Chapter IV: Retaliation

During the period from 1885 to 1888 the ill feeling growing out of Canada's treatment of the fisheries question increased; and began to assume proportions which indicated a possible outbreak of hostilities between the two countries.

A temporary arrangement was entered into between the then American Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, and the British Minister; and President Cleveland recommended the appointment of a commission to negotiate a new treaty. Congress, however, refused to authorize such a commission, but in March, 1887, passed a joint resolution authorizing the President in case vessels of the United States were, or then lately had been denied or abridged in the rights secured to them by treaty or law; or any rights secured by Canada to the most favored nations, whether vessels licensed for trading or other vessels, or have been unjustly vexed, to close our ports to vessels of the British Dominion of North America, "and also to deny entry into any port or place of the United States of fresh fish or salt fish, or any other product of said Dominion, or other goods coming from said Dominion to the United States."

President Cleveland, however, did not avail himself of the powers granted by this resolution; but being apparently desirous of securing a permanent settlement of the question by a new treaty, he appointed three commissioners to meet an equal number appointed on behalf of Great Britain, notwithstanding the fact that Congress had expressly disapproved of such a settlement. The commissioners, thus appointed, recommended a treaty, which was in August, 1888, rejected by the United States Senate, by a strict party vote--the Republicans still having control of that body.

Probably, the Republican Senators were largely influenced in their action, by the fact that a Presidential election was then pending; and Mr. Cleveland being a candidate for re-election, they were unwilling that his administration should have the prestige which might accompany the successful settlement of this great controversy.

Whatever their motives may have been, the ultimate results of their narrow-minded partisanship--as will be seen in the sequel--were most disastrous to the country. For the first time in its history, the Senate had discussed this treaty in open session. Diplomatic discussions of this kind had previously always taken place in executive session, with closed doors. But a movement had been made to supercede what some demagogues of that day called the "Star Chamber" system of executive sessions, and this treaty happening to come up for discussion at the time when this agitation was at its height, the Senate, by a close vote, decided that the discussion of it should be held with open doors. Much partisan feeling was exhibited on both sides during the debates. The Republicans took very strong ground against the treaty; claiming that it surrendered valuable rights which had always been conceded to the United States; and gravely charged the President and Secretary Bayard with being desirous of fostering British interests, at the expense of their own countrymen. The Republican press throughout the country took up this cry; the President was roundly denounced as an English sympathizer; and the rejection of the treaty by the Senate was hailed by these party organs as a well-deserved rebuke to a President and a Secretary of State who were willing to make such disgraceful concessions to England.

A few days after the rejection of the treaty, President Cleveland astonished the country, and especially the Republican Senators, by a special message, in which he requested greater powers to inflict retaliatory measures upon Canada, than had been given him by the joint resolution of Congress passed in 1887.

This message, as a matter of course, created a profound sensation in Canada and Great Britain, as well as throughout the United States.

The President was charged by his political opponents with inconsistency; in that he had not attempted to use the retaliatory powers already given him, and proved their insufficiency, before asking for additional ones; but after considerable wrangling and debate, Congress passed an act, giving him the power he asked for. A strict enforcement of this would give almost a deathblow to the Canadian Railway lines; as a very large proportion of their traffic was American business, without which most of them could scarcely expect to pay running expenses. The finances of the Dominion were also in a very bad way, owing to the large subsidies paid these railways, and to indebtedness contracted for canals, and other public improvements; so that practical non-intercourse with the United States meant practical bankruptcy for Canada. And now, the most curious phase of the whole controversy developed itself. The Canadians were divided into two parties; one favorable to continued English rule; and the other desirous of commercial, and if necessary, political union with the United States. Strange to say, both these parties conceived it to be to their interest to increase the tension between the two Governments, even to the point of war; but for reasons which were diametrically opposed to each other. The British sympathizers supposed that a war between England and the United States in the then unquestionably defenseless condition of the latter power, could not fail to result favorably to England, and that the latter's hold upon Canada would thereby become stronger and more direct than before. The other party desired war, because they felt confident that no matter how successful England might be at the outset, in bombarding and destroying the seaport cities of the United States, yet she could never establish a foothold on shore, and that the United States would inevitably take possession of Canada, and thus bring about the union of American and Canadian interests which they so much desired.

