Chapter I: Part 1

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Transcriber’s Note:

This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects. Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. Supercripted characters are prefixed with ‘^’.

The notes were printed as endnotes organized by chapters.

Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation.

THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER
BY COUNT BALDESAR
CASTIGLIONE

BALDESAR CASTIGLIONE
COUNT OF NOVILLARA
1478-1529
]

Reduced from Braun’s photograph (no. 11.505) of the portrait in the
Louvre, painted in 1516 by Raphael (1483-1520). The original
belonged to Charles I of England, after whose death it was bought by
a Dutch collector and copied by Rubens. Later it became the property
of Cardinal Mazarin, from whose heirs it was acquired for Louis XIV
of France.

The medallion on the title-page is from a photograph, specially made by
Mansell, of a cast, kindly furnished by T. Whitcombe Greene, Esq.,
of an anonymous medal in his collection at Chandler’s Ford,
Hampshire. See the late Alfred Armand’s _Les Médailleurs Italiens_,
ii, 100, no. 10.

THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER
BY COUNT BALDESAR
CASTIGLIONE

(1528)

TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN AND ANNOTATED
BY LEONARD ECKSTEIN OPDYCKE

WITH SEVENTY-ONE PORTRAITS AND FIFTEEN AUTOGRAPHS
REPRODUCED BY EDWARD BIERSTADT

LONDON
DUCKWORTH & CO.

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1902

Copyright 1901, by
LEONARD ECKSTEIN OPDYCKE

THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER was written, partly at Urbino and partly at
Rome, between the years 1508 and 1516, and was first printed at the
Aldine Press, Venice, in the month of April, 1528.

There have since been published more than one hundred and forty
editions, a list of which will be found at page 417 of this volume.
The first Spanish version, by JUAN BOSCAN ALMOGAVER, was issued at
Barcelona in 1534; the first French version, by JACQUES COLIN, was
issued at Paris in 1537; the first English version, by THOMAS HOBY,
was issued at London in 1561; the first Latin version, by HIERONYMUS
TURLER, was issued at Wittenberg in 1561; the first German version,
by LORENZ KRATZER, was issued at Munich in 1566.

The present edition consists of five hundred numbered copies, of
which this is No.

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE

The popularity long enjoyed by this old book, the place that it holds in Italian literature, and the fact that it is almost inaccessible to English readers, seem to furnish sufficient reason for a new translation.

The art of the Italian Renaissance delights us by its delicate and gentle beauty, and yet we know that life during this period was often gross and violent. To understand this, we must remember that art is more the expression of the ideal than of the actual, and that men’s ideals are loftier than their practice. Castiglione gives utterance to the finest aspirations of his time. His pages will lack interest only when mankind ceases to be interesting to man, and will reward study so long as the past shall continue to instruct the present and the future.

The few deviations that the present translator has ventured to make from the letter of the Italian text are merely verbal, and were deemed needful to render its meaning clear. The notes that he offers are intended to explain obscure passages and to relieve the reader from the tedium of searching in books of reference. Perhaps no one will regard it as inopportune to be reminded of what all may have known but few are able to remember with precision. Students who may wish to learn from what Greek and Latin sources Castiglione derived material are referred to Professor Vittorio Cian’s admirable edition.

The translator desires to express his thanks for the friendly encouragement that he has received from Miss Grace Norton, at whose suggestion his task was undertaken. He is indebted to Dr. Luigi Roversi and Signor Leopoldo Jung for their patient aid, and to Signor Alessandro Luzio and many other scholars, in Italy and elsewhere, for the kindness with which they have helped him to gather portraits and bibliographical data. He gratefully acknowledges, also, his frequent use of Professor Cian’s erudite labours, of John Addington Symonds’s RENAISSANCE IN ITALY, and of James Dennistoun’s MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO.

CONTENTS

(The Arabic numerals given below refer to the numbered paragraphs
into which it has long been customary to divide the work)

