adopted by the House of Citeaux (the Cistercians), founded about 1100, and others. The monasteries were, however, as yet all subject to the rule of St Benedict--different _orders_ had not hitherto been introduced, only different controlling centres. Such control and superintendence were at this time only too much needed, all discipline having been lost in the midst of the general disorder. As has already been observed, many of the abbeys had become mere castles in the hands of lay abbots, and were filled with armed men. In other cases the clerical abbots acted as lay proprietors, and commanded troops, and mixed in the quarrels of the nobles.
The Abbé Maïeul governed Cluny for the forty years preceding 994, during which time a large number of monasteries from every part of Europe, extending from Ravenna and Pavia in Italy to Tours in France, and including the ancient monastery of St Honorat de Lérins in Provence, adopted the rule of Cluny and became subject to its authority. Under this reformed rule monastic institutions began to assume a great importance and to exercise much influence in Western Europe. In the midst of disorder they were the only representatives of a well regulated government, and in fact produced the model from which modern society and order sprung. Cluny now began to feel its power, and to long for independence from the authority of the Bishops, desiring to hold from the See of Rome alone.
Abbot Hugues and his friend Hildebrand (afterwards Gregory VII.) both contended strongly for the independence of the spiritual power--a struggle ending with the final victory of the Pope over the Emperor Henry IV.
Hugues, like the other superiors of the monastic institutions, such as the Abbé Suger and St Bernard, took part in all the great affairs of the time (eleventh century). The Abbé of Cluny was invited by William the Conqueror to regulate the religious affairs of England. In Hugues’ time the dominion of Cluny extended over 314 monasteries. The Abbot-General thus became the equal of any temporal prince, and owed his allegiance only to the Pope. He struck his own coinage, and he appointed abbots to all his subject monasteries, of whom he occasionally called together a Council.
In the eleventh century the monastery, besides being a model of centralised organisation, was the only place of repose for intellectual minds. The monks also resuscitated the culture of the soil-establishing small convents, or Obédiences, in remote and neglected territories, where they cleared the ground, drained the marshes, enclosed fields, and planted vineyards. They also constructed roads and established bridges and ferries. Trades of all kinds were likewise practised and encouraged in the monasteries, and the arts of the gold and silver smith, the glazier and glass painter, the illuminator, and the carver were specially subjects of the monks’ attention. The houses of the inhabitants who carried on these trades clustered round the walls and increased in number with the importance of the monastery. The workmen consisted of tanners, weavers, curriers, and drapers, who manufactured the produce of the live stock of the abbey. Where there were mines on the property, the necessary labourers were employed; and all the ordinary trades, such as those of bakers, butchers, shoemakers, smiths, &c., were needed and supported. Schools were established, and the education of all provided for. The sick were attended to, and all travellers were welcomed and entertained.
It was natural that the monasteries, well regulated as they were, and encouraging all kinds of industries, should speedily grow rich. But it would be difficult to imagine how wealth could have been better made available for the benefit of the community at that time, and under the conditions then existing, than it was in the hands of the Benedictines.
The history of the Cistercian monasteries is similar to that of the Clunisiens. In the end of the eleventh century some monks of Molesmes, whose monastery had fallen into the greatest laxity, obtained from the Papal Legate permission to found an Abbey on rules of great strictness. Twenty monks established themselves in the forest of Citeaux, in the diocese of Châlon, on a desert territory surrendered to them by the Viscount of Beaune. The monks built an Oratory and established Rules--one of which was that they should live by the work of their hands. These monks were soon afterwards joined by St Bernard and his companions, when the rule of Citeaux took a great start. In less than twenty-five years after these twenty men began their labours in the marshy forest by reclaiming and cultivating a small patch of ground, they were represented by 60,000 Cistercian monks spread over every part of Europe. They were called in by feudal lords from all countries to clear the land, to establish industries, to rear flocks and herds, to drain the marshes, and cultivate the soil. In a short time Citeaux ruled over the incredible number of 2000 houses of both sexes, each house possessing 5 or 6 granges.
Nothing can better illustrate the immense strides made in the West during the eleventh century than the great development of these establishments, and no part of the progress then made had greater influence on Architecture. It is from this time that we may date the revival of our art, after the almost total extinction of the Dark Ages. It is evident that the very large number of new monasteries and churches now required would have a great effect in stimulating the growth of Architecture. The position of this and every other art was at that time necessarily in the hands of the monks, who alone had sufficient knowledge for the designing and decorating of any building. Under the monastic influence, however, the designs naturally became subject to rule and tradition, and tended to assume fixed forms, although these varied somewhat under the regulations of the different orders, and in different localities.
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The Architecture of Provence and the RivieraChapter VI: Description of Mediæval Buildings (1)
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