In consequence of these two sets of opinions among the Canadian politicians, the Canadian Government adopted a plan of conduct towards Americans which soon became utterly unbearable. American fishing boats were seized and condemned on the most flimsy pretexts. American tourists were stopped at the Canadian frontier, and subjected to the most humiliating and rude treatment, under the pretense of custom-house examination. The mails to and from the United States were delayed and tampered with by Canadian officials, and every possible means of annoyance and insult which Canadian ingenuity could conceive of, was put in operation against the persons and property of such Americans as happened to come under Canadian jurisdiction. Concurrently with this, the newspapers on both sides were full of denunciatory and inflammatory articles, and the old Irish fenian party in the United States came to the front once more, as a disturbing element.

A small body of these men established a so-called "camp of observation," at a point on the Canada boundary line near Rouse's Point; and with the usual flourish and bluster which characterize the race, announced their intention to march on Montreal, as soon as their ranks should be recruited to a certain number. The Governor of the state of New York called out a regiment of militia to hold these fellows in check temporarily, until a detachment of United States troops, which had been ordered to the scene of trouble by the President, could reach there. Meanwhile the Canadian authorities had ordered troops to the scene of action, who encamped on the Canadian side of the boundary line, in plain sight of the American militia and the Irish fenians. The Canadian newspapers went into spasms of indignant protest at what they called this "barefaced threat to invade Canada," and altogether affairs had gotten into such a condition that the merest spark was certain to produce an explosion. This was in the autumn of 1889. In November of that year, the long expected spark made its appearance, and produced the long dreaded explosion. Several of the fenians had left their camp one afternoon, and had visited a drinking saloon on Canadian territory, just over the boundary line.

Meeting some Canadian soldiers there, both parties got drunk, and a quarrel ensued, during which pistol shots were freely exchanged, and numerous bayonet and sabre cuts were given and received. The Irishmen being outnumbered, were gradually driven towards the boundary line, whore they were met by a large party of their friends, who hearing the noise of the fighting, had rushed to the assistance of their companions. Thus reënforced, they beat the Canadians back to their own side of the line, but not being satisfied with this, pursued them for some distance on Canadian territory. Here meeting further Canadian troops, the tide of battle was reversed again, and the Irishmen were driven back to their camp. The American militia regiment was under arms and in line, on the American side of the boundary, having been called to arms at the commencement of the disturbance; and as they marched towards the boundary, with the idea of capturing the Irish men and holding them for punishment, they were fired upon by the Canadian troops, either by mistake or designedly, and several were killed and wounded.

They returned the volley (it is claimed, without orders) and several Canadians were also killed and wounded.

At length, in obedience to the arduous efforts of the officers on both sides, the fighting ceased; but not until there had been six killed and thirty-three wounded among the Irish and Americans, and four killed and twenty-one wounded among the Canadians.

From testimony taken in a subsequent investigation, it seems that both commanders claimed to be on their own territory; and the burden of evidence would seem to confirm their claims that there had been no actual technical violation of territory on either side; but that the two parties had simply stood each on their own ground, and shot at each other across the boundary line.

This outbreak, however, afforded the Canadian politicians the opportunity they had long been waiting for, and a resolution passed both branches of the Dominion parliament, by an almost unanimous vote, declaring war against the United States, subject to the approval of the Imperial Government.

It being just the commencement of the winter season, and therefore a most unfavorable time to undertake hostilities, both sides sought to gain time, and a voluminous diplomatic correspondence ensued; during which both the United States and England were exerting every effort to prepare for the struggle which was considered to be inevitable as soon as spring opened. Work was pushed night and day on the unfinished war vessels; and a large force of men were placed at work upon the sea-coast forts to try and strengthen them as much as possible. Additional guns were brought from the interior and mounted in the forts as rapidly as practicable; and the hurry and bustle of preparation was noticeable from one end of the country to the other. As yet, war had not been definitely declared, except by Canada, and the President had issued no call for troops; but everybody knew that the call could not be long delayed; and the "Grand Army Men," as the veterans of the War of the Rebellion styled themselves, organized themselves into battalions and regiments, and met and drilled two or three times a week, and were ready to respond instantly to the call of the President, as soon as it should be issued. An enrollment of these volunteer associations, taken on January 1, 1890, showed a total of over 300,000 veterans ready and anxious to go to the front once more.