Page LIST OF PLATES xi INTERLOCUTORS xiv THE AUTHOR’S DEDICATORY LETTER 1 Reasons for writing the book, and for at first delaying and afterwards hastening its publication. Lament at the recent death of several persons mentioned in the book. Answer to three objections: that the book was not written in the language of Boccaccio; that, as it is impossible to find a perfect Courtier, it was superfluous to describe one; and that the author presumed to paint his own portrait. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE COURTIER 7 1: The book written at the instance of Alfonso Ariosto and in dialogue form, in order to record certain discussions held at the court of Urbino. 2-3: Description and praise of Urbino and its lords; Duke Federico and his son Guidobaldo. 4-5: The Urbino court and the persons taking part in the discussions. 6: Circumstances that led to the discussions; visit of Pope Julius II. 7-11: Various games proposed. 12: Game finally chosen: to describe a perfect Courtier. 13-6: Canossa begins the discussion by enumerating some of the conditions essential to the Courtier,—especially gentle birth. 17-8: Arms the true profession of the Courtier, who must, however, avoid arrogance and boasting. 19-22: Physical qualities and martial exercises. 23: Short bantering digression. 24-6: Grace. 27-8: Affectation. 29-39: Literary and conversational style. 40: Women’s affectations. 41: Moral qualities. 42-6: Literary accomplishments; arms vs. letters. 47-8: Music. 49: Painting. 50-3: Painting vs. sculpture. 54-6: Arrival of the youthful Francesco Maria della Rovere; the evening’s entertainment ends with dancing. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE COURTIER 75 1-4: Reasons why the aged are wont to laud the past and to decry the present; defence of the present against such aspersions; praise of the court of Urbino. 5-6 Federico Fregoso begins the discussion on the way and time of employing the qualities and accomplishments described by Canossa: utility of such discussion. 7-8: General rules: to avoid affectation, to speak and act discreetly and opportunely, to aim at honour and praise in martial exercises, war, and public contests, 9-10: Other physical exercises. 11: Dancing and masquerading. 12-3: Music of various kinds, when to be practised. 14: Aged Courtiers not to engage publicly in music and dancing. 15-6: Duty of aged and youthful Courtiers to moderate the faults peculiar to their years. 17-25: Conversation, especially with superiors; how to win favours worthily. 26-8: Dress and ornament; lamentable lack of fashions peculiarly Italian. 29-30: Choice and treatment of friends. 31: Games of cards and chess. 32-5: Influence of preconceived opinions and first impressions; advantage of being preceded by good reputation. 36: Danger of going beyond bounds in the effort to be amusing. 37: French and Spanish manners. 38: Tact, modesty, kindness, readiness; taking advantage of opportunities; confession of ignorance. 39-41: Self-depreciation, deceit, moderation. 42-83: Pleasantries and witticisms expounded by Bibbiena. 84-97: Practical jokes; to be used discreetly, particularly where women are concerned; use of trickery and artifice in love; dignity and nobility of women. 98-100: Giuliano de’Medici chosen to describe the perfect Court Lady. THE THIRD BOOK OF THE COURTIER 171 1: Excellence of the court of Urbino to be estimated in much the same way in which Pythagoras calculated the stature of Hercules. 2-3: Bantering preliminaries to the discussion on the Court Lady. 4: Qualities common to the Courtier and to the Court Lady. 5-6: The Court Lady to be affable, modest and decorous; to follow a middle course between prudishness and over-freedom; to avoid scandal-mongering; her conversation to have variety. 7-9: Physical and mental exercises of the Court Lady; her dress. 10-8: Women’s importance; certain aspersions refuted. 19-20: Examples of saintly women contrasted with hypocritical friars. 21-7: Examples of women famous for virtue, manly courage, constancy in love, pudicity. 28-33: Examples of women who in ancient times did good service to the world in letters, in the sciences, in public life, in war. 34-6: More recent examples of women noted for their virtue. 37-49: Chastity and continence. 50: Dangers to which womanly virtue is exposed. 51-2: Further praise of women. 53-5: The Court Lady’s demeanour in love talk. 56-9: Her conduct in love. 60-73: The way to win and keep a woman’s love; its effects and signs; secrecy in love. 74-5: Pallavicino’s aspersions against women. 76-7: Ottaviano Fregoso is deputed to expound the other qualities that add to the Courtier’s perfections.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE COURTIER 243 1-2: Eulogy of several other interlocutors whose death had recently occurred. 3-6: Ottaviano Fregoso resumes the interrupted discussion, considers the Courtier’s relations with his prince, and urges the duty of employing his qualities and accomplishments so that his prince may be led to seek good and shun evil. 7-10: Princes’ need to know the truth, their difficulty in finding it, and the Courtier’s duty to encourage them in the path of virtue. 11-2: Virtue not wholly innate, but susceptible of cultivation. 13-6: Ignorance the source of nearly all human errour. 17-8: Temperance the perfect virtue, because it is the fountain of virtues. 19-24: Monarchy vs. commonwealth. 25-6: Whether a contemplative or an active life is more befitting a prince. 27-8: Peace the aim of war; the virtues befitting each. 29: Right training of princes to begin in habit and to be confirmed by reason. 30: Humourous digression. 31: _Governo misto_. 32-5: Attributes of a good prince: justice, devoutness, love of his subjects, and mild sway. 36-9: Grand public works; the Crusades; eulogy of several young princes. 40: Princes must avoid certain extremes. 41: Princes must attend to details personally. 42: Eulogy of the youthful Federico Gonzaga. 43-8: Arguments supporting the theory that the Courtier’s highest aim is the instruction of his prince. 49-52: Whether the Courtier ought to be in love; Bembo appointed to discourse on love and beauty. 53-4: Evils and perils of sensual love. 55-6: Digression concerning the love of old men. 57-60: True beauty, the reflection of goodness. 61-4: In what manner the unyouthful Courtier ought to love; rational love contrasted with sensual love. 65-7: Contemplation of abstract beauty. 68-9: Contemplation of divine beauty. 70-1: Bembo’s invocation to the Holy Spirit. 72: Instances in which a vision of divine beauty has been granted to mortals. 73: Termination of the discussion at dawn. PRELIMINARY NOTES,—Life of the Author, etc. 313 NOTES TO THE DEDICATORY LETTER 317 NOTES TO THE FIRST BOOK OF THE COURTIER 325 NOTES TO THE SECOND BOOK OF THE COURTIER 355 NOTES TO THE THIRD BOOK OF THE COURTIER 387 NOTES TO THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE COURTIER 407 LIST OF EDITIONS OF THE BOOK OF THE COURTIER 417

