Chapter I: Part 1

THE CAPTIVITY, SUFFERINGS, AND ESCAPE, OF JAMES SCURRY

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THE

CAPTIVITY,

SUFFERINGS, AND ESCAPE,

OF

JAMES SCURRY,

WHO WAS

DETAINED A PRISONER DURING TEN YEARS,

IN THE DOMINIONS OF

HYDER ALI AND TIPPOO SAIB.

Written by Himself.

“No flowery words adorn this artless tale,
Here simple truth alone is to be found.”

_LONDON_:
HENRY FISHER, 38, NEWGATE-STREET.

1824.

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PREFACE.

Hyder Ali Cawn, and his son Tippoo Saib, have long been distinguished, and not less detested, throughout every part of the civilized world, for the cruelties which they practised on their prisoners of war, during their dominion in India. Of their unexampled barbarities, many accounts have been published in England; and the enormities which these narratives record would have staggered credulity itself, had not the few mutilated wretches who have escaped their tyranny, furnished evidence by their appearance, that a faithful detail of facts could leave but little room for exaggeration.

In addition to those tales of horror which have been submitted to the public eye, there are others, equally affecting, on which no written register has ever conferred its honours. These, while the unhappy victims whose sufferings they record were alive, obtained for a season a local circulation; but no sooner had they found a refuge in the grave, than these tales began to fade in the recollection of tradition, and gradually to retire into oblivion, where they also have found repose. To some few a more protracted existence has been allotted. One of these has just fallen into the publisher’s hands; and he conceives he shall promote the cause of humanity by giving publicity to the unvarnished narrative. It was written by JAMES SCURRY, lately deceased, who actually endured the cruelties which he describes.

In some prefatory papers connected with the history of his sufferings, Mr. SCURRY observes, that the following account was partly written during his passage from India to this country, and partly after his return to the arms of an affectionate mother, who had long thought him dead. He also states, that his narrative might be considerably enlarged, were he to delineate the various scenes he has been called to witness; but having some doubts as to the exact period of their occurrence, and the circumstances connected with them, he has omitted the relation altogether, that nothing might furnish an occasion to impeach his veracity. Respecting the geography and natural history of the country in which he was detained a prisoner, he adds, that he had no opportunity of making sufficient observations; and to give an accurate account of the manners and customs of the inhabitants, would require talents to which he lays no claim, and a period of time that would include nearly the life of man. In apologizing for any inaccuracies or inelegancies that may appear in his language, the author justly observes, that from about the age of fifteen to twenty-five, being detained a prisoner, he was cut off from all means of improvement; and having but little hope of ever revisiting his native land, he had no inducement to make the attempt, if the means had been placed within his reach. Indeed, such was the malignant vigilance with which all the prisoners were watched, that had he been detected in committing any thing to writing, the discovery would most probably have cost him his life.

For the particulars which follow, respecting the narrator’s early life and family connexions, the publisher is indebted to his widow and son, who reside in London. From the same source he has also obtained those concluding branches of Mr. SCURRY’s history, which trace him from his return to England to his death, which took place in 1822.

JAMES SCURRY, the author and subject of the following memoir, was born in Devonshire, of which county his more immediate ancestors were natives. His father in early life entered into the marine service, in which situation he spent nearly all his days. During his career, he was engaged in many arduous enterprises, and was always noted for his valour. He was at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, in America, where he was exposed to unexampled danger. On one occasion, being sent out on a foraging party with seventeen others, they were attacked by about four hundred Americans. A dreadful conflict ensued, in which sixteen of their little party fell. Only he and another survived, and they were taken prisoners. On being liberated, he again returned to the service, and, in consequence of his heroism, was promoted to the office of paymaster-sergeant. Towards the close of life he became an inmate of Greenwich Hospital, where he died, leaving a widow and two children, one of whom was the subject of this narrative, and whose awful captivity being known, is supposed to have shortened his days. The other, a daughter, was married to a Mr. Dannan, then in the excise, but since a port-gauger at Exeter, with whom the hardy veteran’s widow died, about thirteen years since.

It appears that at a very early period JAMES SCURRY went to sea. His widow and son think he could not have been much above seven years old, when he entered on his first voyage. He was a considerable time on the coast of America, and in the West Indies; was employed to carry powder during the time of action; and he amused the sailors with playing the fife when they were disengaged. How, or in what manner, he obtained a knowledge of reading and writing, they do not know, nor are they particularly acquainted with the transactions of his early days. Having given this brief introductory statement, the Editor now proceeds to the author’s own affecting narrative.

*⁎* In several places throughout the following pages, where the word “Patam” occurs, it is used for Seringapatam.

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CONTENTS.

CHAP. I.....PAGE 13.

Sails in the Hannibal—Visits St. Helena—Returns to England
with the East India Fleet—Revisits St. Helena—Cruise off
the Cape of Good Hope—Much alarmed—Take two Prizes—
Ordered to India with Despatches—Violent Storm—Captured
by the French—Treated with Inhumanity—Actions between
the English and French Fleets—Attempts an Escape—
Perilous Situation—Pursued—Retaken—Threatened with
Death—Gagged—Kept in Irons—Landed at Cudalore—Given up
to Hyder Ali.

CHAP. II.....PAGE 48.

