Chapter VI: Part 6

The signatories to this appeal were: Prof. W. Foerster, Ehrich
Gramm (Banker), Dr. Kleineidam (Provost), Eduard de Neufville,
Prof. Rade, Julius Rohrbach (Pastor), Dr. Elisabeth Rotten, Dr.
Alice Solomon, F. Siegmund-Schultze (Pastor), Dr. Spiecker,
Pastor Umfried.

It is important to note that of the families and others helped by the Committee, the largest percentage (49) were English. Russians made up 24 per cent, and French 9 per cent. (Dr. Elisabeth Rotten's circular of April, 1916.)

The following documents explain themselves:--Extract from a letter of Dr. Elisabeth Rotten, dated January 6, 1916.

In spite of the fact that the numbers of permanent workers in
the office and out of it increase all the time, we have work
here from morning to night, often including holidays. But we do
it gladly, for it is a labour of love. At present our chief work
lies in taking home French children from the occupied territory
of France. In Belgium this work is now nearly discharged, and a
lady has only to go there once more, this month, to fetch the
last batch of children. The French children are not fetched by
our delegates; they travel in the larger trains for civilians,
who are brought from the occupied territory of France, through
Switzerland, back into the unoccupied[38] parts. What we now
have to do is to see that the children who had been left behind,
separated from their parents, are reunited with them as quickly
as possible. The children themselves seldom know where their
parents are, but we have the addresses through working in
conjunction with the International "Feminist" Bureau at
Lausanne. This creates a great deal of correspondence with the
respective authorities. I am glad to be able to add that the
[German] War Office has come forward with sympathy to help us in
this work.

We have sent large consignments of warm clothing and
food--including honeycake--to the civilian prisoners' camps at
Ruhleben and Holzminden, to be distributed among those that
received nothing from other sources. French and Russian
civilians are interned at Holzminden.

German women workers in connection with our Committee in other
parts have also sent Christmas gifts to the camps nearest them.
I enclose extracts from letters from Fräulein Jens, of Hamburg,
and Frau Kirchhoff, of Bremen, which I put at your disposal. The
Berlin Committee of the Women's Suffrage Union has done the same
for Döberitz, and other Committees in South and West Germany
have also carried out similar work. It is of particular interest
to note that the request that German women might remember the
prisoners of war in such a way came from a German soldier at the
front. The ladies were already planning something of the sort,
and would certainly have done it; but still, such a request, so
heartily and earnestly expressed, is remarkable.

From Frau Senator Kirchhoff, December 28, 1915:

The camp at Achim, near Bremen, in the province of Hanover, is
called Etelsen Moor. Frau Schmitt and I finished off everything
in one day, and early on the 23rd we drove out with two large
trunks and three cardboard boxes. Altogether we had collected
536 marks; 190 went to Frau Feist, 100 marks cash went to the
camp at Etelsen. Our trunks contained 40 flannel shirts and 40
pairs of pants, 40 pairs of slippers, 32 pairs of socks,
mittens, helmets, scarves, 1,000 cigars, 100 cakes of chocolate,
25 note-books, 50 pencils, 50 blotters, drawing paper, india
rubber, calendars, etc. Three prisoners--two Belgian and one
Frenchman--came with two wheelbarrows; they were accompanied by
two German non-commissioned officers. The men were exceedingly
pleased: the German soldier said they had long been wishing to
give the men presents and were happy that we had made it
possible for them to do so. Afterwards I received two charming
letters; one from the Commandant, who thanked me very heartily.
They had been able to give every prisoner--chiefly Belgians and
French, but also Russians and one Englishman--a present. He
enclosed a touching, grateful letter from a Belgian prisoner, an
adjutant, and a programme of their Christmas theatricals. I have
seldom been so glad about anything as I am that this has been a
success.

From Fräulein Jens, December 30, 1915. Work at Hamburg.

We had altogether about 400 marks, and out of this fund 100
parcels containing each about 3 marks worth of goods were
purchased and handed over with 100 marks in money--for sick and
needy prisoners--into the care of the camp chaplain. He took the
opportunity of explaining in our presence to three of the camp
"Captains," an Englishman, a Frenchman and a Russian, the object
of the gift. They were greatly touched and most grateful. The
Englishman thanked us in the name of his country. We were only
sorry that we could not do far, far more, but if even this
little is a seed of corn which may in the future bring forth
thoughts of reconciliation between the nations we shall be
happy. Our presents were given for the New Year, as it is the
custom for English and French to make presents then....

SOME THANKS ON BOTH SIDES.

The following is from the Prisoners' Aid Society of the German civilians interned in Camp III., Knockaloe, Isle of Man. If the English shows signs of effort, it is an effort of sincerity:--

To the Emergency Committee for the Assistance of Germans,
Austrians and Hungarians in Distress.

Dear Madam,--We do not wish to fail to remember at the beginning
of the New Year with gratitude those who, during the past
difficult year, have made it their task to alleviate, wherever
possible, the misery and the most pressing sorrows of such
families who, by their internment as prisoners of war, were
deprived of their bread-winners. When assembled in silent prayer
during the last festive season--the season of Peace and Goodwill
to all mankind--our hearts felt the particular necessity of
expressing our innermost thanks to your Committee for all the
magnanimous acts of brotherly love and relief shown and granted
to the dependents of the interned.

Whilst we venture to ask you to see in these few lines the
unanimous vote of thanks of all the prisoners of war at
Knockaloe Camp III., and kindly bring it to the notice of those
who in a self-sacrificing manner generously assisted your work
of love, we, the undersigned, respectfully offer our heartfelt
wishes for the New Year.

P. H. Bernhard, Chairman; Carl Glock, Deputy Chairman; C. P.
Toellner, Treasurer; B. Pflug, Hospital.

And here we have an extract from a letter of gratitude from some Serbian prisoners to one of the German Committees. It was despatched by the Serbian Aid Committee at the camp Frankfurt-am-Oder, on February 22, 1917. "The hundred or so parcels for Serbian Prisoners of War mentioned in your kind letter of December 20, 1916, came to hand in good time and in good condition from Switzerland, and were distributed to those who were in the weakest condition, and those who were most needy. In all there were 94 parcels, and you have the blessing of 94 human beings, ill, weak, and altogether deserted by the world. As our former camp (Halbe b. Berlin) was broken up just at that time and distributed amongst four other camps, we have only just learned who it was who had given us such kindly and noble thoughts. We thank you therefore once more with our whole heart for your great goodness and charity--God will repay it to you.

"The gifts (the many good and beautiful things) reached us here in good time, and were divided amongst Serbians who [were in various camps] and the remainder we distributed here on Christmas Eve in the camp. You should have seen the joy of these poor men!... May God only grant a speedy peace!... While thanking you heartily once again, we beg you to think of us in the future also.... P.S.--In all the camps belonging to our group we have a total of 30-40 sick men."

"JOINING HANDS WITH THE ENEMY."

The spirit produced by reprisals of good is well shown in the following extracts from an article in _The Friend_. (April 20, 1917):--

There have been fresh evidences lately of the response from
Germany to our efforts here, and of the likeness between our
work and that of the Berlin Committee. The animating spirit is
evidently so much the same that a wife left behind in England
wrote to her repatriated husband in Germany, "Just write your
letter and send it to _St. Stephen's House_ at Berlin, and
they'll send it for you." The italics are ours.

Dr. Rotten wrote March 8:

"Just a few lines to tell you that a second parcel from Berne
arrived to-day, containing the remainder of the reports about
your work, namely, 25 copies of your Fourth Report and 100
copies of "A Day at St. Stephen's House." We are much pleased to
make these vivid descriptions of your assistance to the Germans
in England accessible to so many, as our experience has taught
us that direct information has a much greater effect than our
own full or abbreviated translations. But we try again and again
with the latter, and at the present moment two different
sketches of our endeavours in England and Germany for mutual
help have been accepted by various papers, so we may hope to be
able to send you a copy before long. Grateful as ever, with
kindest greetings in the name of all."

The same idea is carried further in a letter received by one of
our helpers from a personal friend in Germany:

"Your printed report which came into my hands a few days ago
has made me very happy. I was not surprised, but it only
strengthened my belief in you and in the good of humanity. What
you have done and are still doing brings nearer the goal that
now seems so far off--everlasting peace grounded in respect and
mutual understanding."

From Dr. Rotten:

THE RELATIVES OF MEN IN RUHLEBEN.

When in April of last year, after repeated applications by us,
regular visits by the wives and children were at last permitted,
the regulations were at first rather strict. The separation of
husband and wife by a table was felt to be a special
hardship.[39] The visits taking a satisfactory course, however,
this was altered in a few weeks, and since then visitors have
been allowed in the camp itself and may walk around and converse
freely with their relatives. Permission was, indeed, soon
extended to mothers and sisters, and also fiancées of those
interned, provided the engagement had taken place before
internment. At the present time wives living in and around
Berlin are allowed to visit once a month, the time permitted
being nominally one hour, but this is fortunately not
interpreted very strictly, so that in actual practice two hours
are often allowed. Wives coming from a distance receive
permission every three months; and it was for a long time a
concern of these women and of their husbands--a concern shared
by us--that these visits had to be made in a single period of
two hours. Over and over again one found that the joy of reunion
after so long a separation was so unnerving that they could
scarcely unburden themselves on a single occasion of all the
important matters reserved for discussion, and that only
afterwards did they remember all that they had intended to say.
We repeatedly made representations on this score in the proper
quarter, appealing for a change in the regulation, and in
December last we had the joy of obtaining permission for the
wives from outside to stay in Berlin for a week and to make two
visits of two hours during this period. In special cases a third
visit might be allowed. All wives coming from a distance, at the
same time as they receive the permit, are instructed by the
Commandant to apply to us in the event of their needing any
advice in respect of accommodation in Berlin. And so we are
visited by many, whose reception in Berlin we either arrange for
at their request in advance, or who, though acquainted with
Berlin, yet come for information. They are so well satisfied
with the conditions of their visits that at the present time
there is no occasion to ask for further concessions.

GETTING MEN OUT OF RUHLEBEN.

Apart from our interest in the repatriation of the "over
forty-fivers," our principal concern for Ruhleben consists for
the present in finding work outside the camp for the younger
prisoners, for, thanks to the recent decision of the Commandant,
resulting from our repeated applications, such prisoners may
obtain leave of absence provided they find situations. It is, of
course, very difficult for those in the camp to seek situations,
and we are therefore making special efforts to find
opportunities for work, induce employers to engage an alien, and
then conduct negotiations. There are among those desiring to
exchange their forced idleness at Ruhleben for productive work
many who are concerned to remain loyal British subjects.

The following quotation from Dr. Rotten refers to a specially interesting intercommunication:

We are delighted and thankful to see from your letter of January
31 that an unnamed gentleman in America has sent you the sum of
£400 with instructions to assign half of it to our work for
foreigners in Germany, and saying that the British Government at
once gave their consent to the payment of the amount to us. It
will be a great help to our work and will be conscientiously
used for British subjects and for the subjects of nations allied
with England. For a considerable time our work has been such
that we can take advantage of the relief agencies of other
countries for the assistance of Germans abroad, and for that
reason can apply the means placed at our disposal for the
support of foreigners in Germany only. So our help is now
practically confined to "alien enemies," because the subjects of
neutral States, should they be in need, can obtain other
assistance, and it is our uppermost wish to relieve those who,
but for us, would perhaps be utterly friendless. It is,
moreover, a great satisfaction and encouragement to us that
outside your and our spheres the community of our work is so
strongly felt that people desire to further the efforts of the
two societies simultaneously. The confidence so kindly felt in
our efforts even abroad incites us to an ever increasing
devotion to our work, to the undertaking of new tasks, and to
the fulfilling of the old ones with more and more care in every
detail.

THE SPECTROSCOPE STORY.

The spectroscope story is a particularly good example of the way reprisals of good work out. I take the following account from a leaflet signed W.R.H., and already known to many workers in the cause of fellowship.

A spectroscope, I believe, is an instrument which takes a ray of
light and proceeds to spread it abroad. At all events, the
description seems to suit in this case.

The spectroscope game was started by Bishop Bury. After his
return from his visit to Ruhleben Camp he mentioned in a lecture
that some of the science students interned there were very
anxious to obtain the use of a spectroscope. The report of this
lecture was read by one of the camp visitors of the Friends'
Emergency Committee, who was a schoolmaster and a scientist.
Moreover, he possessed a spectroscope. So he joined in the game
and played his piece. But instead of trying to send the
instrument to Germany, he wrote to St. Stephen's House and
suggested that inquiries should be made as to whether any of the
schools in the internment camps in England were in need of such
an apparatus. If so, he would lend his, and ask our friends of
the Berlin Committee for assisting alien enemies to try to do
the same for Ruhleben. It was soon discovered that a group of
men in Douglas Camp would welcome the spectroscope, which was at
once sent them, and the corresponding message written to Berlin.
It was not long before a reply was received telling us, as we
expected, that every effort would be made, as usual, to carry
out such a proposal for reciprocal service to prisoners.

A little later another player came into the game in the shape of
the German War Office. (There seems to be a War Office player in
every game that takes place in these days.) The German War
Office was reluctant to permit valuable lenses to enter the
internment camp without being quite sure first of all that the
corresponding privilege had been allowed in England. Would we,
therefore, obtain and forward a written certificate from the
Commandant of the camp to say that the instrument had been
allowed. This was soon done, and we next hear that the Berlin
Committee, being unable to find a spectroscope themselves, had
collected the sum of 900 marks for the purchase of one, and has
asked permission for two of the leaders of the "University" of
Ruhleben to be allowed out of camp to inspect instruments before
purchase. This permission seems to have been readily granted,
and Dr. Higgins and Mr. Chadwick met Dr. Rotten, the secretary
of the Berlin Committee, in order to choose the most suitable
apparatus. They finally decided upon one offered by Herr H., the
head of an optical instrument firm.

At this point the game became specially interesting. Dr. Rotten
was aware that Herr H.'s brother and his family had been closely
in touch with the Emergency Committee, and had received
considerable help in difficult and distressing circumstances. In
recognition of the assistance given to his brother, he at once
offered to lend to the camp, for the period of the war, a
spectrometer and prisms valued together at 1,650 marks. The 900
marks collected were thus released to be used for other
enterprises. Herr H. also sent a warm message offering to
receive his brother's children, who had lost their mother during
the war, and to welcome his brother as soon as he was free to
cross to Germany. He also offered to provide him with anything
he might desire to help him pass away the weary hours in camp.
We learnt that the brother had been studying French, and now
wish to take up Spanish, and he has therefore chosen a set of
Spanish instruction books as what he would like best.

The game still continues. Other well-known scientific firms in
Berlin have been approached and interested in an effort to
provide material for scientific work in Ruhleben, and we have
received a request from Dr. Higgins to follow up an effort he is
making to provide similar assistance for some men at Knockaloe,
about whom he has written to various University professors and
business friends in England. Herr H. has also sent us a list of
nine firms whose principals he is acquainted with, to see if
they also will help in like manner.

A spectroscope I believe, is an instrument which takes a ray of
light and proceeds to spread it abroad. A fine instrument!

W.R.H.

The ray of light is spread by reprisals of good. When the nephew of a friend of mine was let out from Ruhleben on a fortnight's leave, and received "overwhelming kindness" from his German hosts, what was it that so specially drew out their kindness? The fact that their own son, interned in this country, has been befriended here. (P. 105.)

A BABY CASE VISITOR.

Yet, in spite of all the efforts of sympathy, suffering, in camp and out, grows ever greater as the war continues. Here are two short stories of February, 1915, as reported to the Committee on this side. If, for a moment we can forget our passions, the sufferings of these, our fellows, must touch our hearts. Nearly four more years have passed and we know that greater loneliness and sorrow must have come to these hearts, as to so many more.

Our first call is in a horrid little street off Tottenham Court
Road. Four knocks on a very shaky door brings Bertha, the wife
of a German, a ships' cook, who has never been long enough on
shore to become a naturalised Englishman. Bertha was a servant
for many years before she married, and had collected many
precious possessions, and she and Friedrich had a comfortable
home with plenty of furniture and full of all the useless and
hideous knicknack which apparently make so many people happy.
Only a few remain, for nearly all have "had to go"--the term we
know so well to mean that they are now in pawn, and that it will
probably never be possible to redeem them. When first we visited
them they were living in a basement room where rats made it
difficult for them to sleep, and where, on the many unexpected
calls I paid, I never once found a fire.

"We are not people wot feel the cold like some, Miss," they told
me; "and the room's so small it likely wouldn't be 'ealthy to
have a fire all day" so the "bit of washing" used to hang on a
string for days and days before it dried, and they did their
"bit of cooking" on a small gas ring. One day I called and found
Friedrich still in bed; he was quite well, he said, "but we take
turns to stay in bed, Miss, for it's warmer there and you don't
seem to feel so hungry in bed as when you're up."

They were trying to save something out of a weekly 12s. 6d.,
after 6s. had been paid for rent, for the time when Bertha would
have to go into hospital, and to buy some clothes that her
little babe would need. Then _you sent me_, and let me tell her
you would remember her when that time came, and you sent her
flannel and wool to make the little clothes: after that a
shilling a week could be spent on coals, and each time I went
they sent you thanks and blessed you for your love.

We say good-bye here and go north to Camden Town where we call
on Ludwig and Marie and their five children, the eldest of whom
is six. He is Austrian and she is Irish, and they live in two
rooms for which they pay 8s. 6d. a week. He was a waiter for
thirteen years in a well known London restaurant, and his master
has told him many times he would take him back if only the
public or the newspapers would let him. But _they won't_. So
Ludwig had nothing to do, and tells me he thinks he shall go
out of his mind sitting in idleness in his miserable
surroundings. Marie has been in hospital, too, and then Ludwig
_had_ plenty to do looking after his four little children alone
for two weeks, and says it was the hardest work he ever had to
do, and is glad his lot in life is not to be a woman!

The doctor in the hospital told Marie she must have plenty of
milk every day, and we smiled together, for we knew their weekly
income left no margin for milk for her--the children must be fed
first. So _you_ are helping, and Marie has her milk each day,
and she and her babe are growing strong and well again.

The work done by the Friends' Emergency Committee, Dr. K. E. Markel and others on this side, and by Dr. Rotten, Siegmund Schulze, Prof. Stange and their fellows on the other, is indeed as "a clear flame of truth in a dark and haunted night."

PROF. STANGE.

To the great work of Prof. Stange, of Göttingen, I have once or twice alluded. He directs all the instruction given in the Göttingen camp, attends daily, gives lectures and superintends the library. He experienced the usual difficulties of any civilian who tries to practice Christianity in war-time. "One great German newspaper wrote with indignation that the prisoners in the Göttingen Camp had as good a time as if they were at a health resort." Doubtless this paper, like some others, contrasted the (rumoured) abominable treatment of German prisoners by their enemies with the too great indulgence shown to prisoners in Germany. But Prof. Stange is not abashed. "No internment camp," he writes, "can be compared with a 'holiday resort.' In spite of everything that may be done for the prisoners, internment is and remains always a very hard lot. In the Göttingen camp, too, many a prisoner needs not only the exertion of his whole strength, but help as well to make the endurance of his lot physically and spiritually possible." Stange is one of those who have learned to envisage the anxieties, the loneliness, the uncertainty, the ennui of the prisoner, and the terrible enervation of long months, and, alas, years of confinement. In this, as in so many circumstances of the war, it is the more sensitive and developed minds that suffer most, and are most easily destroyed, those minds that are indispensable in the building of any worthy future.

Prof. Stange quite frankly acknowledges to a war prejudice against the English. But when he found their great need of help, his prejudices melted away, and he soon engaged in helping them too with books classes, and other means of activity.

Prof. Stange recognises that such work for enemy prisoners helps towards better treatment of their own prisoners abroad, but, he adds, "It must certainly be emphatically stated that we in Göttingen never took up our work for the prisoners with this object. What compelled us to work was simply and entirely the great distress and need of the prisoners themselves." (P. 36. The extracts are from Prof. Stange's pamphlet on Göttingen Camp.)

THE LAST RESTING PLACE.

At last, rest. To many weary hearts it must have become a pitiful consolation that this at least is sure. "After life's fitful fever he sleeps well." And in that sleep no fevered passion can even "ruffle one corner of the folded shroud." At last, rest; where the enmities and the ambitions are forgotten. In the presence of this stillness of death, even to the living their disputes seem small. If the mood could endure, death might not be needed to bring peace.

I.--ENGLAND.

"In a corner of the bonny little churchyard of Frongoch, adjoining the extended camp, there are two solitary graves. Here, in a strange land, the land of their captivity, two German prisoner soldiers lie at rest, as in many a plot of ground in France and Flanders, German and British lie together, strife hushed in the last sleep. Here there are no grim sounds and sights of battle, but instead there is all the peace and beauty of a lovely spring. Immediately beyond the graves a wooded bank descends to the stream, and over and through the fresh green foliage, amidst which the birds are happily melodious this bright April morning, and all around can be seen the mountains of Wales, the 'land of freedom.' Over the grave of one of these liberated captives is a tombstone erected at the expense of, and engraved by, his fellow prisoners. It marks the place where Hugo Schröter, Under-Officer of one of the Crown Prince's Infantry Regiments, who died on April 9, 1915, as the result of wounds received in the cause of his country, was laid to rest by his grateful comrades.

"The other grave has no stone as yet, but one is being prepared. It is that of a prisoner who died of consumption, after many months of lingering suffering in the hospital, where every care was bestowed upon him. It was in reference to this man that the Chief Officer wrote me: 'To our regret died last Thursday the patient in the isolation hospital. If only he could have seen the two beautiful bunches of violets you sent! The funeral took place yesterday at 10-30. It was an impressive sight but a very sad one, too.'

"My daughter laid a little offering of white flowers on the grave, and then I photographed them in order to send copies to the families of the poor men, which I hope may prove little winged messengers of sympathy and goodwill."

W. WHITING.

II.--GERMANY.

"A British officer, of whom one can truly say that he had not been afraid to speak the truth about his treatment in Germany, and in the Cologne hospital, was carried to his last resting-place yesterday.

"It was Captain Wilfred Beckett Birt, of the East Surrey Regiment No. 31, who, on the occasion of the attack in September, 1915, had his thigh shattered and was taken prisoner. Since January, 1916, he had been nursed in the fortress hospital, No. 6, situated in the Empress Augusta School. His chivalrous character and his conscientious impartiality made him respected and popular with his French and English fellow sufferers and the German Hospital Staff. Gratefully he acknowledged what the surgical art of assistant-surgeon Dr. Meyer had done to lessen his sufferings, and the loving care the German nurses, male and female, had bestowed on him and his comrades.

"The great affection in which he was held by friend and foe alike showed itself in the mourning over his death, which took place a few days ago. His wound, a short time before, had shown improvement, but the heart was no longer equal to the terrible strain. Those of his comrades who were not confined to bed rallied round his coffin yesterday, which had been put upon a bier in the hospital garden surrounded by flowers and palms.

"The principal mourners were his countrymen, who were seated on benches at the foot of the coffin; around it were the French and Belgians, the German doctors and hospital staff. Large lighted candles stood at the head of the coffin, which was covered with wreaths decorated with the English, French, Belgian, and German colours.

"Garrison Pastor Hartmann, in a moving speech, which went straight to the heart of the hearers, spoke about the deceased as a chivalrous fighter for his native land, as a good Christian and a truly noble character. It was touching to hear the parting hymn sung by the sonorous voices of the British wounded, accompanied solemnly on the harmonium by a British performer. All escorted the coffin to the gates. Once outside, it was reverently lifted on to the funeral car, which German gunners escorted to the cemetery. Four British and one French officer, as well as the German doctors who could be spared, followed in motor cars.

"At the gates of the cemetery, Lieutenant-General Schach, Colonel Lindemann, as representative of the Governor of the fortress, Major Esser, Dr. Lamberts, the chief medical officer of the garrison, deputations of the Officers' and Medical Corps, the Band of the Reserve Battalion Pioneer Regiment No. 25, awaited the cortège.

"Pastor Hartmann spoke again, and, in words which made a deep impression on all, closed with prayer and benediction. Dr. Rademacher, the Catholic priest of the garrison, then made a funeral oration in English, affecting all who heard it.

"In the name of the hospital staff, Dr. Meyer expressed his heartfelt sorrow to the British officers present, the band played the hymn, 'How gently they rest, those who are with the Lord,' and, profoundly touched, Englishmen and Frenchmen shook hands with the clergy and the German officers.

"Three handfuls of earth on to the coffin of one who had found eternal rest, and the mourners dispersed." _Kölnische Zeitung._

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 37: Now at 27, Chancery Lane, W.C.2.]

[Footnote 38: Unoccupied, that is, by the Germans.]

[Footnote 39: Such a regulation is a hardship. It may, however,
prove unavoidable, as in some camps here. Friends of prisoners
are not always wise.]

V.

WHAT THE GERMAN MAY BE.

A WITNESS FROM SERBIA.

The following letter may not inappropriately open this section. Dr. Ella Scarlett-Synge is the daughter of the third Baron Abinger. She has a long medical experience, and served by Government appointment with Mrs. Fawcett on the Concentration Camps Commission in the Boer War. Dr. Scarlett-Synge was present in Serbia during the Austro-German invasion, she was in Germany afterwards and visited various prisoners' camps. On her return she wrote the brief letter which follows. Of her _bona fides_ there was no doubt, and she had introductions to various editors. Yet only one daily paper (_The Manchester Guardian_) would publish her letter. This is a small illustration of the methods of war-time. Belligerent nations manage to convince themselves that by suppression of disconcerting evidence one arrives at truth. It is easy to understand, for all of us who are frank with ourselves know the difficulty of complete fairness even in ordinary controversy. But the consequences of arguing for mere victory are in war sometimes as grave and sad as the consequences of fighting for mere victory. Dr. Synge tells us simply what she saw:

Having just returned from Serbia, via Berlin, I have one great
wish, the desire to bring home to my own country the things that
I have seen with my own eyes, and the truths that I have
personally realised.

After the South African War, I was a doctor in Canada for ten
years and when, during the second year of this war, the call
came from Serbia for doctors, I was one of those responding,
and was stationed by the Serbian Government as Medical Officer
of Health for Batochina and district, where I was in residence
at the time of the German invasion in October, and was with my
wounded men when the German army entered northern Serbia, and
saw the whole campaign.

Contrary to all my expectations, the conduct of the German army
was excellent in every respect. The men entered no occupied
house without the permission of the owner, they took nothing
without payment or a requisition paper. Never did I ask a German
soldier in vain for half of his bread for a wounded Serbian
soldier. Generally it was all given to me and I cut the portion
and returned half.

After I had been for some weeks with the German Red Cross
doctors and began to realise how wrong an impression all in
England had concerning our enemies, I decided to ask permission
to go to Germany and see for myself whether equally wrong ideas
existed concerning the treatment of British prisoners in the
detention camps. This permission was accorded me, and I went to
Berlin where I waited a fortnight while the War Office decided
upon the matter. I was then given a long list of camps to choose
from and permitted to go with an officer to inspect and report
upon the same.

In this short letter I can only say that I was justified in my
belief that all was well with our men, and, as a fine Canadian
sergeant at Giessen said to me (whose regiment I had seen march
out of Vancouver a year ago), "If a man behaves himself, he will
have nothing to complain of."

Now, to my sorrow, I am forced to confess that the nations do
not yet incline towards peace, and to my regret I have to state
that Germany's resources at the present drain will last another
four or five years. Also there is no lack of food, and one may
also say of luxuries in the land. The people are united to fight
as long as England wishes to continue in the useless struggle in
which neither can win, for while we hold the sea, they are
equally powerful on land. I can see that this is going to be a
drawn war, but neither nation has yet had enough.

The object of this letter is not to encourage a premature peace
which would be ultimately worse than war, but to plead for a
fairer treatment for our foe. Let the truth, and the truth only,
be known. "Let us fight if we must fight--but not with lies."

No one, in time of peace, respects the British Press more than I
do. It is the greatest power in the land. And, let me to-day
appeal to that mighty influence for weal or for woe, according
to whether it decides wisely or not, to play the game fairly and
let the same spirit prevail that we have in our great public
schools: "win if you can--but only by fair play."--I beg to
remain, Yours faithfully, ELLA SCARLETT-SYNGE, M.D., D.P.H.

Hyde Park Hotel, Knightsbridge.

Dr. Scarlett-Synge was, at the outset, intensely anti-German. Her personal experience of Germans (both military and civilian) in war-time has profoundly modified her views. Dr. Scarlett-Synge went out from Canada to take over a position as Medical Officer of Health in the north of Serbia. She had twelve villages under her care, and found the absolute lack of sanitation or sanitary knowledge in that country very trying. At the time of the invasion, Dr. Synge was strongly urged to leave, but decided to stop with her wounded men. Strangely enough the only soldiers from whom she had to flee were the Serbians. The Serbian Army in its retreat through Batochina was absolutely drunk, officers as well as men, and while the soldiers were forcing the doors of the priest's house, where Dr. Synge resided, she fled with the priest's wife (at the latter's terror-struck entreaty) through a back window. The house was rifled by the soldiers, and next day the German patrol arrived. Dr. Synge was asked by the sergeant to assure the people of Batochina that if there was no shooting, they would be perfectly safe. She was urged to collect any firearms, and the patrol then withdrew. The doctor, with the help of the people, collected 17 rifles. There was, however, one obstinate Serbian soldier who had apparently not been able to keep up with the retreat, who threatened to retain his rifle, and seemed quite capable of endangering the whole population. "Your thumb needs attention, does it not?" asked the doctor. "Just let me look at it?" The man opened his hand and she snatched his rifle away. A joyful crowd accompanied her with the rifle to the dispensary, where it was locked up.

Had there been firing by the populace, there would undoubtedly have been reprisals. Our own action in the Boer War, and the action of the military in _every_ invasion, illustrates this fundamental rule. As it was, there was absolutely no destruction and the soldiers were scrupulously honest. When the owners had fled, their houses and their cattle were certainly made use of, but whenever the owner was present the soldiers "were not allowed to touch a single thing." The exception proves the rule; Dr. Scarlett-Synge's hostess had her pig stolen, but a German soldier caught her an unowned pig of larger size. She was very pleased with the exchange!

"May we use your schoolhouse for our wounded?" said the German doctors, "it seems the best place." Dr. Scarlett-Synge was amazed. She had expected anything but this kind of politeness. Only _once_ in her three months' experience of the Germans was she treated rudely, and that was by an extremely anti-English doctor of the Deutsche Kriegshospital No. 58, Belgrade. This particular man corresponded to a certain type of anti-German here, and a private soldier present afterwards apologised for his rudeness.

The Serbians shelled Batochina, and so killed some of their own people. While the doctor was passing through the streets, some German soldiers beckoned her to take shelter in a café where they were. This she ultimately did. "I could not have had more consideration shown me," she averred. One little incident is singularly expressive. One of the Germans had bought a glass of brandy. Dr. Scarlett-Synge, with the picture of drunken soldiery very vivid in her remembrance, ventured to remonstrate. She pointed out to the man what the Serbians had become under the influence of drink. He said nothing, but presently he got up and threw the brandy out of the door. "There's not much good in that stuff, anyway," he said. It is not surprising that after such experiences the doctor was puzzled at the ordinary British view of the German army. "How do you account for these lies?" she asked a Bavarian soldier. "Ah, without lies there would be no war," he said.

In her travels in Germany Dr. Scarlett-Synge experienced uniform kindness, and brought away with her a deep conviction of the self-sacrificing patriotism of the German people. "Moreover," she said, "I was able to express my views to them, and they were always listened to with tolerance and courtesy."

I give Dr. Scarlett-Synge's experiences as she describes them. Of her own honesty and accuracy there can be no question. It may be said, with reason, that there is another side. Dr. Scarlett-Synge came across the better German and the better Germany. The important fact is that the better Germany exists, and that those who have been in Germany since the war began have found that better element conspicuous. This is much to say for a country at war.

In case Dr. Ella Scarlett-Synge's testimony is thought to need confirmation, I may add the following from a private letter:--"Dr. A.P. was interned in Serbia for some months with about thirty other doctors and nurses. She sent to me over twelve months since saying she would like to be of some use to German prisoners in this country, as a slight return for the consideration and kindness shown by Germans and Austrians whom she had to do with while in Serbia."

A WITNESS FROM FRANCE.

Madame F. L. Cyon was at Lille when it was taken by the Germans, and spent some time there nursing during the German occupation. Madame Cyon's general experiences are printed in an appendix at the end of this volume, but she has given me some further details which are worth recording. I think they will serve to bring out the universal facts of human nature. From her mother, Madame D---- she heard the particulars of her father's arrest. One of the officers who arrested M. D---- was ungentlemanly and rough, the others were polite. The house was searched. Later a second military search was made, the officers on that occasion being most polite, and apologising for the trouble they caused. As he was leaving, the chief officer said to Mme. D----, "We shall carry away with us the memory of your house as a house of peace and quietness, and of you as a very brave woman." After her husband's arrest, Madame D---- asked for permission to take meals to him, and this was accorded without any demur. One day later the officer just mentioned crossed the street to speak to her. "I want to bring you some good news," he said, "the release of your husband is only a matter of time."

M. D---- was at Maubeuge at the time of his arrest. When he and others were brought back to Maubeuge for trial they got drenched with rain on the way, and were put for that night in the old prison, which was dilapidated and without fire. M. D---- complained next day. The officer to whom he complained apologised and said their imprisonment under these conditions was entirely a mistake. During most of his imprisonment M. D---- lived on the food provided, which he described as good, but not plentiful. Two fellow prisoners complained, and were allowed to get food from outside. As narrated in the appendix, M. D---- was released when it was found that there was nothing against him. He had indeed been indiscreet in order to meet the wishes of another, but that was all. After his release he was engaged professionally in forwarding the repairs at Maubeuge, and was repeatedly in touch with the German authorities, with whom he found it quite possible to work.

For some time Madame D----'s house had guards posted outside. There was on one occasion an unpleasant incident with a drunken soldier who came and demanded wine. A sergeant who came along, however, promptly collared the man and turned him out.

It is fair to add that the long German occupation, with its many requisitions and high-handed interference, has embittered M. D. His wife, however, remains quite unembittered. In spite of all the demands, "She seemed to think that, apart from one or two exceptions, the Germans in occupation behaved very much as any army in such circumstances would have done. Indeed, she added that when the English arrived, some of them were so impertinent ... that people thought that they used to get on better with the Germans." I have quoted part of the last clause, as it seems fair to do so. For me it illustrates the general experience that the _present_ discomfort tends by its vividness to seem greater than past discomforts which were really equally great.

One other remark of Mme. D. should be quoted: "I have seen many of the Germans, their doctors for instance, look after the poor and the sick with utter devotion." I have, by request, omitted personal names, except that of Madame Cyon herself.

At the occupation of Lille the Germans at once set about extinguishing fires that had broken out. In order to prevent these spreading, it was necessary to blow up some houses, and the Germans posted bills telling the people not to be alarmed at the explosions. When Madame Cyon returned to England a newspaper-reporter interviewed her. She stipulated that she must see the manuscript before the interview was published, and as she found the tone of the manuscript was not hers, she refused to let it be printed. A later interview with someone else was published in the same newspaper, in which it was made to appear that the Germans had deliberately set fire to the town. This Madame Cyon asserts is directly contrary to the facts. A similar case of exaggeration Madame Cyon noticed while in the occupied districts. There were all kinds of dreadful stories as to what went on about the country, and she was told it would never do to leave Lille. When she did leave, and made her way to Holland, she found no confirmation of these stories. Travelling was uncomfortable and tedious, but there was no peril of any kind.

In the early days of the war there were Belgian refugees at Alexandra Palace. M. Cyon was a journalist, and took his notebook with him to put down interesting facts. He wished to confine himself to facts, however, which not all journalists do. He found the women full of stories about atrocities, but they were always terrible things that had happened to _someone else_. The student of war atrocities indeed finds this to be a very general feature of the stories told. It by no means follows that atrocities do not occur. Certainly they do, but the number undergoes extraordinary exaggeration in the excited minds of the people. M. Cyon, therefore, as a serious observer, asked for one person who could speak at first hand. One of the refugees, he was told, was a woman whose little boy had been branded on both cheeks by the Germans. He was directed to this woman. He asked for her experiences, but she had nothing startling to tell. "But," he asked, "was not your little boy very badly treated by the Germans?" "Little boy!" she exclaimed, in astonishment, "I have no little boy, I have no son at all."

Madame Cyon had various patients at Lille. Her 24 Germans, she told me, gave her no more trouble than any ordinary patients. She had, however, four French Moroccan soldiers to nurse, and she describes them as extremely savage. She was sometimes afraid of them, and of one especially.

Madame Cyon was often overworked, and patients are not always reasonable. One evening she brought her German patients some mutton stew, and one of the wounded men made a dissatisfied remark about it. Madame Cyon was feeling very tired and the remark hurt her. She remained outside in the corridor instead of coming to the men as usual during their meal. Presently one man who had acted as interpreter came out. "Madame, you are cross." "Yes, I am." "Why are you cross?" "The men have been well treated, I have done all I could, and now they grumble about nothing." The man was very sorry, he went back, and presently all who could walk came out and apologised. How strangely alike, after all, we human beings are! But our rulers could never lead us out in armies to kill each other unless they persuaded us somehow that we only were wonderfully fine chaps, and the others were brutes. Yet the appeal of kindness and devotion tells everywhere. So when the German science student, Albin Claus, mentioned in Madame Cyon's account (p. 262), found her much overworked, he said, "You go to sleep, and I will keep watch," and he helped in all ways to keep things right.

"I have since written to the same science student," writes Madame Cyon; "before leaving the hospital he asked my address and I his. He told me he would always be glad to help me in any way, as he knew that I had five brothers in the French army. At the time one of my brothers was missing. I wrote to this man, then promoted a Lieutenant, and I had two letters from him via Switzerland. The correspondence was concerning my brother, and Lieutenant V. R. Albin Claus did his best to help me, and spoke in his letters of his stay in hospital 105, thanking me for my care."

ANOTHER SORT OF WITNESS.

The soldier on both sides has been told all sorts of horrors about the enemy. Hatred is recognised as a great weapon of destruction. The contrast between what the soldier has seen and what he has heard is well illustrated by a story told by Mr. John Buchan in one of his lectures. A wounded Scot had said to him, of the Germans, "They're a bad, black lot, _but no the men opposite us_. They were a very respectable lot, and grand fechters."--_Times_, April 27, 1915.

WAR ZONE CHILDREN.

Under the heading "War Zone Children," the following paragraph appeared in the _Westminster Gazette_ of the 30th November, 1915:

The Society of Friends' Emergency Committee for Aliens has just received the following letter from Dr. Elisabeth Rotten, of Berlin (before the war lecturer at Newnham College, Cambridge), showing that the German committee for helping alien enemies in distress is not behind similar committees in this country in looking after the little ones belonging to enemy countries:

30/11/15.

Before I leave Switzerland, after a short visit, I should like
to write you a few lines.

I have been ten days in Belgium in order to get permission to
take Belgian and French children home to their parents, who had
left them in the occupied country before the outbreak of war and
were now living in France or in other foreign parts.

I was also to bring the first little group with me myself.
Others will be fetched during the next weeks by other ladies of
our committee. We spent the night in Frankfurt in the houses of
German ladies, who are already looking forward to their future
little guests. The whole expedition will belong to one of the
pleasantest peace remembrances of the war, and it was a
particular pleasure and benefit to me to see and to experience
personally in the work of my mission, in how many directions and
with what sincerely good and noble intentions the Governor
General endeavours to mitigate personal suffering, and
particularly how he cares for the children who are separated
from their parents.

I hope soon to write more. The children will now be taken to
their parents by Swiss ladies, and I am on the point of starting
for Frankfurt, where there are many important points to discuss
with the Committee for Advice and Aid in connection with our
common work.

The last-named committee is a local Frankfort Emergency Committee for Aliens.

A SOLDIER AND THE CHILDREN.

Here is a German N.C.O. writing in _Vorwärts_ of some experiences in the Russian occupied territory:

He describes the poverty of the people, the lack of even such necessaries of life as salt, boots, etc.; how little children are running about in the snow with bare feet, and often with no other garment on them than a shirt. He adds:

On the whole, however, the children give me great joy, though
also not a little annoyance owing to their importunity.
Fortunately, during my activity in connection with the school
children's gymnastic society at ---- I have gained so much
patience that I never permit myself to lose my temper. While I
am writing this already ten or twelve children have invaded my
room asking for bread. Everyone of them got something. I am now
almost reduced to beggary myself, and whatever I can get hold of
is given to the children, so that they may enjoy themselves. I
got from a friend a few packets of ginger cakes. I gave them all
away, and I do not even know how they tasted.