Besides these, there were enthusiastic young men by the million, who had been children during the War of the Rebellion, but who were fired with a patriotic desire to resent the outrages and insults which they thought their country had received at the hands of Canada.

As far as the land forces were concerned, nothing more could be desired. The Government, it was evident, would be embarrassed by a superabundance of force, rather than a lack of it; and the indications were that within thirty days after war was declared, a thoroughly well drilled, well equipped, well armed, and well officered army of at least half a million of men, would be ready to overrun Canada in the shortest possible space of time. The more enthusiastic ones, claimed that the campaign would be over in thirty days after the boundary line was crossed. Others said that the war might last sixty days, and here and there one or two might be found who thought that possibly it might take all summer. There was no difference of opinion as to the result. The only differences were as to the time it would require to bring it about. The idea that this over-whelming and magnificent force could receive anything approaching a defeat, or even a check, in its victorious career through Canada, never entered anybody's head. But there were numerous bets made on the exchanges and elsewhere, as to the number of days the campaign would last. The whole country seemed to be in a blaze of military enthusiasm, and it became all the rage for young men to chaff each other about "spending next summer in Canada." On the surface, therefore, everything appeared satisfactory, and the only apparent drawback was a feeling that Canada couldn't offer resistance enough to make the struggle even an interesting one. Under this apparent confidence, however, there was a vast amount of anxious foreboding in the minds of a few of the more thoughtful residents of our seaboard cities.

These men knew the utterly defenseless condition of our coasts. They knew how absurdly inadequate our Navy was to cope with that of England. They had seen the fast passenger steamships of the Cunard and other English lines, (two of which, belonging to the Inman line, the "City of New York," and the "City of Paris," were owned by Americans) withdrawn from the passenger service, and transformed into armed cruisers in accordance with the terms of the contracts by which the English Government paid them an annual subsidy or rental, amounting to about four per cent. of their cost. The cable had brought news of the feverish activity which reigned in all the English dockyards and arsenals.

Of course, details of these preparations were not forthcoming; but the utmost reticence of the officials could not conceal the fact that war preparations on an immense scale were being pushed forward with the utmost rapidity.

Meanwhile the Americans were not idle. Congress had been called in special session by the President, in view of the gravity of the situation, and immense appropriations, aggregating between $200,000,000 and $300,000,000 were rushed through both houses in frantic haste; and a tremendous effort was made at a vast expense, to lock the stable door, which had so long been invitingly left open. There was no time to build large vessels or heavy guns; so the greatest efforts were made to perfect a system of harbor obstructions and torpedoes. All sorts of experiments were tried in this direction; and the whole inventive genius of the country seemed to be puzzling itself over the problem of self-defense.

Of course it goes without saying that the newspapers in all three countries reaped a rich harvest. No rumor was too absurd or sensational to find believers, and the public mind was wrought up to an intensity of feeling on both sides, that was almost inconceivable in its bitterness and rancor.

In March, 1890, the excitement was, if possible, intensified by a remarkable speech delivered in the British House of Commons by Lord Randolph Churchill. This nobleman had been a prominent figure in English politics for several years, and had held numerous Government positions--among them Chancellor of the Exchequer, and leader of the House of Commons. He was a man of unquestioned ability, but had come to be regarded by the older and more conservative public men, as too eccentric and too unmanageable for a leader.

He had, therefore, been reduced to the ranks--so to speak--in Parliament, and had been chafing for two or three years in what seemed to him to be a position utterly unworthy of his talents and experience as a parliamentarian and debater. The present occasion afforded him an opportunity, which he was not slow to embrace, of putting himself once more in a prominent position before the English public.