Marched to Chillembroom—Famine in the Place—Punishment of
some who attempted to escape—Imprisoned—Put in Irons—
Provisions scanty and bad—Conducted to Bangalore—
General Treatment—Starvation—Inhuman Conduct—Comic
Accident—Prisoners divided into three Parties—Sorrow
at Separation—Sent to Burrampour—Imprisoned and in
Irons—Nearly starved—Sent again to Bangalore—Marched
to Seringapatam—Heads shaved—Treacherous European—
Compelled to submit to the Mohammedan Rite—Afflictive
Situation—Ablution—Death of Hyder Ali.

CHAP. III.....PAGE 69.

Accession of Tippoo Saib—Compelled to learn Military
Exercise—Without Food two Days—Cruel Treatment for
Complaining—Ears bored, and marked as Slaves—Peace
concluded—Left unclaimed by the British—Fate of some
English Officers—Defeat and Capture of Colonel Bailey.

CHAP. IV.....PAGE 93.

Behaviour of Tippoo towards his Prisoners—Conduct, Defeat,
Treatment, and Death of General Matthews—Fate of the
Malabar Christians—Execution of English Prisoners—
Exhibitions at Seringapatam—Offenders devoured by Wild
Beasts—Modes of Punishment—Despotic Cruelty—Human Ears
and Noses exhibited in the Public Market—Author and
Companions compelled to take Wives—Mode of Procedure—
Marriage Ceremony—Visits Hyder Ali’s Tomb—Situation
described.

CHAP. V.....PAGE 125.

Description of Seringapatam—Ferocious Games—Observations on
Lions and Tigers—Sent to Mysore—Tyranny of Tippoo—War
with the Nizam—Author put in Irons—Misery of his
Condition—Fate of some Bramins—Author separated from
some Companions in Misfortune—Marched to Chitteldroog—
Disturbed by Snakes—Expedient to procure Money—Anecdote
of a Fanatical Native—Visited by Apes—Singular Snake—
Forlorn Condition.

CHAP. VI.....PAGE 168.

War renewed with the English—Bangalore taken from Tippoo—
Author and Companions entertain some Hopes of Escaping—
Seem zealous for Tippoo—Obtain Confidence—Trusted with
Arms—Gain Military Employment—Storm a Fort—Meditate an
Escape—Make an Effort—Compelled to Return—Take their
Final Departure—Progress of their Journey—Accidents—
Enter some Mahratta Forts—Alarm—Danger—Seasonable
Relief—Reach a Hospital, under the Care of an English
Doctor—Kindly received—Visit the Mahratta Camp—
Hospitable Treatment—March with the Army—Military
Progress—Extraordinary Death of a Sepoy—Repair to
Madras—Sail for England, and arrive in safety.

CHAP. VII.....PAGE 218.

State of Seringapatam prior to the Siege—Fortifications—
Natural Advantages—Military Force—Besieged and Captured
by the British—Death of Tippoo—General Carnage—Riches
found in the City—Many of Tippoo’s Jewels yet concealed—
Progressive State of the Arts in his Dominions.

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER....PAGE 250.

Repairs from the Downs to London—Receives all his Arrears of
Pay—Indiscreet Expenditure—Personal Appearance and
Manners—Visits his Friends—Affecting Interview—Mental
Improvement—Superintends a Grocery Concern in Plymouth—
Marries—Commences Business for himself—Forms other
Engagements—Wreck of the Dutton East Indiaman—Employed
as a Diver on the occasion—Repairs to Wales—Sails in a
Privateer—Revisits Wales—Dangerous Passage—Returns
to Plymouth—Manages some Mines—Illness and Death—
Conclusion.

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CHAP. I.

_Sails in the Hannibal—Visits St. Helena—Returns to England
with the East India Fleet—Revisits St. Helena—Cruise off
the Cape of Good Hope—Much alarmed—Take two Prizes—
Ordered to India with Despatches—Violent Storm—Captured
by the French—Treated with Inhumanity—Actions between
the English and French Fleets—Attempts an Escape—
Perilous Situation—Pursued—Retaken—Threatened with
Death—Gagged—Kept in Irons—Landed at Cudalore—Given up
to Hyder Ali._

In the year 1780, when a boy about 14 years of age, being a native of Devonshire, I sailed from Plymouth Sound in his Majesty’s ship Hannibal, of 50 guns, commanded by Alexander Christie, as convoy to the outward-bound East India fleet; and, on our arrival in a certain latitude, our orders were to separate; the fleet steering for their different destinations, and the Hannibal for St. Helena, at which port we were to wait, to convoy back the homeward-bound East India ships. In this island we lay about three months, during which period we were joined by his Majesty’s ship Prothée (formerly French) of 64 guns, which ship was also to accompany the homeward-bound fleet. After an anxious expectation of many weeks, their arrival was announced by signals from the hill, stating their number to be fourteen sail; comprising eleven Indiamen, and three sail of the line. This was a great satisfaction to us, as we well knew we should shortly proceed for England. The next morning they came to an anchor in St. Helena Bay, when we found them to be a very valuable fleet, under the command of Commodore Gardiner, of the Belleisle 64; the other two ships of the line were, the Asia of 64, and the Rippon of 60 guns. Some days elapsed in preparations for our return to England, such as watering, &c. &c. when our Commodore’s signal was hoisted for weighing, which duty was executed with cheerfulness and alacrity, and particularly so by the crews of the Belleisle, Asia, and Rippon, which had been in India a long time, and consequently they were very intent on seeing Old England once again.