INDEX 423

LIST OF PLATES

1 BALDESAR CASTIGLIONE, Count of Novillara; Raphael; Frontispiece

2 BALDESAR CASTIGLIONE; anonymous medal; Title-page

Facing page

3 FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, Duke of Urbino; 1
Titian;

4 GUIDOBALDO DI MONTEFELTRO, Duke of Urbino; 9
Giovanni Santi (?);

5 EMILIA PIA; medal by Giancristoforo Romano (?); 11

6 ELISABETTA GONZAGA, Duchess of Urbino; Mantegna 12
(?);

7 BERNARDO ACCOLTI, the “Unico Aretino;” Vasari; 16

8 COUNT LUDOVICO DA CANOSSA; anonymous; 20

9 CARDINAL IPPOLITO D’ESTE; anonymous medal; 22

10 GALEAZZO SANSEVERINO; anonymous; 34

11 ANGELO AMBROGINI, “Poliziano;” Ghirlandajo; 51

12 MONSEIGNEUR D’ANGOULÊME, Francis I of France; 57
anonymous medal;

13 MICHELANGELO BUONARROTI; Daniele da Volterra (?); 67

14 BORSO D’ESTE, Duke of Ferrara; Francesco Cossa; 77

15 AUTOGRAPHS; 89

16 AUTOGRAPHS; 96

17 GIACOPO SANNAZARO; Vasari; 113

18 LEONARDO DA VINCI; autograph drawing; 117

19 BERNARDO DOVIZI DA BIBBIENA; Raphael (?); 123

20 POPE ALEXANDER VI; Pinturicchio; 126

21 ERCOLE D’ESTE, Duke of Ferrara; anonymous relief; 129

22 GALEOTTO MARZI DA NARNI; anonymous medal; 136

23 TOMMASO INGHIRAMI, “Fedra;” Raphael (?); 138

24 PRINCE DJEM; Pinturicchio; 141

25 AGOSTINO BEVAZZANO; Raphael; 144

26 OTTAVIANO UBALDINI; Melozzo da Forli; 147

27 RAPHAEL; Sebastiano del Piombo; 149

28 FRANCESCO ALIDOSI, Cardinal of Pavia; anonymous 151
relief;

29 POPE LEO X; Raphael; 152

30 AUTOGRAPHS; 169

31 GIULIANO DE’ MEDICI, “My lord Magnifico;” 175
Alessandro Allori;

32 ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC; Miguel Zittoz (?); 203

