Chapter II: Part 2

In any comparison between the two sides it is only fair to take into account the special difficulties of the German case. The number of prisoners in Germany by August, 1915, was probably over one million. This is an enormous figure. While Great Britain and her Allies have tried to prevent food from reaching Germany, the drain upon the German food stock has continually grown as the number of prisoners has increased. By the end of 1917 this famished country had to support probably more than two million extra persons. The French Press long ago frankly regarded this as one of the means of helping towards the starving out of Germany, while in an American cartoon the Russian prisoners were figured as an enormous beast with its head in a cupboard labelled "Germany's Food Supply." These are considerations for the fair-minded, and it is for them to recall that as soon as there was in our own case a menace of food shortage, there was also what might in official language be described as a complete revision of the prisoners' rations. The prisoners' own language would very likely describe it differently. We can scarcely be surprised at sad and even very bitter words at times from prisoners' wives.

That prisoners themselves are, however, sometimes able to envisage the difficulties is indicated by the following extract from a _Daily News_ interview with a corporal repatriated from Münster. He commented on the fact that some men were the recipients of more parcels than they needed, while others got none. The interview continues:

You see, without regular parcels from home a man simply starves
at a camp like Münster. If the Germans had the food I believe
they would give it, but they haven't: they are starving
themselves.[3] All they allowed us was bread and water and thin
soup. The consequence is that the men who get no parcels have to
go round begging from the other chaps just to keep body and soul
together.

From what I saw of it, getting so much while others get nothing
isn't good for a man either. Some fellows--the stingy sort--will
save up their parcels against a rainy day. Make a regular little
store they will. Others--the lively sort--sell what they have
over to the unlucky ones, and spend their time gambling with the
few marks they make. Poor devils! You can't blame them!

The word "starvation" has been, and is here, too freely, if very naturally, used. The remarks of Lord Newton, speaking in the House of Lords on May 31, 1916, are important in this connection:

If Lord Beresford was accurate in his assumption that prisoners
of war would literally starve to death if parcels did not
arrive, hundreds of thousands of prisoners would be dead
already. Russian prisoners, of whom there were over a million in
Germany, received no parcels at all, and if it was impossible to
exist upon the food supplied by the Germans, these men would
literally have died like flies.... Lord Beresford and other
noble lords had been rather prone to ignore the fact that
Germany was a blockaded country. It was common knowledge that
there was a general scarcity of food throughout Germany, and, if
the prisoners did not get as much as they ought to have, in all
probability the vast majority of the German population was in a
state of comparative hunger.... He could not see what advantage
there was in making out that the case of our prisoners was worse
than it really was, and it seemed to him little short of an act
of cruelty to the relations of these unfortunate men to lead
them to suppose that our men were not only in a state of misery,
but in a state of starvation.--(_Morning Post_, June 1, 1916).

There is no question either that nerve strain and monotony accentuate the critical attitude towards food. Here is an extract from Mr. Jackson's report on Senne (September 11, 1915): "There were some complaints, as usual, in regard to the food. I had arrived in the camp just after the midday meal was served, and while some of the men said that the meat had been bad, and they wished that I had an opportunity to taste it, others said that the meat had been particularly good, because the officers had heard that I was coming. None of them knew that I had actually eaten a plate of their soup and had found it excellent, both palatable and nutritious, and that my visit to this particular camp had not been announced in advance. The menu for the day had been made out at the beginning of the week, and could not have been changed after my presence in the camp was known, and I had a bowl of the soup which was left over after the prisoners had been served." (Miscel. 19 [1915], page 41.)

It is sometimes forgotten that complaints as to food are frequent in all institutions, schools, colleges, workhouses, hospitals, etc. I have before me a recent letter from an Englishman in a consumptive sanatorium in his own country: "I exist as best I can, and the less said about it the better. I am no better, and only glad that I am not worse. I at least don't feel so ill as I did a week ago, although I have lost 3½ lbs. since then. The food is atrocious, and my appetite small. The fellows here buy quite two-thirds of what they eat, otherwise they too would lose in weight. No good comes of making complaints ... nothing is ever done." Things _may_ be so, I am not a great believer in institutions, but certainly independent investigation is needed to warrant any conclusion. The same I feel to be the case as to complaints of feeding, whether in British or German camps.

Each side, too, is also unreasonably certain of its own justice and of the injustice of the others. Thus the Social Democrat, Herr Stücklen, speaking in the Reichstag debate of June 6, 1916, said: "I have received a letter about the treatment of our prisoners in France which says, 'If pigs were so fed by us they would go on hunger strike.' But I do not wish our Government to exercise reprisals, which, after all, could only hit the innocent." [_Cambridge Magazine_, August 26, 1916, Supplement "Prisoners." An important supplement for those who wish to get a glimpse (it is no more than a glimpse) of recriminations made by others as to treatment of prisoners.] It is odd how exactly the same phrases occur on both sides. Thus a private at Döberitz, according to the unknown American journalist referred to on pages 5 and 25, relieved his feelings as to the German food with the words: "I 'ad a sow. And even she wouldn't eat skilly."

To suit the tastes of all the different nationalities would at any time be difficult; under war conditions it is impossible. Professor Stange relates how the hostess of some Russian working prisoners thought to give them a specially good meal of meat. The result, however, was less bulky than a soup, and the Russian comment on this occasion was, "Mother good, eating not good." ("Das Gefangenen-Lager in Göttingen," page 9.)