Our voyage was pleasant, until we arrived in the chops of the channel, where our Commodore received intelligence that a very strong French fleet were cruising for the purpose of intercepting us. On obtaining this news, we bore away for the west of Ireland, and fortunately escaped them. Our fleet came to an anchor in Creak-haven, whence our commodore sent off his despatches for Government; and after lying here about ten days, we received orders to unmoor and steer for England, where we all safely arrived, after a very pleasant passage, without sustaining any damage. The Indiamen left the Downs for the Thames, and the men-of-war for their different ports, as per orders. Our ship steered for Portsmouth, from whence, after two months’ refitting, we were ordered to convoy the outward-bound fleet to the same latitude, and then proceed to St. Helena as before, there to wait the arrival of the homeward-bound fleet, in order to take them under our protection as soon as they arrived. We had a tolerable passage out, and left the Indiamen in the same latitude as on the previous voyage, shaping our course for the island, where we safely came to an anchor.

The fleets from India were not expected for some time; and after inspecting our rigging, taking in water, &c. our captain, to fill up the intermediate space, resolved to cruise off the Cape of Good Hope for a few weeks. We had not been but a very few hours in sight of the Table Land, before our man at the mast-head descried a fleet consisting of eight sail, apparently large ships, right in our wake; this was a cause of some little alarm, particularly as we had a large reef of rocks ahead, which we could not weather. We were assured of their being enemies, and supposed them to be ships of the line, standing towards us with all the sail they could crowd. We were close hauled, and, as I observed before, could not weather the reef of rocks ahead. What could be done, my good reader, in this crisis? Our captain consulted his officers, and the result was, to tack and stand toward them; in fact, we had no other alternative, for we were upon a lee-shore, and the extreme point of the rocks was bearing upon our weather bow.

Our crew were called aft, and informed of the situation of the ship; but it is a well-known truth, that whatever the danger may be, English seamen are always ready, yes, and proud, to run any risk, or face any kind of danger, for good officers; to say nothing of their innate courage, of which they have given proofs to the world. About we went, in order to run the gauntlet, as it is commonly phrased, for we were convinced to a man they were all ships of war. As we were now head to head, we neared each other very fast, and in the course of an hour or two, to our no small surprise, we perceived them tack, and stand from us; this was by no means an unpleasant sight, but the cause of a rapid transition in our view; for, prior to this, we were thinking that many (if we should have the good fortune ultimately to escape) must have fallen; but now, the prevailing idea was, prizes and prize-money. At this time our ship sailed remarkably well; consequently, we neared them fast, and soon made them out to be six stout merchantmen, under convoy of two frigates, which we were positive were no match for us, having as brave a crew as ever went to sea. The two frigates hove their main-top-sails to the mast, in order to receive us between them, which corresponded with our intentions. We were now within gunshot, with a large French ensign and pennant flying, and our lower deck ports close. Had we continued this a while, the two frigates must have been ours; but our captain ordered our lower-deck ports to be hauled up, the French ensign and pennant to be struck, and the English hoisted, which was done in an instant; but no sooner done, than the French frigate Bellona was under a press of sail. This frigate could, without much difficulty, have been taken by us; she had money to a very large amount on board, for the troops at the Mauritius; it was the same frigate that did so much mischief to our trade in the East Indies, afterwards; but profit and honour are often at variance. The other we captured, together with a valuable merchantman richly laden; they were all bound to the Mauritius, or Isle de France. This frigate struck immediately on the first shot being fired, but, to the disgrace of the French captain, he ordered his weather landyards to be cut away, when all her masts went overboard. She had nine chests of money, with other valuables, among which was a handle of a sword valued at £5000, designed as a present from the king of France to his black majesty Hyder Ali Cawn: these treasures we took on board our own ship.

With our two prizes we bore away, and arrived safely with them at St. Helena, where we learnt that a sanguinary affair had taken place at St. Jago, between Commodore Johnson and Count de Suffrein; each chief had the command of five sail of the line, but the latter had the advantage in point of heavy ships. Commodore Johnson, not looking for an attack from any quarter, did not, perhaps, take that precaution he otherwise would have taken; two or three of his best ships being inside of several of the Indiamen. In this situation, the French Admiral came upon him unexpectedly, and made a desperate effort to destroy the fleet. The effect of this affair was, the capture of one of our Indiamen, (which was afterwards recaptured,) and the dismasting of the French ship Hannibal of 80 guns. It was very strongly reported at the time, that if one of our captains had done his duty, she must have been taken. After this sharp and well-contested conflict on both sides, the French steered direct for the East Indies, and the commodore took another route. On leaving St. Jago, he directed his course to the Cape of Good Hope, where he gained intelligence of a valuable fleet of Dutch East Indiamen, homeward-bound, lying in Soldanah Bay: thither he repaired, and was not long in taking and destroying the whole. Shortly after this, he arrived at St. Helena with five valuable prizes; several of our ships had also arrived, and we only waited for one more, which was hourly expected, to weigh for England; but, to our no small surprise and mortification, we were very unexpectedly and precipitately ordered off to the East Indies with despatches to Admiral Hughes, and to reinforce his fleet.