33 ISABELLA D’ESTE, Marchioness of Mantua; Titian; 204

34 LUDOVICO GONZAGA, Bishop of Mantua; Mantegna; 215

35 FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC; Miguel Zittoz (?); 219

36 ELEANORA GONZAGA, Duchess of Urbino; Titian; 244

37 POPE JULIUS II; Raphael; 274

38 PRINCE HENRY OF WALES, Henry VIII; anonymous; 276

39 FEDERICO GONZAGA, Marquess and Duke of Mantua; 279
anonymous medal;

40 CARDINAL PIETRO BEMBO; medal by Benvenuto Cellini 288
(?);

41 BALDESAR CASTIGLIONE, Count of Novillara; 313
anonymous;

42 CASTIGLIONE’S TOMB, near Mantua; Giulio Romano; 314

43 VITTORIA COLONNA, Marchioness of Pescara; 320
anonymous medal;

44 FEDERICO GONZAGA, Marquess of Mantua; Mantegna; 322

45 FEDERICO DI MONTEFELTRO, Duke of Urbino; Mino da 325
Fiesole (?);

46 ALFONSO II OF NAPLES; medal by Guazzalotti; 327

47 FERDINAND II OF NAPLES; anonymous bronze bust; 328

48 GIACOMO SADOLETO; Vasari; 331

49 LOUIS XII OF FRANCE; anonymous pen-drawing; 332

50 MATTHIAS CORVINUS OF HUNGARY; anonymous medal; 336

51 ANDREA MANTEGNA; anonymous bronze relief; 341

52 LORENZO DE’ MEDICI, “the Magnificent;” medal by 345
Pollaiuolo;

53 BEATRICE D’ESTE, Duchess of Milan; Piero della 352
Francesca (?);

54 FILIPPO MARIA VISCONTI, Duke of Milan; Pisanello; 355

55 NICCOLÒ PICCININO; Pisanello; 356

56 MAXIMILIAN I OF GERMANY; Ambrogio da Predis; 359

57 CHARLES VIII OF FRANCE; anonymous bust; 360

58 POPE NICHOLAS V; medal by Guazzalotti; 362

59 GIROLAMO DONATO; anonymous relief; 365

60 GIOVANNI CALFURNIO; anonymous relief; 366

61 CONSALVO DE CORDOBA, “the Great Captain;” medal by 368
Annibal;

62 COSIMO DE’ MEDICI, “Pater Patriæ;” medal by 370
Niccolò Fiorentino;

63 BAJAZET II OF TURKEY; anonymous print; 372

64 ALFONSO I OF NAPLES; Pisanello; 375

65 CESARE BORGIA, Duke of Valentinois; Beccaruzzi 377
(?);

66 LUDOVICO SFORZA, Duke of Milan; Cristoforo Solari; 381

67 ANNE OF BRITTANY; medal by Jean Perreal; 393

68 MARGARITA OF AUSTRIA; anonymous; 395

69 BEATRICE OF ARAGON, Queen of Hungary; anonymous 397
bust;

70 ISABELLA OF ARAGON, Duchess of Milan; medal by 398
Giancristoforo Romano;

71 FEDERICO III OF NAPLES; anonymous medal; 400

72 ELEANORA OF ARAGON, Duchess of Ferrara; anonymous 402
relief;

73 GIANFRANCESCO GONZAGA, Marquess of Mantua; 409
Francesco Bonsignori (?);

74 HENRY VII OF ENGLAND; anonymous; 412

75 DON CARLOS, Prince of Spain; Bernhard Strigel (?); 414

76 REVERSE OF MEDAL ON TITLE-PAGE; End piece

INTERLOCUTORS

ELISABETTA GONZAGA, wife of Guidobaldo di Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino. Aged 46. EMILIA PIA, friend and companion of the Duchess, and widow of the Duke’s half-brother. Aged about 30. MARGARITA GONZAGA, young niece and companion of the Duchess. COSTANZA FREGOSA, young half-niece of the Duke. FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, nephew and adopted heir of the Duke. Aged 17. Count LUDOVICO DA CANOSSA, a kinsman of the author, afterwards made Bishop of Bayeux. aged 31. FEDERICO FREGOSO, half-nephew of the Duke, afterwards made a cardinal. Aged 27. GIULIANO DE’ MEDICI, an exile from Florence, known at Urbino as “My lord Magnifico,” and afterwards made Duke of Nemours. Aged 29. BERNARDO DOVIZI, better known as BIBBIENA, an adherent of the Medici, afterwards made a cardinal. Aged 37. OTTAVIANO FREGOSO, elder brother of Costanza and Federico, afterwards Doge of Genoa. PIETRO BEMBO, a Venetian scholar and poet, afterwards made a cardinal. Aged 37. CESARE GONZAGA, a kinsman of the Duchess, and cousin as well as close friend of the author. Aged about 32. BERNARDO ACCOLTI, better known as the UNICO ARETINO, a courtier-poet and popular extemporizer. Aged about 42. Count GASPAR PALLAVICINO. Aged 21. GIANCRISTOFORO ROMANO, a sculptor, medallist, etc. Aged about 42. COLLO VINCENZO CALMETA, a courtier-poet. LUDOVICO PIO, a brave young soldier, and kinsman of Emilia Pia. SIGISMONDO MORELLO DA ORTONA, an elderly courtier. Fra SERAFINO, a jester.

Time: March 1507.

Place: The Palace of Urbino.

FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE.
DUKE OF URBINO
1490-1538
]

Reduced from Braun’s photograph (no. 40.605) of the portrait, in the
Uffizi Gallery at Florence, by Titian (1477-1576).

TO THE REVEREND AND ILLUSTRIOUS
LORD DOM MIGUEL DE SILVA,[1]
BISHOP OF VISEU

1.—When my lord Guidobaldo di Montefeltro,[2] Duke of Urbino, passed from this life, I, together with several other cavaliers who had served him, remained in the service of Duke Francesco Maria della Rovere,[3] his heir and successor in the State. And as the recollection of Duke Guido’s character was fresh in my mind, and the delight I had during those years in the kind companionship of the notable persons who at that time frequented the Court of Urbino, I was moved by their memory to write these books of the Courtier, which I did in a few days,[4] purposing in time to correct those errours that arose from the wish to pay this debt speedily. But for many years past fortune has burdened me with toil so constant that I never could find leisure to make the book such as would content even my poor judgment.

Now being in Spain,[5] and learning from Italy that my lady Vittoria della Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara,[6] to whom I gave a copy of the book, had against her word caused a large part of it to be transcribed, I could not but feel some annoyance, fearing the many inconveniences that may befall in such cases. Still, I relied upon the wit and good sense of this lady (whose character I have always held in veneration as a thing divine) to prevent any mischief coming to me from having obeyed her wishes. Finally I was informed that this part of the book was in the hands of many people at Naples; and as men are always eager for anything new, it seemed likely that someone might try to have it printed.[7] Alarmed at this peril, then, I resolved to revise the book at once so far as I had time, with intent to publish it; for I thought better to let it be seen imperfectly corrected by my own hand than grievously mutilated by the hand of others.

And so, to carry out this plan, I began to read the book again; and touched at the very outset by the title, I was saddened not a little, and far more so as I went on, by the thought that most of the personages introduced in the discussion were already dead; for besides those mentioned in the proem of the last Book, messer Alfonso Ariosto[8] (to whom the work is dedicated) is also dead, a gracious youth, considerate, of the highest breeding, and apt in everything proper to a man who lives at court. Likewise Duke Giuliano de’ Medici,[9] whose kindness and noble courtesy deserved to be enjoyed longer by the world. Messer Bernardo,[10] Cardinal of Santa Maria in Portico, who for his keen and playful readiness of wit was most delightful to all that knew him, he, too, is dead. Dead also is my lord Ottaviano Fregoso,[11] a man very rare in our times: magnanimous, devout, full of kindness, talent, good sense, and courtesy, a true lover of honour and merit, and so worthy of praise that his very enemies were ever forced to praise him; and the misadventures that he bore so bravely were enough to prove that fortune is still, as always, adverse to merit. And of those mentioned in my book many more besides are dead, to whom nature seemed to promise very long life.

But what should not be told without tears is that my lady Duchess,[12] too, is dead. And if my heart mourns the loss of so many friends and patrons, who have left me in this life as in a solitude full of sorrows, it is meet that I grieve more bitterly for the death of my lady Duchess than of all the others; for she was more precious than they, and I more bound to her than to all the others. Not to delay, then, the tribute that I owe the memory of so excellent a Lady and of the others who are no more, and moved also by the danger to my book, I have had it printed and published in such state as the shortness of time permitted.

And since you had no knowledge in their lifetime either of my lady Duchess or of the others who are dead (except Duke Giuliano and the Cardinal of Santa Maria in Portico), in order to give you that knowledge after their death as far as I can, I send you this book as a picture of the Court of Urbino, not by the hand of Raphael[98] or Michelangelo,[99] but of a humble painter, who knows only how to trace the chief lines, and cannot adorn truth with bright colouring, or by perspective art make that which is not seem to be. And although I tried to show forth in their discourse the qualities and character of my personages, I own I failed to express or even to suggest the excellences of my lady Duchess, not only because my style is inadequate to describe them, but because my intelligence fails even to conceive of them;[13] and if I be censured for this or any other matter worthy of censure (for I well know that my book contains many such), I shall not gainsay the truth.

2.—But as men sometimes so delight in finding fault that they reprehend even that which does not merit reprehension, to such as blame me because I did not imitate Boccaccio[14] or conform to the usages of present Tuscan speech, I shall not refrain from saying that while, for his time, Boccaccio had a charming faculty and often wrote with care and diligence, yet he wrote far better when he followed only the guidance of his natural wit and instinct, without further thought or care to polish his writings, than when he strove industriously and laboriously to be more refined and correct. For this reason even his followers declare that he greatly erred in judgment concerning his own works, holding cheap what did him honour[15] and prizing what was worthless. Therefore, if I had imitated that manner of writing which in Boccaccio is censured by those who elsewise praise him, I should not have been able to escape those same aspersions that were cast on him in this regard; and I should have more deserved them, because he committed his faults thinking he was doing well, while I should have known I was doing ill. Again, if I had imitated the style now admired by many but less esteemed by him, it seemed to me that by such imitation I should show myself at variance with him whom I was imitating, a thing I deemed unseemly. And again, if this consideration had not moved me, I was not able to imitate him in my subject-matter, for he never wrote anything at all in the manner of these books of the Courtier; and I thought I ought not to imitate him in language, because the power and true law of good speech consist rather in usage than in aught else, and it is always a bad habit to employ words not in use. Therefore it was not meet for me to borrow many of Boccaccio’s words that were used in his day, but are not now used even by the Tuscans themselves.