A PRISONER'S REPORT.

A serious and responsible statement of experiences has been made by Chaplain Benjamin O'Rorke, M.A., in his little book, "In the Hands of the Enemy." I commend the book to the notice of those who wish for a fair statement by a patriot who has actual experience of a good many German camps in the early days of the war. As he was taken prisoner in August, 1914, his experiences belong to the time before the improvements introduced in all countries had been begun. There are callous episodes, for instance, one of revolting caddishness of an orderly standing by without offering help when an invalid officer is struggling to tie up his bootlace. Military bounce, popular vulgarity, hardships, homesickness, courage--all these things one may read of, but the incidents which some journalists revel in are to seek. It was a neutral journalist, we should remember, who sent to a German paper a wonderful account of the panic fears and regulations of London under the Zeppelin menace.

Chaplain O'Rorke's reminiscences give us a good many "facts towards fellowship." Let us select a few. Even the unpleasant ones may help us, where they show that the failings of the others are the same as our own. The prisoners were taken to Germany from Landrecies.

THE CREDULITY OF HATE.

At Aachen a hostile demonstration took place at our expense.
There happened to be a German troop train in the station at the
time. A soldier of our escort displayed a specimen of the
British soldier's knife, holding it up with the marline-spike
open, and declared that this was the deadly instrument which
British medical officers had been using to gouge out the eyes of
the wounded Germans who had fallen into their vindictive hands!
From the knife he pointed to the medical officers sitting
placidly in the train, as much as to say. "And these are some of
the culprits." [It is not surprising that thus monstrously
misinformed, and ready to believe all evil against the hated
English, the soldiers] strained like bloodhounds on the leash.
"Out with them!" said their irate colonel, pointing with his
thumb over his shoulder to the carriages in which these
blood-thirsty British officers sat. The colonel, however, did
not wait to see his behest carried out, and a very gentlemanly
German subaltern quietly urged his men to get back to their
train and leave us alone. The only daggers that pierced us were
the eyes of a couple of priests, a few women and boys, who
appeared to be shocked beyond words that even a clergyman was
amongst such wicked men.

I have quoted this passage as I have not the least wish to give a merely _couleur de rose_ picture of the situation. Human nature is, I fear, everywhere very much the same, and, once its passions are aroused, extremely credulous of evil against its opponents. Only one thing in the account a little surprises me, and that is the colonel's order. If the officer was a colonel, would a subaltern be able quietly to countermand his orders? Is there not some mistake of rank here, or perhaps a misunderstanding of an angry exclamation?

TORGAU.

The populace at Torgau called them swine with variations--all of which, alas, is exactly what has been done, in some cases, by the populace on our side too. At Torgau "the Commandant was a Prussian reservist officer with a long heavy moustache. We were told [by the other prisoners] that he was courteous and considerate in every respect, and that, provided we took care, to salute him whenever we passed him, we should find him everything we could reasonably wish." And later, "It was a subject of universal regret when the first Commandant resigned his position."

DOGS.

A great deal has been made of the use of dogs in some prison camps. The following is the account given in Mr. O'Rorke's book (page 41):

As time went on our numbers increased to about 230 British
officers, and 800 French officers joined us from Maubeuge,
including four generals. One of the latter had been interned in
Torgau before, in the 1870 war, and had made good his escape.
The authorities guarded against the recurrence of such an
eventuality on the present occasion, their most elaborate
precaution being the enlistment of dogs to reinforce their
sentries. Their barkings could be heard occasionally by night,
but their presence disturbed neither our repose nor our
equanimity.

It is worth while to quote from a report made by Dr. Ohnesorg and Mr. Dresel on Wittenberg in March, 1916:

The police dogs are not now a cause of complaint on the part of
the prisoners.--(_Miscel_. 16 [1916] p. 85).

Dr. Austin in "My Experiences as a German Prisoner" writes:

For a long time previous to our arrival at Magdeburg we had been
informed that large and savage dogs were to be provided to aid
the sentries.... They were certainly savage enough, but were
always led by a sentry, or chained in their den, and were never
let loose on us. (p. 141).

To return to Chaplain O'Rorke's narrative: "When we first arrived [the barrack warder] had adopted the rôle of gaoler in his demeanour towards us, but after a while he became civil and deferential, and--when his son was captured in the war--actually sympathetic." (p. 45.) At Torgau "the meals, though far from sumptuous and not always palatable, were sufficient for our needs." (p. 43.)

BURG.