The beginning of December, 1781, we got under weigh, and sailed, with as favourable a breeze as ever blew from the heavens for the space of a month, when we were overtaken by a gale, which nearly terminated our voyage and existence together: the heaviest sea I ever saw, struck us on our beam; the long-boat in the waist, and our barge on the booms, were stove to pieces; two feet of water at the same time were rolling on our lower deck, so that both officers and men were seized with consternation. But not to dwell on a subject, which many must have experienced whose business leads them to sea, I shall pass it by, observing, that Providence, whom both the winds and the seas obey, was better to us than our fears; the storm ceased, the waves subsided, and we proceeded on our voyage.

According to our calculations, we were within five days’ sail of Madras, when we discovered a large fleet of ships, which, by signal, we soon found to be enemies. We ran for it, they chasing us with their fleetest vessels; but by trimming, wetting our sails, and favoured by the approach of night, we fortunately got clear of them. This, however, was of short duration, for on the second morning, by supposed bad management, we found ourselves so enveloped as to preclude the possibility of an escape; particularly so, as Le Heros, the French admiral’s ship, about two leagues on our lee quarter, brought the breeze with her, while we lay becalmed; and when sufficiently near us, she opened her fire, and continued it until the shot of two more line-of-battle ships, one on our weather quarter, and the other on our bow, began to tell: resistance was now useless, and our captain very prudently struck his colours. The enemy instantly hoisted out his boats, boarded us, and separated our crew amongst his fleet. I do not know how far it was countenanced by their officers, but although taken in a man-of-war, many of us suffered by theft, which I presume was never tolerated by our officers to their ships of war.

About three months prior to this, the crews of the two prizes we took, which I before mentioned, amounted to more than our crew; and I can positively aver, they were treated with every indulgence: when on board our ship, I felt for their distressed situation, and every day gave one or another of them my allowance of wine, or what else I could spare of my provisions; but I am sorry to say, we met with very different treatment from them in return. If they are on a par with English seamen in point of personal courage, which I very much doubt, sure I am that they are not in point of humanity.

A circumstance, however, occurred, very much in my favour, which exempted me from the common lot of my fellow prisoners. A captain of the engineers, whose name was Byrus, particularly noticed me, and through his influence I had permission to sleep on the poop, which is no small privilege in that climate, while our seamen were every night counted down into the hold. We were on board their ships during two severe conflicts with our own fleet, commanded by Admiral Hughes. At those times we were all sent into the hold, but we should not have remained on deck, I presume, had we our choice. Many of us losing our clothes when taken, nothing remained to fill up the crevices of the cables on which our men slept; and I think, that stones would have been preferable to such a bed. From the commencement of each engagement, in some ships, the prisoners were not thought of till twenty-four hours after the termination of the affair; and all this time they were without water. In this situation were many, and the reader may easily judge of our condition; the hatches down, the natural heat of the climate, the darkness and contractedness of the place, together with the smoke of the lower-deck guns descending through the gratings in columns, nearly suffocated several; and such was their extreme thirst, that several made use of their own water! But in this case the remedy was worse than the disease, for instead of allaying thirst, it excited it more strongly.

The second action was stubborn and bloody; the two fleets fought nearly the whole day; and in this affair they were well matched, the French having twelve sail of the line, and the English eleven; though in the former they had twelve, and we only nine. Night, together with shoal water, put an end to this sanguinary contest; and the fleets being near the island of Ceylon, parted as by mutual consent, and came to an anchor; perhaps apprehensive of greater danger from rocks, &c. &c. The next morning presented both fleets to view,—about four miles and a half distant from each other; here, no doubt, the minds of all in both fleets were more or less occupied, from admirals to the cabin-boys: here were complicated scenes of distress; masts, yards, carriages, bodies, or trunks of bodies rather, floating in every direction! Our fleet appeared to have had the worst of this severe conflict; two of our line-of-battle ships were nearly dismasted, and one was aground: the French suffered materially in men and rigging, but not in their lower masts. Eight days elapsed in repairing their damages; at the expiration of which time, the enemy was ready, and getting under weigh, stood out, and then tacked, and stood in, offering our fleet battle; but Admiral Hughes, from his recent losses and crippled state, was too wise to accept any overture of the kind; and very prudently lay close, until he had put his ships[1] in the best condition he could. The place where this sanguinary battle terminated was Battecalo, but the seamen named it Bloody Bay, which perhaps it will long retain: its distance from Trincomalee, the principal sea-port in the island of Ceylon, is about sixty miles.

After this affair, the French fleet steered for Tranquebar, a Danish settlement on the coast of Coromandel. Here Captain Byrus solicited the French admiral for leave to go on shore on his parole, being sorely afflicted with the stone and gravel: he included me in this request, but it was not granted; nor was his own, till after several applications, and a rapid increase of his disorder shamed them at a refusal. He was lowered down the ship’s side while I stood on the gunwale; the tears trickled down his manly face, though he strove to hide them, and his eyes spoke parental affection: for my own part, I was truly sorrowful, and felt, and still feel, all that an affectionate son ought to feel for a worthy parent.