Nor was I willing to limit myself to the Tuscan usage of to-day, because intercourse between different nations has always had the effect to transport, as it were like merchandise, new forms of speech from one to the other; and these endure or fail according as custom accepts or rejects them. Besides being attested by the ancients, this is clearly seen in Boccaccio, who used so many French, Spanish, and Provençal words (some of them perhaps not very intelligible to modern Tuscans) that if they were all omitted his work would be far shorter.

And since, in my opinion, we ought not to despise the idiom of the other noble cities of Italy, whither men resort who are wise, witty, and eloquent, wont to discourse on weighty matters of statecraft, letters, war, and commerce, I think that, of the words used in the speech of these places, I could fitly use in writing such as are graceful in themselves, elegant to pronounce, and commonly deemed good and expressive, although they might not be Tuscan or even of Italian origin. Moreover, in Tuscany, many words are used which are plainly corruptions of the Latin, but which in Lombardy and other parts of Italy have remained pure and unchanged, and are so generally employed by everyone that they are accepted by the gentle and easily understood by the vulgar. Hence I think I did not err if in writing I used some of these words, or preferred what is whole and true speech of my own country rather than what is corrupt and mutilated from abroad.

Neither do I regard as sound the maxim laid down by many, that our common speech is the more beautiful the less it is like Latin; nor do I understand why one fashion of speech should be accorded so much greater authority than another, that, if the Tuscan tongue can ennoble debased and mutilated Latin words and lend them such grace that, mutilated as they are, they may be used by anyone without reproach (which is not denied), the Lombard or any other tongue may not support these same Latin words, pure, whole, precise, and quite unchanged, so that they be tolerable. And truly, just as to undertake, in spite of usage, to coin new words or to preserve old ones may be called bold presumption, so also, besides being difficult, it seems almost impious to undertake, against the force of that same usage, to suppress and bury alive, as it were, words that have already endured for many centuries, protected by the shield of custom against the envy of time, and have maintained their dignity and splendour through the changes in language, in buildings, in habits and in customs, wrought by the wars and disasters of Italy.

Hence if in writing I have chosen not to use those words of Boccaccio that are no longer used in Tuscany, nor to conform to the rule of those who deem it not permissible to use any words that the Tuscans of to-day do not use, I seem to myself excusable. And I think that both in the matter and in the language of my book (so far as one language can aid another), I have followed authors as worthy of praise as is Boccaccio. Nor do I believe that it ought to be counted against me as a fault that I have elected to make myself known rather as a Lombard speaking Lombard, than as a non-Tuscan speaking Tuscan too precisely, in order that I might not resemble Theophrastus, who was detected as non-Athenian by a simple old woman, because he spoke the Athenian dialect with excess of care.[16]

But as this subject is sufficiently treated of in my first Book,[17] I shall say no more, except that, to prevent all possible discussion, I grant my critics that I do not know this Tuscan dialect of theirs, which is so difficult and recondite. And I declare that I have written in my own dialect, just as I speak and for those who speak as I do; and in this I think I have wronged no man, because it seems to me that no one is forbidden to write and speak in his own language; nor is anyone bound to read or listen to what does not please him. Therefore if these folk do not care to read my Courtier, I shall not hold myself in the least wronged by them.

3.—Others say that since it is so very hard and well nigh impossible to find a man as perfect as I wish the Courtier to be, it was superfluous to write of him, because it is folly to teach what cannot be learned. To these I make answer that I am content to have erred in company with Plato, Xenophon and Marcus Tullius, leaving on one side all discussion about the Intelligible World and Ideals; among which, just as are included (according to those authors) the ideal of the perfect State, of the perfect King and of the perfect Orator,[18] so also is the ideal of the perfect Courtier. And if in my style I have failed to approach the image of this ideal, it will be so much the easier for courtiers to approach in deeds the aim and goal that I have set them by my writing; and even if they fail to attain the perfection, such as it is, that I have tried to express, he that approaches nearest to it will be the most perfect; just as when many archers shoot at a target and none hit the very mark, surely he that comes nearest to it is better than the rest.

Still others say that I thought to paint my own portrait, as if I were convinced that I possessed all the qualities that I attribute to the Courtier.[19] To these I shall not indeed deny having essayed everything that I should wish the Courtier to know; and I think that a man, however learned, who did not know something of the matters treated of in the book, could not well have written of them; but I am not so lacking in self-discernment as to fancy that I know everything I have the wit to desire.

My defence then against these and perhaps many other accusations, I leave for the present to the verdict of public opinion; for while the many may not perfectly understand, yet oftener than not they scent by natural instinct the savour of good and bad, and without being able to explain why, they relish one thing and like it, and reject another and hate it. Therefore if my book wins general favour, I shall think it must be good and ought to live;[20] but if it fails to please, I shall think it must be bad and soon to be forgot. And if my censors be not satisfied with the common verdict of opinion, let them rest content with that of time, which in the end reveals the hidden defects of everything, and being father of truth and judge without passion, ever passes on men’s writings just sentence of life or death.

BALDESAR CASTIGLIONE.