His speech was entirely unexpected, and created the utmost excitement on both sides of the ocean. It was during a debate on a bill authorizing some of the extraordinary expenditures for arming and preparing war ships, etc., which the Admiralty were then making. The debate had gone on sleepily and stupidly, as such debates usually do, until one evening in March, Lord Churchill threw what proved to be a veritable bombshell into the discussion. In this remarkable speech, his Lordship traced the whole history of the differences between the United States and Canada, from 1783 to 1889. His point of view, of course, was an intensely English one, and he justified Canada entirely in the course she had thus far seen fit to pursue.

And then, as his listeners were expecting him to announce himself as heartily in favor of the pending bill, he suddenly changed the whole aspect of the debate by asking: "But what has Canada ever done for England, that we should make these enormous expenditures of money, and risk a war with such a powerful nation as the United States, merely for her benefit? Has she ever contributed a penny to the Imperial treasury? Never! Has she even paid the expenses of troops and vessels sent out by the Imperial Government to protect her interests? Never! Has she admitted the products of the Mother Country to her ports free of duty; or, failing in that, has she ever made any discrimination, however small, in favor of our products, as against those of the United States, or any other country? Never! She taxes our products, and while claiming our protection whenever she gets into difficulty, utterly refuses to contribute anything to our treasury. I fail, Sir, to see anything like reciprocity here. To use a homely American comparison, 'It is like the handle of a jug--all on one side.' If Imperial protection is worth having, it is worth paying for; and if Canada or any other outlying portion of this great British Empire, is not willing to contribute its share of taxation to the Imperial treasury, I am distinctly and decidedly in favor of having Imperial protection withdrawn."

At this point of his lordship's address, the interruptions were so numerous and persistent, that he was obliged to suspend his remarks for a few moments. After a semblance of order had been restored, the Premier arose and begged the privilege of asking his Lordship one question.

"Do I understand his Lordship to say that he is in favor of our permitting the United States to overrun and annex Canada, without lifting a hand or firing a gun in her behalf?"

As soon as the applause which greeted this question had subsided, Lord Churchill said he "thanked his Lordship for having put the question to him in that categorical manner, because it enabled him to be equally specific and explicit in his reply."

He then went on, and in a most impassioned manner attacked the United States as a great, overgrown, bullying and conceited nation. He traced our wonderful growth and material prosperity, and characterized it as a standing menace to every monarchical Government in the world. Then suddenly changing his tone, he called attention to our absolutely helpless condition to resist the attacks of a well equipped fleet of modern vessels of war; and waving in the air over his head a copy of the _New York Herald_ of some date in 1887, he exclaimed:

"Here are the figures which prove that property amounting in value to $10,000,000,000 or £2,000,000,000 sterling is absolutely defenseless, and open to attack by any power which possesses one or more modern vessels of war."

And then he continued as follows:

"His Lordship asks me what I would do. I will tell him. I would equip one, two or three powerful fleets, and send them to bombard the principal seaboard cities of the United States. I would give these arrogant and conceited Americans their choice between bombardment and ransom, and I would take good care that the ransom should be a good liberal one. I should be inclined to put the figure at, say £400,000,000 to £500,000,000 sterling. The Americans are wealthy, and could well afford to pay it."

"But," interrupted the Premier, "what would become of Canada?"

"Oh! Let the United States have Canada; and much good may she do them! I cannot see where she has ever done us much. What I would propose in brief, is a "forced sale" of Canada to the United States; but it will be a novelty in forced sales, in that the sale will be forced by the seller upon the buyer."

The effect of this speech was marvelous. What was then known as the "Jingo" element in England, cheered it to the echo; and a popular demand sprung up for war, which was so universal and overwhelming that the Government found it impossible to resist it, and consequently war was formally declared in April, 1890. The words "Ransom or bombardment" were in everybody's mouth, and Lord Randolph Churchill became the idol of the populace. His wife, who was an American lady, lost much of her former popularity, and with her sister-in-law, the Duchess of Marlborough (also an American) made a prolonged visit to the Continent, to avoid the unpleasant attentions of the riotous London mobs.