I informed my reader, in a preceding page, that I had permission, through this gentleman’s influence, to sleep on the poop. I could swim very well, but the ship lay at least two miles from the shore, and I knew I had a heavy surf to contend with, should I reach it; these were weighty considerations, but I was resolved to try it, and thought it prudent to inform two of our officers, a Mr. Western, who was taken in the Chaser, and another young gentleman, whose name was Covey. They both dissuaded me from any attempt of the kind: but my affection for Captain Byrus, to whom I was conscious, could he have seen me, it would have been a balm in his afflictions,—together with an idea of liberty,— induced me to form a resolution, which is not easily shaken. Accordingly, when night came, I laid myself down on the hencoop as usual, waiting an opportunity of stealing down to the mizzen-chains. In order to accomplish this preparatory step, I conceived it essentially necessary to watch very minutely the quarter-master and sentinel, who were pacing it slowly on the starboard side. It was done; I found myself in the mizzen-chains, the spot I had been some time watching to gain, but no sooner was it gained, than fear seized me; the darkness of the night, the appearance of the sea, which was very rough, and the distance I had to swim, staggered my resolutions, and I cowardly sneaked back again to my coop with as much caution as I had descended to the chains. Here I lay an hour, revolving what was to be done; hope and fear swayed alternately; I knew the danger was great, and now for the first time the sharks, which infest the whole coast, came into my mind. No language can describe my sensations at this crisis; I had used the most solemn asseverations that I would go that night; and, thought I, what will those young gentlemen think, should they see me in the morning? This, with the hope of seeing him, whom of all men, next to my father, I most revered, got the better of my fears, and resolution once more resumed her seat. I cautiously gained the mizzen-chains again, and determinately lowered myself into the water by the main sheet. As soon as I was fairly in, I swam under her stern, and instantly dived, going under as far as I could, in order to elude the vigilance of the watch on the poop: the darkness of the night favoured me much, for when I came up, I could scarcely see the ship; and in this case I was well assured they could not see me. I had nothing about me but a silk handkerchief with two rupees, all my treasure, tied up in the corner; this article was very injurious to me, for as I had a side wind to cope with, it would frequently blow over my face, and cause me to turn my back to the sea till I got it righted again; nor could I by any means untie it, though I often tried. Under those circumstances, I stretched toward the shore; there was a Moor ship about half the distance, which vessel I reached within, I suppose, ten or twelve fathoms, and here I had hopes of resting; but here all my exertions proved fruitless, owing to the handkerchief about my neck. I conclude I must have been under her counter for at least ten minutes; and when I could gain a yard or two the handkerchief would be blown over my face: here I nearly exhausted my strength, without gaining my point, and I was under the necessity of relinquishing the hopes I had entertained of resting, turning my back to the wind, and treading water in order to recruit my strength.

I was soon astern of this ship, and knew not what to do; in fact, I could do but one thing, and that was, to go the way the wind and tide drove me; I knew there were many vessels inside the French fleet, and as I considered myself in the direction of them, I was not without hope. Twenty minutes, or thereabout, brought me alongside of a large ship; I swam astern of her, keeping as near as I could, where, to my no small consolation, I found a boat: I got hold of the gunwale, and, after resting myself some time, made a sufficient effort to see a man in her stern-sheet, asleep: I called, he awoke, and with the utmost humanity hauled me into the boat; Here, thank kind Providence, I found a resting-place; and after a while I proposed to this merciful man (for such I found him) to go on board; he immediately hauled the boat under the ship’s stern, and with his assistance I got up the ladder, walked to the waist, and sat down on the booms; but I very shortly was saluted with a volley of oaths from the mate, who was apprised of an English boy being in the ship. I was not sixteen years old at this time, but it would avail nothing with this monster in human shape: my naked condition, a dark night, a rough sea, and a coast infested with ferocious sharks, made no impression on this brute, for I cannot give him the appellation of man. I solicited, I entreated, to stay a few minutes longer; but it was unavailable, for he swore if I did not instantly leave the ship he would throw me overboard! This roused me to a state of desperation; I called him a monster, ran to the gangway, and sprang into the sea. Judge of this wretch, reader, when I inform you he threatened to throw a six-pound shot at me when in the water! I fear the poor merciful man in the boat was punished for his kindness to me; but surely “there is another and a better world!”

Once more I had to contend with the watery element; it still remained dark, and blew fresh. I had taken the precaution of untying my handkerchief in the boat, and tying it round my waist. The ship I had just left was a small Danish East Indiaman, and I knew, by her situation, that there was another about three quarters of a mile in her wake; this thought animated and gave me hopes. I had no great cause for exertion, the wind and tide being both in my favour. The day was now breaking, and seeing the ship, I swam alongside of her. The men were beginning to wash decks, and on perceiving me they threw out a rope, which I laid hold of; they hauled me about a yard from the water, but not possessing strength enough, I was under the necessity of letting go; they immediately made a running bowline knot, and threw it to me; this I got under my arms, when they drew me, to my great joy, on board. Here I was treated with the utmost tenderness and humanity; but my comforts were transient. After being refreshed with the best they had, I was put into the carpenter’s cot: my recent exertions soon helped me to sleep; but a few minutes after I was awoke, and informed that a French barge was making direct for the ship I was then in, and I soon saw she was from the ship that I swam from, Le Flemand of 50 guns; this to me was alarming indeed. I was hurried down the fore-hold by these humane Danes, and stowed away between the cable and the deck, and I thought all was well, for their search would have been in vain; but the mate betrayed me to the French lieutenant, who desired him to produce me; he learnt where I was, and ordering me on deck, I was obliged to obey. The Danes, I remember, pitied me very much, and inveighed severely against the mate. I was taken to the quarter-deck, and by the French officer ordered into the boat: I had on then a jacket and trowsers, and was stripping myself, to restore them to the merciful man from whom I had them, but the poor fellow refused them, and the tears gushed from his eyes at the time: here the sweet milk of humanity was visible indeed! I was now peremptorily ordered into the boat, and I have every reason to believe that the crew, had they not been awed by the officer, would have put an end to my existence before I reached the ship; and when we came alongside, I never saw a vessel manned to give another three cheers more numerous; they shouting and exulting as if they had taken a first-rate.