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE COURTIER
BY COUNT BALDESAR CASTIGLIONE

TO MESSER ALFONSO ARIOSTO

1.—Within myself I have long doubted, dearest messer Alfonso, which of two things were the harder for me: to deny you what you have often begged of me so urgently, or to do it. For while it seemed to me very hard to deny anything (and especially a thing in the highest degree laudable) to one whom I love most dearly and by whom I feel myself to be most dearly loved, yet to set about an enterprise that I was not sure of being able to finish, seemed to me ill befitting a man who esteems just censure as it ought to be esteemed. At last, after much thought, I am resolved to try in this matter how much aid my assiduity may gain from that affection and intense desire to please, which in other things are so wont to stimulate the industry of man.

You ask me then to write what is to my thinking the form of Courtiership[21] most befitting a gentleman who lives at the court of princes, by which he may have the ability and knowledge perfectly to serve them in every reasonable thing, winning from them favour, and praise from other men; in short, what manner of man he ought to be who may deserve to be called a perfect Courtier without flaw. Wherefore, considering your request, I say that had it not seemed to me more blameworthy to be reputed somewhat unamiable by you than too conceited by everyone else, I should have avoided this task, for fear of being held over bold by all who know how hard a thing it is, from among such a variety of customs as are in use at the courts of Christendom, to choose the perfect form and as it were the flower of Courtiership. For custom often makes the same thing pleasing and displeasing to us; whence it sometimes follows that customs, habits, ceremonies and fashions that once were prized, become vulgar, and contrariwise the vulgar become prized. Thus it is clearly seen that use rather than reason has power to introduce new things among us, and to do away with the old; and he will often err who seeks to determine which are perfect. Therefore being conscious of this and many other difficulties in the subject set before me to write of, I am constrained to offer some apology, and to testify that this errour (if errour it may indeed be called) is common to us both, to the end that if I be blamed for it, the blame maybe shared by you also; for your offence in setting me a task beyond my powers should not be deemed less than mine in having accepted it.

So now let us make a beginning of our subject, and if possible let us form such a Courtier that any prince worthy to be served by him, although of but small estate,[22] might still be called a very great lord.

In these books we shall follow no fixed order or rule of distinct precepts, such as are usually employed in teaching anything whatever; but after the fashion of many ancient writers, we shall revive a pleasant memory and rehearse certain discussions that were held between men singularly competent in such matters; and although I had no part in them personally, being in England at the time they took place,[23] yet having received them soon after my return, from one who faithfully reported them to me, I will try to recall them as accurately as my memory will permit, so that you may know what was thought and believed on this subject by men who are worthy of highest praise, and to whose judgment implicit faith may be given in all things. Nor will it be amiss to tell the cause of these discussions, so that we may reach in orderly manner the end to which our discourse tends.

GUIDOBALDO DI MONTEFELTRO
DUKE OF URBINO
1472-1508
]

From Alinari’s photograph (no. 7351) of the portrait, in the Colonna
Gallery at Rome, variously attributed to Raphael’s father, Giovanni
Santi (1440?-1494), and (by Morelli) to Melozzo degli Ambrosi da
Forli (1438-1494). Schmarzow’s iconographical identification of this
portrait (formerly supposed to represent Raphael as a boy) is
confirmed by its close resemblance to the young duke’s features as
shown on coins issued in the early years of his reign.

2.—On the slopes of the Apennines towards the Adriatic sea, almost in the centre of Italy, there lies (as everyone knows) the little city of Urbino. Although amid mountains, and less pleasing ones than perhaps some others that we see in many places, it has yet enjoyed such favour of heaven that the country round about is very fertile and rich in crops; so that besides the wholesomeness of the air, there is great abundance of everything needful for human life. But among the greatest blessings that can be attributed to it, this I believe to be the chief, that for a long time it has ever been ruled by the best of lords;[24] although in the calamities of the universal wars of Italy, it was for a season deprived of them.[25] But without seeking further, we can give good proof of this by the glorious memory of Duke Federico,[26] who in his day was the light of Italy; nor is there lack of credible and abundant witnesses, who are still living, to his prudence, humanity, justice, liberality, unconquered courage,—and to his military discipline, which is conspicuously attested by his numerous victories, his capture of impregnable places, the sudden swiftness of his expeditions, the frequency with which he put to flight large and formidable armies by means of a very small force, and by his loss of no single battle whatever;[27] so that we may not unreasonably compare him to many famous men of old.

Among his other praiseworthy deeds, he built on the rugged site of Urbino a palace regarded by many as the most beautiful to be found in all Italy; and he so well furnished it with everything suitable that it seemed not a palace but a city in the form of a palace; and not merely with what is ordinarily used,—such as silver vases, hangings of richest cloth-of-gold and silk, and other similar things,—but for ornament he added countless antique statues in marble and bronze, pictures most choice, and musical instruments of every sort, nor would he admit anything there that was not very rare and excellent. Then at very great cost he collected a goodly number of most excellent and rare books in Greek, Latin and Hebrew, all of which he adorned with gold and with silver, esteeming this to be the chiefest excellence of his great palace.[28]

3.—Following then the course of nature, and already sixty-five years old,[29] he died gloriously, as he had lived; and he left as his successor a motherless little boy of ten years, his only son Guidobaldo. Heir to the State, he seemed to be heir also to all his father’s virtues, and soon his noble nature gave such promise as seemed not permissible to hope for from mortal man; so that men esteemed none among the notable deeds of Duke Federico to be greater than to have begotten such a son. But envious of so much virtue, fortune thwarted this glorious beginning with all her power; so that before Duke Guido reached the age of twenty years, he fell ill of the gout,[30] which grew upon him with grievous pain, and in a short space of time so crippled all his members that he could neither stand upon his feet nor move; and thus one of the fairest and most promising forms in the world was distorted and spoiled in tender youth.