At Burg, at the canteen, "we used to treat one another to a whole roll or a cake and a cup of excellent coffee; and, until they were put on the _verboten_ list, to a chop or steak. The serving was done under the direction of a kind, motherly _Frau_ at the one canteen, and by a polite German boy-waiter at the other.... The regular meals seemed to be provided by the proprietor of the larger canteen under contract with the German Government. They were served at 8 a.m., 12 noon and 6-30 p.m. In quality they were superior to the Torgau fare, but in quantity scarcely sufficient in the depth of winter for hungry young men. Still it must be remembered that they cost only 1s. 6d. a day" [out of the daily pay allowed]. Weekly baths were the regulation, but "it was often possible for pushing natures to get an extra bath on other days," by a method which works all the world over. At Burg "the new Commandant was a tall, well-made, soldierly figure. He had a strong face, curiously resembling an owl." An amusing little story follows as to the preciseness of the Commandant and Mr. O'Rorke continues: "It is pleasant to add that this new Commandant was in one respect just the man that was needed. From the first day he began to make the place hum, the foul clean, and in time rendered it habitable. Had there been any, he would have made the dust fly, but there was not. Indeed the court was at first almost a bog through which we threaded our way inch deep in mud, and hopped over the pools. All this disappeared in a few weeks under the Commandant's direction; the swamp was drained and the path widened." British officials, too, know that the problem of mud in a confined space trodden by thousands of feet is one needing energy for its solution.

The Commandant seems to have had a quality more valuable even than energy--a capacity for learning from those under him. He was a judge by profession, and was at first stern and terrible, as well as thorough. To him the prisoners were as ordinary prisoners, "but in time he learnt to place us in a different category. As for myself, eventually he granted me facilities for carrying on my work outside the _Lager_, which he might easily have refused, and when, five months later, we parted, it was with a certain measure of mutual cordiality" (p. 74). The Adjutant also learned more cordiality, and adjutants are sometimes prouder of making others feel their authority than commandants are.

CENSOR FINED BY PRISONER.

The Chaplain instituted a system of fines for "unparliamentary expressions." "Once I had to fine the German censor. He was engaged on a hot day in examining a very large number of packages before distributing them to their owners. He let fall in an unguarded moment the remark that it was a nuisance to have to open so many parcels--specifying the particular kind of nuisance he felt it to be ... but unfortunately I overheard it and he had to pay the penalty. He did so with a good grace." A touch like this seems to me, personally, to tell more eloquently than many orations how absurd it is to be regarding one another as all monsters who ought to be put out of the world.

VISITS OUTSIDE CAMP.

The hospital accommodation at the camp was very poor, and a lieutenant was sent out to a hospital in the town to have his little finger amputated. Mr. O'Rorke asked for permission to visit him. The Adjutant at once agreed. "It was not long before I presented myself at the office for my escort. I expected a couple of armed soldiers at the least, remembering our reception at the hands of the populace. Instead, my escort consisted of Herr Kost--the friendly censor and interpreter--and a soldier. 'Are you going to run away?' asked Herr Kost. I smiled at the futility of such an idea. 'Then we won't take a soldier.' My journey of half an hour to the hospital, my reception there, and my return to the prison were unmarred by any unpleasant incident whatever. The hospital was of the latest and best. Lieut. George had nothing but words of gratitude about the doctors and nurses."

The Chaplain was allowed to visit the "reprisal prisoners," those put in solitary confinement owing to the infliction of this penalty on the officers and men of two German submarines. He found them well treated. "The privacy of this little room," said the Hon. Ivan Hay "is preferable to the liberty and Babel of the Burg dormitories." The prisoners were specially selected from families of distinction.

PRISONERS AND POPULACE.

The other Burg prisoners were afterwards removed to Mainz. "The German Commandant took pity on my loneliness and offered me the privilege of going into the town where and when I liked if I would give my word of honour that I would make no attempt to escape. I agreed to the proposal. We shook hands over it, put it down in writing, and he presented me with a passport for the period of a week." Mr. O'Rorke, dressed in khaki, was soon the centre of a crowd of about twenty-five boys and girls. But, and this is really worth our noting, "they behaved extraordinarily well, and made no offensive remark." His followers increased, and he made things worse by giving them sweets! He called upon the German Pastor in order to get rid of them, but even this failed. A long stop at a café did not tire the vigilance of his escort. When he again came out, there they were. "We exchanged smiles and off we started." A bookseller, whose shop Mr. O'Rorke visited, came to his rescue and dispersed most of the little crowd, but another one gathered later, though again it showed no impoliteness or unfriendliness.

MS. RETURNED.

It remains to be said that Mr. O'Rorke's diary was confiscated on his release, but was restored to him by post a few weeks later, marked as having passed the German Censor!

ANOTHER PRISONER'S REPORT.

Another useful little book of reminiscences is that of Mr. L. J. Austin, F.R.C.S., of the British Red Cross, "My Experiences as Prisoner in Germany." "About ten miles from Namur we suddenly ran into the outposts of the German Army, consisting of a picket of about twenty Uhlans, who examined our papers, obligingly removed the tree from across the road, and allowed us to proceed. Shortly afterwards we were again held up, this time by an officer, who re-examined us all, and again we were allowed to proceed.... Near midday we came to a small village called Maffe, and here we had the misfortune to run straight into the head of the main German Army marching upon Namur." Detention was, under the circumstances, practically inevitable. The party could scarcely be allowed to motor off with valuable information as to the position of the German Army in their possession. They were indeed suspected of being spies. Said an interpreter: "You know you've been incredibly foolish to come anywhere near our forces; you will not be able to return after seeing our Army, but will have to be sent back into Germany. I do not know what will become of you, but you will be treated as gentlemen." "During the afternoon of the first day an officer of the Motor Cycle Corps who spoke excellent English came in and had a friendly talk with us, and seemed to be inclined to laugh at the position he found us in. We were struck by the familiarity between the privates and some of the officers. For instance, in this particular case, some of the soldiers had practice rides on their officers' motor-bicycles." There followed a long interview with Prince Heinrich, the 33rd of Reuss. He was very suspicious, but polite. "Finally His Royal Highness shook hands with us and said: 'I do not know what will become of you gentlemen, but probably you'll be sent back to Germany to assist in looking after wounded soldiers of France and Belgium, and possibly English if they are foolish enough to cross the Channel.'" The prolonged detention of Mr. Austin is inexcusable, but there seem to be somewhat inexplicable detentions on both sides. A document handed to the prisoners on their release was to this effect: "The German Government advises the English Government that unless all Red Cross units at present in England are immediately returned, no further exchange of British medical officers can be contemplated." [Cf. too Miscel. 30 (1916) pp. 2, 36; also International Red Cross Reports, First Series, pp. 18, 19.]