I could not at this time assign any reason for their extravagant conduct; but in the course of the next day I understood, that it was firmly, though erroneously believed, throughout the ship, that I had taken a bundle of letters from the English officers on board, to Captain Byrus on shore I was handed on the quarter-deck, and surrounded by numbers; the captain, who was at breakfast, being apprised of my arrival, came up: his countenance was at all times terrific, but now particularly so. After some conversation with his officers, I was ordered on the forecastle; when there, I was informed by a Welshman, who belonged to the ship, that I was to be hung at the yard-arm, if I did not immediately confess. Every means of intimidation was made use of; and when they found it ineffectual, I was ordered to the galley, where both my legs were put in irons, my arms tied behind me, and an iron bolt was forced into my mouth in such a savage manner, that the blood ran from both corners. In this situation I remained about three hours, when they took the gag from my mouth, and untied my arms. Both legs, however, still remained in irons, and in this condition I was kept by these _humane_ Frenchmen, with an allowance of rice and water once in twelve hours, and that after their blacks were served, for they had in each ship from forty to fifty to do their dirty and heavy work, until we were all landed at Cuddalore.

But notwithstanding the treatment I received, they were incessantly soliciting me to enter into their service. I was, and ever shall be, at a loss to know, what kind of an acquisition I should have been to them; but so it was: they used every means to induce me; officers would come, day after day, I supposed sent by the captain, with promises and fine words; but it was useless.

One day I was taken out of irons, and conveyed to the captain’s cabin; here the Welshman was, who had been sent for by the captain as an interpreter; the captain appeared all affability, and the Welshman was desired to ask me, how I dared swim from his ship? I told him I should dare do it again, if I had an opportunity, and a prospect of success; at this he paused, and looked at me with mild attention; the Welshman was now desired to resume the subject of entering into the French service, with great promises from the captain himself, if I would consent; and to enforce this argument, a Dutch cap full of dollars stood by him: I requested him to tell the captain that I should never think of any thing of the kind, and begged to be troubled no more on that subject. This closed the conversation, and he with indignation ordered me to my former situation, during which period not an Englishman was permitted to come near me. At length we were all, to the number of 500, taken in the different ships by their fleet, landed, as before observed, at Cuddalore, after being on board their ships six months.

The air and soil were witness to our joy at meeting; but alas! how transient! Our troubles, which we now supposed were drawing to a close, were just commencing! We were shortly escorted and sent to Chillembroom,[2] one of Hyder Ali’s strong forts. Here a dreadful famine raged; and our provisions consisted of bad rice and carrion beef; this, with the saltpetre ground on which we lay, was the cause of the loss of numbers of our men. I have seen many stout fellows taken one hour, and dead the next. Their disorder was the cramp, and, when seized, their distortions were such, that they scarcely retained the shape of human beings.—What cause induced the French admiral to deliver us up to this unprincipled barbarian, we never could discover. We were equally at a loss to conceive, why we were abandoned by the English, when they might have demanded us. I can only attribute it to the deplorable state of British affairs in India during this period.

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CHAP. II.

_Marched to Chillembroom—Famine in the Place—Punishment of
some who attempted to escape—Imprisoned—Put in Irons—
Provisions scanty and bad—Conducted to Bangalore—
General Treatment—Starvation—Inhuman Conduct—Comic
Accident—Prisoners divided into three Parties—Sorrow
at Separation—Sent to Burrampour—Imprisoned and in
Irons—Nearly starved—Sent again to Bangalore—Marched
to Seringapatam—Heads shaved—Treacherous European—
Compelled to submit to the Mohammedan Rite—Afflictive
Situation—Ablution—Death of Hyder Ali._

We were here about two months, when a circumstance took place, which we then considered very fortunate, but soon to our sorrow found it the reverse. Nineteen of our men, with Lieutenant Wilson of the Yarmouth, effected their escape; they had a few blankets among them, of which they made ropes; and by this means, availing themselves of a dark night, descended to the ditch over a stupendous stone wall; but they knew nothing of the country, or which way to steer. Nineteen of them were the next day brought in with their arms pinioned; and the other, our boatswain’s mate, was drowned in attempting to cross a river. Lieutenant Wilson was stripped, and flogged with tamarind twigs very severely, when they plastered his back over with sugar, and exposed him to the sun, by way of finishing the punishment due to his crime; the men were put in irons. In consequence of this affair, in a day or two after, we were marched to a strong prison, and the whole of us put in heavy leg-irons, with a scanty miserable allowance; and the guards were doubled. In this situation we remained two months, when an order came from Hyder Ali to march us from thence to Bangalore; in consequence of which, our irons being knocked off, we were coupled two and two in hand-irons. This being done, we were marched out of the fort, not knowing our destination. In this case there was no distinction, except that the officers were kept separate; for all were linked, both officers and men. We had the painful sight of seeing them pass us in irons; a state of degradation which affected many of us, and myself for one. Our first lieutenant and the lieutenant of marines, named Carthew, were brothers; these worthy men were coupled together in a double sense, viz. fraternal affection, and strong bolts of iron. They were, however, released from bondage in the year 1784, and are, I believe, both still living, one an admiral, and the other a clergyman.