And not content even with this, fortune was so contrary to him in all his purposes, that he could seldom carry into effect anything that he desired; and although he was very wise of counsel and unconquered in spirit, it seemed that what he undertook, both in war and in everything else whether small or great, always ended ill for him. And proof of this is found in his many and diverse calamities, which he ever bore with such strength of mind, that his spirit was never vanquished by fortune; nay, scorning her assaults with unbroken courage, he lived in illness as if in health and in adversity as if fortunate, with perfect dignity and universal esteem; so that although he was thus infirm of body, he fought with most honourable rank in the service of their Serene Highnesses the Kings of Naples, Alfonso[31] and Ferdinand the Younger;[32] later with Pope Alexander VI,[33] and with the Venetian and Florentine signories.

Upon the accession of Julius II[34] to the pontificate, he was made Captain of the Church; at which time, following his accustomed habit, above all else he took care to fill his household with very noble and valiant gentlemen, with whom he lived most familiarly, delighting in their intercourse: wherein the pleasure he gave to others was not less than that he received from others, he being well versed in both the [learned][35] languages, and uniting affability and pleasantness[36] to a knowledge of things without number. And besides this, the greatness of his spirit so set him on, that although he could not practise in person the exercises of chivalry, as he once had done, yet he took the utmost pleasure in witnessing them in others; and by his words, now correcting now praising every man according to desert, he clearly showed his judgment in those matters; wherefore, in jousts and tournaments, in riding, in the handling of every sort of weapon, as well as in pastimes, games, music,—in short, in all the exercises proper to noble cavaliers,—everyone strove so to show himself, as to merit being deemed worthy of such noble fellowship.

EMILIA PIA
Died 1528
]

Enlarged from a photograph, specially made by Mansell, of a cast, kindly
furnished by T. Whitcombe Greene, Esq., of a medal in his collection
at Chandler’s Ford, Hampshire, possibly the work of Giancristoforo
Romano (1465?-1512). See Armand’s _Les Médailleurs Italiens_, iii,
202.

4.—Thus all the hours of the day were assigned to honourable and pleasant exercises as well for the body as for the mind; but since my lord Duke was always wont by reason of his infirmity to retire to sleep very early after supper, everyone usually betook himself at that hour to the presence of my lady Duchess, Elisabetta Gonzaga; where also was ever to be found my lady Emilia Pia,[37] who was endowed with such lively wit and judgment that, as you know, it seemed as if she were the Mistress of us all, and as if everyone gained wisdom and worth from her. Here then, gentle discussions and innocent pleasantries were heard, and on the face of everyone a jocund gaiety was seen depicted, so that the house could truly be called the very abode of mirth: nor ever elsewhere, I think, was so relished, as once was here, how great sweetness may flow from dear and cherished companionship; for not to speak of the honour it was to each of us to serve such a lord as he of whom I have just spoken, there was born in the hearts of all a supreme contentment every time we came into the presence of my lady Duchess; and it seemed as if this were a chain that held us all linked in love, so that never was concord of will or cordial love between brothers greater than that which here was between us all.

The same was it among the ladies, with whom there was intercourse most free and honourable; for everyone was permitted to talk, sit, jest and laugh with whom he pleased; but such was the reverence paid to the wish of my lady Duchess, that this same liberty was a very great check;[38] nor was there anyone who did not esteem it the utmost pleasure he could have in the world, to please her, and the utmost pain to displease her. And thus, most decorous manners were here joined with greatest liberty, and games and laughter in her presence were seasoned not only with witty jests, but with gracious and sober dignity; for that modesty and loftiness which governed all the acts, words and gestures of my lady Duchess, bantering and laughing, were such that she would have been known for a lady of noblest rank by anyone who saw her even but once. And impressing herself thus upon those about her, she seemed to attune us all to her own quality and tone; accordingly every man strove to follow this pattern, taking as it were a rule of beautiful behaviour from the presence of so great and virtuous a lady; whose highest qualities I do not now purpose to recount, they not being my theme and being well known to all the world, and far more because I could not express them with either tongue or pen; and those that perhaps might have been somewhat hid, fortune, as if wondering at such rare virtue, chose to reveal through many adversities and stings of calamity, so as to give proof that in the tender breast of woman, in company with singular beauty, there may abide prudence and strength of soul, and all those virtues that even among stern men are very rare.[39]

5.—But leaving this aside, I say that the custom of all the gentlemen of the house was to betake themselves straightway after supper to my lady Duchess; where, among the other pleasant pastimes and music and dancing that continually were practised, sometimes neat questions were proposed, sometimes ingenious games were devised at the choice of one or another, in which under various disguises the company disclosed their thoughts figuratively to whom they liked best. Sometimes other discussions arose about different matters, or biting retorts passed lightly back and forth. Often “devices” (_imprese_), as we now call them, were displayed;[40] in discussing which there was wonderful diversion, the house being (as I have said) full of very noble talents; among whom (as you know) the most famous were my lord Ottaviano Fregoso, his brother messer Federico,[41] the Magnifico Giuliano de’ Medici, messer Pietro Bembo,[42] messer Cesare Gonzaga,[43] Count Ludovico da Canossa,[44] my lord Gaspar Pallavicino,[45] my lord Ludovico Pio,[46] my lord Morello da Ortona,[47] Pietro da Napoli, messer Roberto da Bari,[48] and countless other very noble cavaliers. Moreover there were many, who, although usually they did not dwell there constantly, yet spent most of the time there: like messer Bernardo Bibbiena, the Unico Aretino,[49] Giancristoforo Romano,[50] Pietro Monte,[51] Terpandro,[52] messer Niccolò Frisio;[53] so that there always flocked thither poets, musicians and all sorts of agreeable[54] men, and in every walk the most excellent that were to be found in Italy.