CREDULITY ONCE MORE.

The general experiences of Mr. Austin are very similar to those of Mr. O'Rorke. At Bouvigny "a somewhat offensive non-commissioned officer ... removed all knives that we had and was greatly excited at the presence of the large jack-knife which had been issued to us before we left. These knives carried a long spike, for punching leather and opening tins, and the story has been circulated in Germany that these knives were issued to the troops for the express purpose of gouging out the eyes of the German wounded." There is something pathetically hopeless about these aspects of human credulity in war-time. When we see the extraordinary nonsense that each side readily believes of the other, we must accept it as something to the credit of human nature that any reasonable treatment of prisoners occurs at all.

ORDINARY HUMANITY.

"Our other personal effects," the narrative goes on, "including our money, were returned to us." The doctor's papers had not been returned by the German officers who originally examined him, and this fact caused many delays and annoyances, but one does not read of any actual ill-treatment. The use of dogs is referred to (see p. 33). The last incident on German territory is thus recorded: "When the Holland train drew in the officer had not returned, but one of our party who spoke German well informed the sergeant that the officers had told us we were to go by this train, and he very obligingly placed us in it after we had taken tickets to the nearest Dutch station, Ozendaal."

REPORTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS.

To me it seems that the Swiss have made some of the finest efforts of the spirit during this war. It is no mean achievement. Some are bound by many ties of friendship to the German people, some to the French. There has, of course, been occasional failure and sheer partisanship, but an utterance such as that of Carl Spitteler is marvellous in its determination to do justice, and in its reverence for the suffering of all the nations. The International Committee of the Red Cross at Geneva has been a centre of kindliness in the midst of carnage. In France and in Germany a committee was, by mutual agreement, established consisting of representatives of the national Red Cross, of the American and Spanish Embassies, and one delegate of the International Committee. These committees arranged that delegates of the International Committee should visit prisoners' camps in both countries. No such committee existed in Great Britain, but with the consent of the British authorities some camps in this country were visited in January, 1915. (See footnote, page 9.)

GERMAN CAMPS: FOOD.

In January, 1915, National Councillor A. Eugster was deputed to visit French prisoners in Germany. In general, the Swiss reports[4] give an almost exactly similar impression to those made by the United States. As regards the food, M. Eugster remarks that the sum of 60 pf. (just over 7d.) is allowed daily for the German private, and exactly the same sum for the prisoners. In his second report, made in March, he points out that the food question has become more serious and (as far as his experience goes) complaints are more numerous. He summarises very reasonably the difficulties of the case, especially as regards the bread problem. Prisoners were originally allowed 500 grammes daily, but when the bread rations of the German civilians were reduced from 250 to 200 grammes, some reduction in the prisoners' allowance was only to be expected, and their ration was fixed at 300 grammes. They would otherwise have been allowed two and a half times as much as the Germans themselves. Potato meal was allowed to make up the quantity, but the result was not good. Writing in March, M. Eugster says: "There are to-day from 750 to 800,000 prisoners in Germany. Allowing 300 grammes per man, this makes a daily consumption of 240,000 kilos. of bread (about 235 tons). This is not a bagatelle at a moment when the importation of cereals is impossible."[5] By Art. 7 of the Hague rules an arrangement between belligerents as to prisoners should be possible, and Eugster suggests that meal might be sent under neutral care to the camps, and bread baked there under neutral surveillance.

GENERAL RESULT.

M. Eugster's reports on the individual camps convey almost exactly the same impression as the American reports. At Sennelager the English doctor spoke highly of the treatment of the wounded, and the French doctors readily acknowledges that German wounded and French wounded were treated alike. At Zossen a sculptor was at work in his studio, a painter painted landscapes, a gardener ornamented the grounds, and a musician had his compositions rendered by a choir of 150 to 200 practised singers. It is the best educated prisoners, remarks the deputy, who are the most content. Summarising the impressions of his first tour, Herr Eugster says: "I am glad ... to be able to assert that the French prisoners are humanely treated. In such distracted times errors and mistakes can easily occur, but on the whole one can say that Germany does her duty by her French prisoners."

It is not surprising to learn that M. Eugster received anonymous letters reviling him for not producing evidence to support the prejudices of the writers. Some readers of this account may indeed be made suspicious by his German name. M. Eugster was fully alive to these suspicions, and he suggested that a German and French Swiss might with advantage visit camps jointly. The suggestion was carried out, and in the third series of visits Dr. de Marval accompanied him. The general evidence is as before.

VERMIN.

The Swiss reports are in some respects more outspoken than the American ones. The heading "vermin" occurs in almost all. It requires a special campaign to deal with the lice, but the campaign seems to be carried on with vigour.

TACT.

There is another point. "We must not forget," writes Eugster, "that to be a prisoner is in itself a very trying fate." It needs a little contact with prisoners to realise _how_ hard their fate is, and how easily the wrong way with them may produce soured and embittered men. Writing of Halle in May, Eugster and de Marval remark: "The relationship between the Commandant and the prisoners is correct, but without cordiality; the subordinates were often wanting in tact." I confess it is simple words like these that depress me more than rumours of starvation or bad housing. Anyone knows that authority does not readily become the friend of the fallen. The military manner, even when acquired by Englishmen, is not always pleasant, and the sergeant who bullies his own men is not likely to be more considerate to prisoners. Let us face plain facts in these matters, and remember that all imprisonment is rather terrible, and that all absolute authority (especially among underlings) is apt to become tyrannous. In the prison camps of every nation it is examples of a foolish military officialdom that make for embitterment and degradation; and in these camps, too, it is the tact which comes of true insight, that is doing much for that brotherhood of hearts which is the only way to peace. "These people," says Eugster in another place, "ought to be treated with tact. They should not be treated as enemy prisoners, but as men and chivalrous adversaries. A little consideration, not costing much, will make a good impression. A friendly word, as from man to man, breaks the ice of discontent, and the chivalrous spirit of the superior is recognised with gratitude."

To reach this standard we must try to think the best of our adversaries. Charity is something less meagre than justice, and it holds the future of the world in its grasp. In the past we denounced French, Russians, Irish and Boers in turn. It was not denunciation that did much for the future, but the larger-hearted charity which took its place.

PRISONERS IN FRANCE.

M. de Marval reports well of the feeding of prisoners in France. There is the usual difficulty about vermin. The officer prisoners seem, in many ways, to have the worst time. "Their lodging is in general too crowded, badly ventilated, and badly lighted ... and lacking in elementary comforts. They can ... buy ... chairs, tables, blankets, etc."[6] There was in France, as elsewhere, considerable complaint in the earlier days as to the delivery of parcels. The parcels arrived broken and partly or wholly emptied of their contents. So it was, we may remember, with parcels intended for English prisoners in Germany. The probability is that in both cases imperfect packing was responsible for the damage. (Cf. pp. 6, 8.) In the report just cited, De Marval states that, in general, there has been great improvement in the lodging of the prisoners, and that some bad camps (Vitré, Lorient, Belle-Ile) have been broken up (January, 1915). Here again the reports coincide with those made upon German camps. In all countries the prisoners of war presented at first a problem not readily solved, and great hardships resulted. "Some of the hospitals," writes M. de Marval, "lack comforts, are not sufficiently roomy, or do not possess the necessary medicaments." He goes on: "I shall not delay over the retrospective complaints often formulated by prisoners.... Officers who had been injured by the populace or bound during transport and soldiers who had told me of bad treatment were alike pleased to declare that all such things were past." Here again the report is exactly paralleled by the American report on the German Camps. (Cf. p. 16). "Religious services are in general arranged for the Catholics; it is very difficult to secure ministrations for the Protestants." "If the officers are often meanly lodged, the same is true of the soldiers. The bedding sometimes leaves much to be desired, the straw in many of the camps is scanty, damp, and pretty often full of lice. The litter is actually being replaced everywhere by straw palliasses. As a support for these an open wooden framework is placed on the beaten ground which is often wet. Those who sleep under tents are subject to bronchitis and rheumatism, those who are in forts or old convents sometimes lack the proper allowance of air.... Though the quality of the water leaves something to be desired, it is supplied filtered and boiled, and in amount generally sufficient.... In some camps there is not enough water for washing either the person or clothing.... In general each man has a blanket, but it is very small and often much worn; some are still needed in some of the camps.... If I have not referred to certain regrettable incidents of which I have been told, it is because they appear isolated, and one must guard against generalising from them. Besides, these incidents are bygones and few in number." At Fougères (Brittany) "the beds are touching each other." Cassabianda was a bad camp. So much has been made of earlier defects in German camps that it is well to remember (as indeed the above report shows) that defects may easily occur in other countries besides Germany. Of Cassabianda (February 12)[7] we read: "Huts extremely dilapidated. Sanitary accommodation worse than scanty. (_Les W.--C. sont plus que sommaires_). Nourishment scarcely sufficient for those who are working.... The cooking arrangements are worse than scanty.... Sleeping accommodation extraordinary: beds made from boughs by prisoners and superposed in two or three tiers. The ceilings and windows are falling in ruins.... Wishes of the prisoners--to have more to eat.... A very poor camp (_dépôt très médiocre_), but well governed by a good and conscientious commandant who is badly seconded by his officers. It is a difficult task to render habitable premises that are falling into ruins." I am quite sure that none of us would impute ill intent to the French authorities. We should say simply that the prisoner problem was at first beyond their power, that in exceptional cases there were bad officers and in others lack of organisation. If we are capable of fair play, we shall, in many cases, say exactly the same thing about the German authorities. In Germany the one outstanding question is food, otherwise, as M.M. de Marval and Eugster state in a joint report issued in May: "We fully recognise the excellent arrangement and perfect organisation, thought out to the smallest detail, and the admirable administration of the Camps."

LATER U.S. REPORTS.

It is allowed by all investigators that camps almost everywhere have been improved as the war went on. Mr. Gerard himself writes, under date June 10, 1915: "It is generally admitted that conditions in the camps are constantly improving, and no good can be attained by the investigations of complaints based upon reports of conditions as they are supposed to have been several months ago." In citing the _earlier_ U.S. and Swiss reports I have therefore by no means exaggerated the facts favourable to German treatment. There have been many later reports, but it will be impossible and unnecessary to give more than a few references:

The reports in Miscel. No. 15 (1915) give a quite favourable account of the German efforts on behalf of the prisoners. Canadian officers at Bischofswerda, however, complained of their treatment on the way from the front. They said that "they were at first compelled to share their compartments with French Algerian (black) soldiers, but that other arrangements were made by a German officer in the course of their journey." Some may consider this an interesting comment on the employment of Algerian and other native troops.

HUNGER DURING TRANSPORT.

The Canadian officers also said "that while on the road they had received but little food, their treatment not differing, however, from that of other prisoners." On reading this I could not help recalling a _Daily News_ interview headed "The Blue Ladies: Good work at the Free Buffet at Euston." (June 24, 1916.) "We have just had the escort of some German prisoners in," said one of the ladies. "We do not give anything to the prisoners. We have enough to do to look after our own men." I recalled, too, the British nurse who said in my presence, with a snap of her fingers, "We have not _that_ much sympathy with the German wounded." I want to believe that in the great majority of cases the attitude on both sides is very different; but what a sundering influence war-like patriotism is! We must surely reach brotherhood by some other way.

FRIEDRICHSFELD.

Mr. Michelson reports highly of the camp at Friedrichsfeld. All kinds of work was going on. "No German foreman were to be seen, and only on looking for them did I notice that there were, here and there, guards watching the prisoners. In two instances I saw unguarded prisoners at work." Some wounded at Magdeburg "all, without exception, said they had been treated with great consideration while being transported from the front." (June 3, 1915). The hospital treatment is spoken well of both here and at the base hospital at Isighem, W. Flanders, visited by Dr. Ohnesorg.

ORGANISATION AND RECIPROCITY.

I pass on to Miscel. No. 19 (1915). Writing in June, Mr. Gerard gives an interesting account of the courses of instruction and lectures arranged for German N.C.O.'s and men in order to increase their efficiency in managing the camp kitchens. There is a characteristic touch of German thoroughness in the scheme. Mr. Gerard concludes: "I should be glad to have you bring the foregoing to the attention of the British Government. The German military authorities have now satisfied themselves that German prisoners in England are being treated as well as the conditions admit (except with regard to the confinement on board ships, which is still a sore point), and they are showing every disposition to treat British prisoners (both officers and men) in the most favourable manner possible, and to pay attention to their wishes in so far as can be done consistently with the principle that all the prisoners (of whom there are considerably more than one million) must be treated in practically the same manner."

LAZARETS.

Writing from Hamburg, the American Consul-General, Mr. Morgan, says: "It is not necessary for me to enter into the details of the different lazarets which I visited, beyond stating that they are all in the most up-to-date condition, and everything is being done for the wounded that could be done anywhere." At the Paderborn lazarets, "Some of the men said to me that it would be necessary to drive them away (that they would make no attempt to escape) because they were so well cared for and so comfortable." (p. 40, l.c.) At the Wesel lazarets, "Many of (the British) were very uncomfortable from their wounds, but all replied that their present treatment, as well as that which they had received at the front, and on the way from the front, was, and had been, entirely satisfactory.... All those consulted in regard to the matter said that they had come from the front in a German lazaret train, together with German wounded, and that, as nearly as they could tell, they had received exactly similar treatment and care as accorded to the German wounded. Their only request was for books and tobacco." (October 26, 1915.)

A DIFFICULTY.

At Neubrandenburg, "until a few days ago the officers were permitted to use a tennis court outside the enclosure, to swim in the lake, and to walk in the neighbouring woods. As four officers (one Englishman) made an attempt to escape (from the bath house) these privileges were temporarily suspended, but I was told by the Commandant, whose relations with the prisoners are of the best, that they would be restored at an early date."

The excellence of the bathing facilities at the officers' camp, Friedberg, is commented on, as it frequently is in other cases. At Giessen, Dr. Ohnesorg spoke with many prisoners who had had experience of working camps. "They said (the work) was not hard, and before being allotted to these various working camps, they underwent a thorough medical examination, and those who were found in an unfit physical condition were not detailed for this work. They are fed and housed by their employer, and in one instance I met a complaint of insufficient food."

SOME OFFICER CAMPS.

At Bad Blenhorst a number of prisoner officers are taking the "cure" under a German military surgeon. At Clausthal "the situation of the camp is ideal, being placed in the midst of the Hartz mountains, with a wide expanse of view, and my visit gave me a very favourable impression in general." At Cüstrin "The German officers treat the prisoners like unfortunate comrades." At Bischofswerda the complaints were that "shorts" were forbidden for football, and that baths were not allowed more than once daily. The Commandant promised to remedy both grievances. The report on Halle is unfavourable. There was overcrowding, and "the enclosure for exercise leaves much to be desired." The food was not complained of, except as regards monotony.[8]

KOENIGSBRUECK, ZWICKAU, GOERLITZ.

Königsbrück, a camp for 15,000 prisoners (but with only three British), "is complete in all respects, and adheres to a high standard in regard to the kitchens, theatre, washing-places, canteens, supply-room for clothing, etc." Zwickau (with two British) "is excellent ... outside each barrack is a specially built stand where the mattresses are aired every day ... and within the confines of the camp are several acres of vegetable gardens ... in which the French take particular interest." The arrangements at Görlitz (with thirteen British) "in all details struck me as being exceedingly good." In general hospital treatment at the camps is entirely satisfactory.

SCHLOSS CELLE, WITTENBERG, STENDAL, FOOD.

In Miscel. No. 16 (1916) we may note the following: At the officers' camp, Schloss Celle, "the Commandant in civil life is a judge, and seemed on excellent terms with the prisoners." Mr. Gerard reports on a visit of his own to Wittenberg on November 8, 1915. The soup for the mid-day meal appeared to him "to be very good," and the testimony of the men was to the effect "that the food had improved considerably during the last two months." About 300 out of the 4,000 prisoners in this camp were British.[9] At Stendal Mr. Osborne found the thick soup "exceedingly palatable, though thoroughly un-English." The British prisoners "admitted that they could live on the camp rations, if necessary, and still retain good health, as is the case with the Russians, and that their objection to the food was on account of its sameness, and because it was not cooked in an English way." In March, 1916, Mr. Osborne reports that a large swimming pool is in process of completion at one end of the camp.

REPORTS AND INFORMATION.

At Fort Friedrichshafen, Ingolstadt, "those who had no overcoats said that they could get them from the German authorities if necessary, but that they preferred to wait for the present to see if they could not be sent from home. All would like new boots, as they are not pleased with the wooden-soled boots provided locally." Sir Edward Grey, writing just before the receipt of this report, referred to information "that the few British prisoners of war at this camp are very badly fed, and that parcels arrive with great irregularity, their contents being frequently abstracted." In a reply dated a week later, Mr. Gerard (U.S. Ambassador at Berlin) writes that "in reply to a direct inquiry, which was made out of the hearing of any German officer or man," the British prisoners at Ingolstadt "stated that there was nothing to which they would care to have special attention paid. The men were in good spirits, and there was no evidence to show that any of them were badly fed. All were in touch with their friends at home, and no complaint was made with regard to irregularity in the receipt of parcels."

FAVOURABLE AND HUMOROUS.

Of the officers' camp at Blankenberg i/Mark, Messrs. Jackson and Russell report, "The atmosphere of the camp is excellent." There is a touch of humour in the report on Merseburg (l.c. p. 29). "One man complained to me that he had been punished for 'having a hole in his trousers' (as he said), but on investigation I found that he had cut a new pair of trousers, which had been given him by the German authorities, in order to make a pair of boxing shorts. One man had a black eye, another a sprained thumb, and a third a broken nose, as the result of boxing matches."[10] The four English prisoners at Königsmoor said "that there was no discrimination against them of any kind, and their relations with the German guard were evidently pleasant. They all said that they had plenty of warm clothing, including overcoats, and one even had an overcoat which had been given him by the German authorities in addition to one which he had received from home. They said the food was 'not bad' ..." At the working camp at Hakenmoor, "the midday 'soup' was excellent.... All looked in good health and seemed to be contented, and their relations with the German guards appeared to be friendly.... Several complained that the clothing furnished soon became too tight for comfort, and nearly every man in the camp had put on from ten to thirty (even more) pounds of flesh. None spoke of any bad treatment ... although one Englishman said that there were occasional differences with the (Belgian) barrack captains. The Commandant is interested in his work; he knows most of the men by name, and seems to try to do all in his power to add to their comfort."

FOOD.

In these reports the food is almost invariably referred to as good, and to save further quotations we may cite the evidence at Güstrow i/Mecklenburg as giving a fair general view of the case (January, 1916): "The men told me that while they depend on their home parcels for variety, a man who received nothing (as is the case with the Russian prisoners) could live on the food supplied, although in that case he would always be glad when meal time came."

"ATMOSPHERE."

At Dyrötz, "the general atmosphere of the camp certainly seemed excellent, both on the part of the men and on the part of the authorities." (January, 1916.) At Blankenburg "the Commandant has now adopted the practice of taking different officer prisoners of war with him for occasional walks in the neighbouring country." "In a lazaret at Spandau," writes Mr. Jackson, "I sat alone with Captain Coulston in the good-sized, comfortably furnished room which he occupies by himself.... Recently he had had a conversation with Her Royal Highness the Princess Friedrich Leopold of Prussia, who visited the lazaret, but ordinarily he had little opportunity to talk, as he speaks only a few words of German, French, or Russian. On my speaking of this, I was told that an effort would be made to have English-speaking German officers call on him from time to time."

GERMAN PROFESSORS.

Attention is again drawn to the excellent work of Prof. Stange at Göttingen. "He has an office in the camp at which he is present for two hours every day, during which time he can be consulted by any prisoner, and has formed classes of study, which are well attended." At Giessen, too, "Prof. Gmelin of the local university has taken a great interest in the prisoners and visits them regularly with a view to providing for their instruction."

A CONTRADICTION.

The following is important and I quote it in full. _Mr. Osborne to Mr. Gerard._ (_February 23, 1916_) (l.c. p. 62.):

In accordance with your instructions and with reference to the
article in the London _Times_ of February 7, stating the report
of an exchanged British prisoner of war that two British
prisoners at the detention camp at Güstrow, in Mecklenburg, had
been bayonetted for smoking in a forbidden vicinity, and that
one had died and the other was still in hospital, I have the
honour to inform you that I visited the camp at Güstrow on
February 12, 1916. I did not notify the camp authorities of my
arrival. I was shown every courtesy and received every facility
for speaking to the British prisoners out of earshot of the
Germans. I talked with a large number of British
non-commissioned officers and with some of the men, and all were
unanimous on two points; first, that if such an occurrence as
the one mentioned had taken place, they would certainly have
heard of it; and, second, that they had heard of no such
occurrence. I visited the lazaret, through which I was taken by
a British N.C.O., who is an assistant in caring for the sick,
and spoke to every British patient under treatment there, not
one of whom could possibly have been suffering from a bayonet
wound. It seems to me quite out of the question that the
occurrence mentioned in the English newspaper accounts could
have actually taken place at Güstrow.

In point of fact, instead of complaints at Güstrow, I heard
rather praise of the camp from the British interned there, and
praise of the British prisoners from the camp authorities. The
men were all well fitted out with clothes of all sorts, and
seemed particularly cheerful. The authorities stated that it
had never been necessary, in recent times at least, to place a
British prisoner under arrest. On the whole, the camp struck me
as being as nearly ideal as it is possible for a place of
detention of this kind to be.

The discrepancy between the last sentence in Mr. Osborne's report and the _Times_ article is a striking one. It should give one pause in placing too much reliance upon untested accusations, or upon newspaper articles based upon them. We forget sometimes that all the bias is _against_ an enemy, and the only stories likely to be free from exaggeration are those told in his favour.

A MILITARY PRISON.

In the military prison at Cologne (Miscel. 16 [1916] p. 67), "the prisoners receive the same food and the same general treatment as the German military prisoners, with whom they are permitted to talk.... The prisoners are not permitted to receive food from outside sources.... Generally speaking the conditions do not differ materially from those in an ordinary working camp.... Corporal B. was found guilty of lack of respect to his British superior, Corporal J. was punished for striking the French non-commissioned officer in charge of his barrack, and Corporals O. and S. had trouble with the German Landsturmmann in charge of a cooking party...." Most of the sentences were for striking work at various work centres, the men sentenced stating that the conditions were bad. There was a special complaint against the railway work at Langen-Halbach b/Haiger, but not all the British joined in the strike. "I saw the men's midday meal, consisting of a thick porridge which appeared to be nutritious. One man claimed that it was thicker to-day than usual, but several of his comrades contradicted this flatly. No complaints were made to me of any rough treatment in the Gefängnis [prison]."

BAVARIAN COURTESY.

The Venerable Archdeacon Wm. E. Nies, who had been given permission to visit British prisoners of war in Bavaria, writes: "I think it is only fair to comment favourably upon the friendly way in which my mission to the men is received and furthered by the commanders without exception thus far."

HOSPITAL TREATMENT.

Of Germersheim hospitals we read: "The food served in these hospitals is exceptionally satisfactory. Dr. Algeron, the chief surgeon in charge, a broad-minded man and indefatigable worker, attends personally to the catering.... Under this regime there have been some noteworthy increases in weight...."

At Bayreuth a private of the Black Watch had been "removed--for the purpose of electrical treatment of his arm by which it is hoped to avoid an operation--to the military lazaret in the city, which is an admirably equipped modern hospital."

WUENSDORF, CREFELD.

We pass now to reports in Miscel. No. 26 (1916). Indian prisoners of war at Wünsdorf (Zossen) find their treatment "very good." At Crefeld officers' camp, "the walks on parole ... have been entirely successful.... The only complaint as to these was that the German accompanying the party was a non-commissioned instead of a regular officer. This will, however, be rectified at once.... There is no trouble of any kind with the inhabitants on these.... The relations with the camp authorities are excellent." As regards the behaviour of the inhabitants, I would refer also to Chaplain O'Rorke's statement (see p. 36), though, as one would expect, the inhabitants have in some other cases behaved badly (_e.g._, p. 32).

MUENSTER II., MUENSTER III.

At Münster II, "The Commandment, General von Ey-Steinecke, as well as the other officers, and the general treatment, are well spoken of by the men." Some improvements suggested on March 16 were already started on the 18th. At Münster III. the benches in the English Chapel "were provided at the expense of the camp, although the British prisoners offered to pay for them.... The camp authorities have endeavoured to arrange courses of instruction with some success, and several British are taking lessons in French.... Sergeant Middleditch, the ranking non-commissioned officer, who has taken an active part in the work of improvement, stated that the relations with the camp authorities were excellent, and that the officers showed much consideration in acceding to reasonable requests. The commandant, General Raitz von Frentz, is well spoken of by all, and shows a liberal and progressive spirit in dealing with such difficulties as arise."

PARCHIM, BRANDENBURG.