We soon understood that our destination was Bangalore; our march commenced, and a severe one it was: several had no shoes, which was no small misfortune; many being coupled together whose tempers were by no means congenial, was another source of evil, and particularly so after a heavy day’s march. It frequently happened that we were kept, though I believe, not designedly, without food for many hours after reaching the ground on which we were to sleep; and wo to the poor weary wretch who should attempt to sit down to rest himself, for in this case he would be sure to have the application of the but-end of a musket between his shoulders: in short, no butcher ever drove oxen with more cruelty than we were driven. In order to prevent a surprise, we were taken by the most unfrequented ways; and one day, in a most dreadful abyss on the margin of the road, we heard the noise, as we supposed, of a rattlesnake, which alarmed us all; but if it was such, it must have been of an enormous size, otherwise it could not have made the noise it did.

A curious circumstance took place at one of our halting spots, which were mostly under trees, and which, though alarming at the time, was very laughable afterwards. Two of our men, about one o’clock in the morning, were preparing their rice coffee, in order to be ready for the morning’s march; when taking their cudgeree-pot off the fire, it broke, and scalded one of them, who gave a terrible roar, which was mistaken for a tiger’s by those near him, who were not half awake. This induced them to bawl out,—a tiger! a tiger! which was quickly communicated to the whole, as they were successively roused from their sleep. Our officers, being near us, took the alarm also; and such a scene of confusion ensued, as would require an abler pen than mine to describe. All were intent on personal safety, but all were not of one mind; hence, one hauled this way, and another that, till twenty or thirty pairs came in contact; numbers fell on each other, while some endeavoured to haul their weaker partners up into trees. The guards were running about like madmen, not knowing the cause of this hurly-burly; and I am persuaded to this day, had we not been ironed, the guards would never have entered our thoughts, and many would have been miles distant in a very short time. Several had the marks of this dragging business, on their wrists, for months afterwards. Smith, our corporal of marines, being the only man out of irons, and who could talk Moorish well, was sent for by the chief of the guard, who, I believe, was as much frightened as ourselves; but when he understood the cause of all this confusion, he was highly pleased, for he was apprehensive of something worse. Many of the guards were at a considerable distance at this time; but the panic gradually subsiding, the tom-toms were sounded, the horns were blown, the guards collected, and we composed ourselves to sleep, wondering at what had happened.

At the expiration of twenty-one days, under many distressing circumstances, we reached Bangalore. Here we were halted, and after three days, the Mohammedan and Brachmin grandees came from the fort, and separated us into three parties. The division I was in was sent to Burrampour, three days’ march from Bangalore. I do not recollect ever seeing a day of more sorrow. On parting, the tears flowed copiously from many, and grief was portrayed in almost every countenance. When we reached the place of our destination, prior to entering the prison, our hand-irons were knocked off, and leg-irons substituted. They gave us rice for the first eight or ten days, when they changed it to ragee, the flour of which is nearly as black as coal. This, no doubt, occasioned the death of numbers of our poor fellows, who died in excruciating agonies, which I think would not have been the case, had they had medical assistance; but they might as well have asked for mountains of gold, as any thing of this nature.

Here we remained three months, at the expiration of which time, being all ordered out to muster, the youngest were selected from the rest, to the number of fifteen, myself one; our irons were knocked off, and we were put for that night in the prison, as usual. This was mysterious to us; we knew not what to make of it. The next morning, we, the fifteen boys selected, were sent off to Bangalore, where we were told we should be taken good care of. We sorrowfully parted from our companions, and, after three days’ march, arrived at the spot. Here we met with more English youths, who had been taken, in like manner, from other prisons, and sent hither also. We were exceedingly glad to see each other, and, of course, mutual inquiries took place as to the cause of our being thus collected; but we were all equally ignorant, and a kind of gloomy pleasure was the result. We now mustered fifty-two boys, the oldest seventeen, and the youngest (a Mr. Randal Cadman, whom I shall have to mention again) twelve. The first of their operations was, searching us for knives, scissars, &c. and such as they found, they very goodnaturedly took from us; they then sent us several legs of mutton, with cudgeree pots, water, salt, &c. but carefully prevented our having any thing to cut it with. Nine of us formed a mess, and boiled one of the legs, which was our portion; but when ready, we were at a sad loss how to divide it, having been deprived of every instrument necessary for that purpose. After a hungry debate, one, more sagacious than the rest, procured a tile, with which instrument, and our exertions in tearing, we reduced it with much difficulty into three parts; we then formed ourselves into three parties, three in each, and, as we had made three joints of it, each party took one; and after taking it in our hands, and tearing as much as our mouths would contain, we passed it to another, till our turns came again. This was a necessary invention, which the rest were forced to adopt;—could you, my good reader, have done better?

Three days having expired, we were sent for by the killadare, or governor, who, after viewing us with apparent goodnature, gave us some fruit; which kindness we could not account for, all was mystery still, though we were repeatedly told that we were high in the estimation of Hyder, and considered as his children. On this piece of information, some were thoughtful, and some thoughtless. After a few days had elapsed, we were marched off to Seringapatam, Hyder’s capital; but our marches were easy, and our food was abundant. On the ninth day after we left Bangalore, we reached the capital, where we were seated between two gates for nearly three hours, and gazed at by innumerable multitudes, who were passing and repassing through the place, and who had never beheld such a sight before. From thence we were ordered to a tabla, or square, where they continued their kindness to us; but we were all this time quite ignorant of their base intentions. One month passed over our heads very comfortably, when the guards being increased, we were ordered out to muster. Near us stood a number of hodgams, (barbers,) who had orders to shave our heads. This we positively refused, and they did not use force, as this was only preparatory to something of greater moment.

In the midst of these mysterious kindnesses, an European made his appearance, clad, in the Mohammedan dress, with a large red turban, and a formidable pair of mustaches. This man saluted us in a very gentlemanly manner, but we looked on him with suspicion and surprise. He gave us to understand, that he was sent directly from the killadare, to use his influence with us in having our heads shaved, &c.; he also more than intimated, that if we persisted in a refusal, they would take such steps as would be very disagreeable to us, which no doubt was true enough. He appeared to be our friend, and sincerely advised us quietly to submit; which we did. This being done, they left us to ourselves another week, when, one morning, the same barbers came, with twelve of the most robust men I ever saw; these were some of Hyder’s _getiees_, all from Madagascar, kept by him for feats of strength and agility, which I shall, in the sequel, attempt to describe. Their appearance told us plainly that something was going on, although we could not form any opinion of the object which they had in view; but the arrival of Dempster, the name of the European before alluded to, once more unravelled the mystery. He addressed us in the most endearing, though hypocritical, language, and gave us to understand, that we were to be circumcised, and made Mohammedans of, by the express order of Hyder. We were thunderstruck; but what could be done? He saw our agitation, and playing off his persuasive artillery, his artifice and address had more influence with us than the guards; in short, they forced each of us to take a quantity of majum,[3] a drug well calculated to stupify the senses and deaden pain; but it had little effect this latter way.

A mat, and a kind of sheet, being provided for each of us, we were ordered to arrange ourselves in two rows, and then lie down on our mats. This being done, the guards, barbers, and those twelve men before-mentioned, came among us, and seizing the youngest, Randal Cadman, a midshipman, they placed him on a cudgeree pot, when four of those stout men held his legs and arms, while the barber performed his office. In this manner they went through the operation, and in two hours the _pious_ work was finished, and we were laid on our separate mats; where, with the effects of the majum, some were laughing, and others crying; which, together with the pain, rendered our condition truly curious and ludicrous. In the evening they placed several sentinels over us, not for the purpose of guarding us from an escape, this being impossible, for more reasons than one; but to protect us from the bandicuts, a species of the rat kind, as large as young sucking pigs, which they much resembled, and which were very numerous there. We were soon convinced that this was an act of mercy on their parts, as those creatures (lying in our blood as we were) might have done us considerable mischief. In this state we remained two months, when, with the exception of two,[4] we all got well.

During our illness, or rather soreness, the clothes we had were taken from us, and coarse habits given us; but we were not, even yet, completely Mohammedanized, and therefore more evils were at hand. Four large coppers were brought into the square, accompanied by facquars or priests, worstards or schoolmasters, and a religious train,—to consummate the business, and make us genuine children of the Prophet. Each copper would, at least, contain one hogshead and a half of water, which was made unusually warm. The reason assigned for this, was, as we understood afterwards, that we had eaten a great quantity of pork in our time, and consequently were very unclean. Here was no small diversion for idle spectators, to see us jump out of the coppers half scalded; the facquars, in the midst of their prayers, suspending their ceremonies, and joining the guards in running after and bringing us back; for, by the time two were taken, they would be in pursuit of two more, who had made their escape from this terrific ordeal. In this we found some advantage; for during our short absence the water naturally cooled, so that we could at length stay in it until the prayers were finished by the priests. This continued three days successively, in conjunction with the confused prayers of the facquars, the threats of the guards, and our own apprehensions at this mode of scalding. These preparations and performances being ended, we were hailed as the children of the Prophet, and the favourites of the Nabob.

Now, exclusively of our mental feelings, we had every good in abundance; and thus they continued to treat us for three months; but, alas! our troubles had only just begun. About this time, 1783-4, Hyder Ali Cawn died. The more immediate cause of his death was an ulcerated back; and reports were then circulated in the capital, that towards the close of his life, when the ulcer was rapidly spreading, he, by advice, ordered several criminals at different times to be killed, in order to apply their livers to his sore. It is, however, but just to state, that for this I have no other authority than hearsay, though I have no reason to doubt that it might be truth.

We were now formed into a company, but having Dempster for our commander, was no small mortification to us; knowing him to be a base wretch, and a deserter from the Bengal Artillery. Dempster was a man of considerable abilities, and, as we soon learnt, had been a chaplain to one of the regiments at Gibraltar. This man, with a native named Abdel Gunney, both formerly officers in the Company’s service, was at the bottom of all the cruel treatment we received for the period of a year afterwards. We were now, every morning and evening, paraded before the palace in full Mohammedan dress; and this scoundrel would very frequently march us up and down before the English officers’ prisons, and particularly before that of the brave but unfortunate Colonel Bailey, of whose end I shall have to speak very shortly.

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CHAP. III.

_Accession of Tippoo Saib—Compelled to learn Military
Exercise—Without Food two Days—Cruel Treatment for
complaining—Ears bored, and marked as Slaves—Peace
concluded—Left unclaimed by the British—Fate of some
English Officers—Defeat and Capture of Colonel Bailey._