ELISABETTA GONZAGA
DUCHESS OF URBINO
1471-1526
]

Reduced from Braun’s photograph (no. 41.121) of the portrait in the
Uffizi Gallery at Florence, variously ascribed to Andrea Mantegna
(1431-1506), to Lorenzo Costa (1460-1535), and to Francesco
Bonsignori (1455-1519).

6.—Now Pope Julius II, having by his presence and the aid of the French brought Bologna under subjection to the apostolic see in the year 1506, and being on his way back to Rome, passed through Urbino; where he was received with all possible honour and with as magnificent and splendid state as could have been prepared in any other noble city of Italy: so that besides the pope, all the lord cardinals and other courtiers were most highly gratified. And some there were, attracted by the charm of this society, who tarried at Urbino many days after the departure of the pope and his court; during which time not only were the ordinary pastimes and diversions continued in the usual manner, but every man strove to contribute something new, and especially in the games, to which almost every evening was devoted. And the order of them was such that immediately after reaching the presence of my lady Duchess, everyone sat down in a circle as he pleased or as chance decided; and in sitting they were arranged alternately, a man and a woman, as long as there were women, for nearly always the number of men was by far the greater; then they were governed as seemed best to my lady Duchess, who for the most part left this charge to my lady Emilia.

So, the day after the pope’s departure,[55] the company being assembled at the wonted hour and place, after much pleasant talk, my lady Duchess desired my lady Emilia to begin the games; and she, after having for a time refused the task, spoke thus:

“My Lady, since it pleases you that I shall be the one to begin the games this evening, not being able in reason to fail to obey you, I will propose a game in which I think I ought to have little blame and less labour; and this shall be for everyone to propose after his liking a game that has never been given; and then we will choose the one that seems best worthy to be played in this company.”

And so saying, she turned to my lord Gaspar Pallavicino, requiring him to tell his choice; and he at once replied:

“It is for you, my Lady, first to tell your own.”

“But I have already told it,” said my lady Emilia; “now do you, my lady Duchess, bid him be obedient.”[56]

Then my lady Duchess said, smiling:

“To the end that everyone may be bound to obey you, I make you my deputy and give you all my authority.”

7.—“It is a remarkable thing,” replied my lord Gaspar, “that women should always be allowed this exemption from toil, and it certainly would not be unreasonable to wish in some way to learn the reason why; but not to be the first to disobey, I will leave this for another time, and will tell what is required of me;” and he began: “It seems to me that in love, as in everything else, our minds judge diversely; and thus it often happens that what is very delightful to one man, is very hateful to another; but none the less we all are ever alike in this, that every man holds his beloved very dear; so that the over fondness of lovers often cheats their judgment to such a degree, that they esteem the person whom they love to be the only one in the world adorned with every excellent virtue and wholly without defect; but since human nature does not admit such complete perfection, and since there is no one to be found who does not lack something, it cannot be said that such men do not cheat themselves, and that the lover does not become blind concerning the beloved. I would therefore that this evening our game might be that each of us should tell what virtue above others he would have the person whom he loves adorned with; and then, as all must have some blemish, what fault he would have in her; in order that we may see who can find the most praiseworthy and useful virtues, and the most excusable faults and least harmful to lover and beloved.”

My lord Gaspar having spoken thus, my lady Emilia made sign to madonna Costanza Fregosa[57] to follow after, because she sat next in order, and she was preparing to speak; but my lady Duchess said quickly:

“Since my lady Emilia will not make the effort to invent a game, it were only fair that the other ladies share this ease and that they too be exempt from such exertion for this evening, especially as there are here so many men that there is no danger of lack of games.”

“So be it,” replied my lady Emilia; and imposing silence on madonna Costanza, she turned to messer Cesare Gonzaga, who sat next, and bade him speak; and he began thus:

8.—“Whoso will carefully consider all our actions, will ever find various defects in them; the reason whereof is that nature, variable in this as in other things, has given to one man the light of reason in one thing, to another man in another thing; and so it happens that, the one knowing what the other does not know and being ignorant of what the other understands, each readily perceives his neighbour’s fault and not his own, and we all seem to ourselves very wise and perhaps most of all in that wherein we most are foolish. Thus we have seen it happen in this house that many, at first accounted very wise, were in course of time recognized as very foolish, which came about from nothing else but our own watchfulness. For, as they say that in Apulia musical instruments are used for those bitten by the tarantula,[58] and various tunes are tried until the humour that causes the malady (through a certain affinity it has for some one of those tunes) is suddenly stirred by the sound, and so excites the sick man that he is restored to health by virtue of that excitement: so when we have perceived a hidden touch of folly, we have stimulated it so artfully and with such various persuasions and diverse means, that at length we have learned whither it tended; then, the humour once recognized, so well have we excited it that it has always reached the perfection of open folly. Thus one man has waxed foolish over poetry, another over music, another over love, another over dancing, another over inventing mimes,[59] another over riding, another over fencing,—each according to the native quality of his metal; whence, as you know, great amusement has been derived. I hold it then as certain that there is some grain of folly in each of us, which being quickened can multiply almost infinitely.

“Therefore I would that this evening our game might be a discussion upon this subject, and that each one tell with what kind of folly, and about what thing, he thinks I should make a fool of myself if I had to make a fool of myself openly, judging of this outburst by the sparks of folly that are daily seen to issue from me. Let the same be told of all the rest, keeping to the order of our games, and let each one try to found his opinion upon some actual sign and argument. And thus we shall each derive from our game the advantage of learning our defects, and so shall be better able to guard against them; and if the vein of folly that is discovered proves so rich that it seems incurable, we will assist it, and according to fra Mariano’s[60] teaching, we shall have saved a soul, which will be no small gain.”

There was much laughter at this game, nor were there any who could keep from talking; one said, “I should make a fool of myself over thinking;” another, “Over looking;” another said, “I have already made a fool of myself over loving;” and the like.

9.—Then fra Serafino[61] said, laughing after his manner: