Chapter II: Part 2

About this time, Tippoo Saib, who had succeeded his father, Hyder Ali,[5] sent an order to the killadare of Seringapatam to incorporate us in his four battalions of slaves—which was accordingly done; but we had no doubt it was so done through the malicious insinuations of Dempster, whom, after we knew, we treated with the most sovereign contempt. Here each individual was supplied with a stick of about four feet and a half long, as a substitute for a firelock; and our pay being shortened, we led wretched lives indeed; fabrications being circulated, and groundless complaints made against us, merely from a malignant antipathy. We did not at this time know much of the language; and when questioned relative to these complaints, many got severe beatings;[6] for our silence was generally construed into guilt.

Once we were kept without food for two days; and conscious we had done nothing to deserve it, we sallied forth to the durbar, (a seat of justice so called,) in order to exhibit a complaint of our grievances to the killadare; but Abdel Gunney, to whom I have adverted, learning our intentions, was before us, and intimated to the killadare to take care of his person, for that we were coming in a body, and he knew not for what purpose. This alarmed the governor; and we no sooner arrived, than we were surrounded by a battalion of Sepoys, and our interpreter, Clark, a lieutenant in the Company’s service, who had begun to speak, was knocked down, and beaten in a most shocking manner. While he lay on the ground, they put him in heavy irons, and took him away, nor do I recollect ever seeing him afterwards. All this time we were secured by the Sepoys, who had orders to prime and load, and to fix their bayonets; and all this against fifty-two defenceless boys. Judge of our situation, my good reader, at this crisis! We were seized, and each of us was bound with two new ropes, confining our hands behind us; and, to make us secure, a strong man enclosed our arms, and with his knee almost dislocated our shoulders: many of us had the marks in our arms for some years after. This done, we were wheeled to the right, then to the left, by the myre, or adjutant, in broken English, who would frequently, in the most contemptuous manner, cry out, “General Mathews,”—“Colonel Bailey,”—“Captain Rumney,” and repeat the names of many officers they then had in their custody, of whom I shall very soon give the reader an accurate account.

We were hauled in this degrading manner, until I and several more fainted; when I came to myself, we were all seated on the ground. I was bound between two lads, both midshipmen of the Hannibal, who told me, when I fell they fell, with most of the rest; those who did not, informed us, that so many falling, they were ordered to sit down. The skin of our breasts was like a drum head, and I am conscious to this day, if it had not been for the humanity of the durga, an officer equal to a sergeant, in slackening the ropes about twelve o’clock at night, very few would have survived till morning. This was done on his part at a great risk: may God reward him for it!

The next day we were ordered to be untied, one by one, and our heads to be again shaved, which was performed; our ears also were bored, and a slave’s mark was put in each of them. This being done, we were prohibited from speaking to each other in English, under pain of severe punishment. We were then marched, or led crawling, rather, to our square, where they gave those who could immediately make use of it, some food. Here we met every day, more or less, with severe treatment, until the year 1784, when a peace was concluded between the East India Company and Tippoo. This was a woful and heart-rending peace for us; but prior to my saying any thing on that head, I shall introduce the condition and fate of many of our brave officers; together with the fate of the unfortunate brachmins, as it fell immediately under my notice. And first, of Colonel Bailey, who was in leg-irons, with Captain Rumney, and Lieutenants Fraser and Sampson. The three latter had their throats cut at Mysore. Colonel Bailey appeared much emaciated; I rather think grief was the cause of destroying his constitution; for when he was insulted by Dempster, who took a pride in marching us before him, we could frequently see the tears trickle down his manly face. He was alone, after the captain and lieutenants were taken from him; but not long, for he was removed also, and we supposed very secretly, for we never could learn what became of him; and whether he died by poison, or a natural death, we could not positively ascertain; but we could easily believe the former. It may not be amiss here to say something relative to his defeat. The circumstances which led to this melancholy catastrophe are well known, therefore I shall only describe the manner, partly from the Encyclopædia, and partly from information I received at Patam, from several who survived that dreadful day.

In order to do this, it may be necessary to inform the reader, that Hyder Ali, after suddenly seizing the passes, which might have been secured, poured through them an army of 100,000 men, among whom was a large body of European troops under French officers, and commanded by Colonel Laly, a man of great bravery and experience in war. Alarm being given on the 24th of June, 1780, that Hyder’s horse were only nine miles distant from Madras, the inhabitants instantly deserted their houses, and fled into the fort, while the unresisted barbarian burnt the villages, reduced the inferior forts, and prepared to lay siege to the capital. It being now absolutely necessary to make some resistance, measures were taken for assembling the troops; in doing which, an express was sent to Colonel Bailey, at Gumuapenda, about twenty-eight miles from Madras, to proceed from thence directly to Conjeveram with the corps under his command, where the main body was to meet him; but when the main body was under marching orders, the 1st regiment of cavalry positively refused to move without money; and, as they persisted in their refusal, they were made prisoners, and sent to Madras. The main body, then consisting of 1500 Europeans and 4200 Sepoys, under Sir Hector Monroe, with the train of artillery, proceeded towards Conjeveram; and such were the fatigues of the march, that 200 men belonging to the 73d regiment, were left lying on the road. On their arrival, they found the town in flames, great bodies of the enemy’s cavalry advancing on both flanks, and no appearance of Colonel Bailey’s detachment; the march of this body having been impeded by a small river, swelled by a sudden fall of rain. On this occasion, the officer who records this disaster, makes the following observation: “In this incident we have a remarkable proof and example of the danger of procrastination, and on what minute circumstances, and sudden springs of the mind, the fortune and general issue of the war may depend. Had the colonel passed over Trepuscore without halting, as some advised, and encamped on the south instead of the north bank, the disaster that soon followed would have been prevented, and an order of affairs, wholly different from what took place, would have succeeded.”

Hyder Ali having now raised the siege of Arcot, in which he had been employed, marched towards Conjeveram, in the vicinity of which he encamped, and in a few days offered battle. On the 6th of September, he detached his son, Tippoo Saib, with the flower of his army, to cut off the detachment under Colonel Bailey, who was now at Pernambaukham, a small village, distant from the main body about fifteen miles; he himself remaining near Conjeveram, to watch the motions of Sir Hector Monroe. The detachment of Tippoo consisted of 30,000 horse, 8000 foot, and 12 pieces of cannon: notwithstanding this superiority of numbers, they were bravely repulsed by Colonel Bailey’s handful of troops, and a junction was effected with a detachment under Colonel Fletcher, sent by Sir Hector Monroe, on first hearing the noise of the engagement. This junction was effected on the 9th of September, and the next morning orders were given for the whole army to march, Colonel Fletcher’s detachment being dispersed in different parts of the line. From the moment they began to march, the enemy played off their rockets, which, however, did little execution: but about ten at night, several guns began to open on the rear of the English; Colonel Bailey, therefore, after some manœuvres, caused his troops to form a line, while the enemy cannonaded them incessantly with great execution. On this, Colonel Bailey detached Captain Rumney with five companies of grenadier Sepoys, to storm their guns; which service they would undoubtedly have accomplished, had not their march been interrupted by a torrent of water, which at that time happened not to be fordable. Captain Rumney, therefore, returned about half-past eleven, when the guns of the enemy were heard drawing off towards the English front, and a general alarm was perceived throughout their camp, owing, as was supposed, to their having received intelligence of the party that had been sent to storm their guns; for, from their noisy confusion, and irregular firing, says my author, one would imagine that a detachment of our men was among them with fixed bayonets. At that critical moment, had a party of grenadiers been sent against them, they might, without difficulty, have routed the whole of Tippoo’s army. Having, about ten o’clock in the evening, advanced about five hundred yards into an avenue, Colonel Bailey remained there in perfect silence till the morning. Colonel Fletcher being asked why Colonel Bailey halted? modestly replied, that Colonel B. was an officer of established reputation, and, no doubt, had reasons for his conduct. It cannot, however, be concealed, that this halt afforded an opportunity for Tippoo to draw off his cannon to a strong post, by which the English were obliged to pass; and, at the same time, of informing Hyder of their situation, and suggesting to him the expediency of advancing, for the improvement of so favourable a conjuncture.

On the 10th day of September, at five o’clock in the morning, our little body marched off by the right in subdivisions, having their baggage on the left; and not many minutes after, six guns opened on their rear; on which the line halted. A few minutes after, large bodies of the enemy’s cavalry appeared on their flanks; and at the moment the pagoda of Conjeveram appeared in view, and our men had begun to indulge hopes of a respite from toils and dangers, a rocket boy was taken prisoner, who informed them that Hyder’s whole army was marching to the assistance of his son Tippoo. Four guns now opened on the left with great effect; and so hot was the fire they sustained, and so heavy the loss, that Colonel Bailey ordered the line to quit the avenue, and present a front to the enemy; and at the same time detached Captain Rumney with ten companies, to storm the enemy’s guns. Within a few minutes after this party had left the line, Tippoo’s guns were silenced. Captain R.’s little detachment immediately took possession of four cannon, and completely routed the party that was attached to them. Captain Rumney, overcome with fatigue, ordered Captain Goudie, the next in command, to lead the party, and take possession of more of their guns; but in a few moments, as they were advancing, a cry was heard among the Sepoys, of, Gora! Gora!—Horse! Horse! The camp followers, whose numbers were nearly five to one of the troops, were driven on part of our line by the numerous and surrounding forces of Hyder Ali, who being informed of the situation of Colonel Bailey, had left his camp without striking his tents, with a view of concealing his march from General Monroe. A great confusion among the troops was the unavoidable consequence of this unexpected onset. The Europeans were suddenly left on the field alone, and at that critical moment a part of Hyder’s advanced guard pressed on with great celerity between our line and Captain Rumney’s party. The commanding officer, therefore, apprehensive of being cut off from our little army, judged it most prudent to retreat. Colonel Bailey, when he was informed that an immense body of horse and foot was advancing towards him, and that this was supposed to be Hyder’s main army, said, “Very well, we shall be prepared to meet them.”

Hyder’s whole force now appeared incontestably in view; and this barbarian chief, who, as was observed of the Roman general by Pyrrhus, “had nothing barbarous in his discipline,” after dividing his guns agreeably to a preconcerted plan, opened from sixty to seventy pieces of cannon, with innumerable rockets. His numerous cavalry, supported by his infantry, driven on by threats, and encouraged by promises, and led on by his most distinguished officers, bore down upon our little army, without making the least impression; our men, both Europeans and Sepoys, repeatedly presenting and recovering their arms, as if they had been manœuvring on a parade. The enemy was repulsed at every attack; numbers of their best cavalry were killed, and many more were wounded; even their infantry were forced to give way; and Hyder would have ordered a retreat, had it not been for the advice of General Laly, who informed him it was too late, as General Monroe was most probably advancing from Conjeveram; for which reason, nothing remained but to break the detachment by their artillery and cavalry. Tippoo Saib had by this time collected his party together, and renewed the cannonade; so that at the same time the English were under the necessity of sustaining an attack from both father and son. Two of their tumbrils were blown up by Hyder’s guns, and a large opening was made in both their lines; they had no other ammunition than grape; their guns ceased firing; and in this dreadful situation, under a terrible fire, not only of guns but rockets, losing great numbers of men and officers, they remained from half-past seven till nine o’clock, when Hyder Ali, perceiving that the guns were quite silenced, came with his whole army round their right flank; the cavalry charged them in distinct columns; and, in the intervals, the infantry poured in volleys with dreadful effect.

Myar Saib, Tippoo’s brother, with the Mogul and Sanoor cavalry, made the first impression; these were followed by the elephants and the Mysorean cavalry, which completed the overthrow of the detachment. Colonel Bailey, though grievously wounded, rallied the Europeans, and once more formed them into a square, and, with this handful of men, he gained an eminence, where, without ammunition, and most of his people being wounded, he resisted and repulsed fifteen separate attacks; but fresh bodies of cavalry continually pouring in, they were broken, without giving way.

Captain Lucas’s battalion of Sepoys, at the time when our men moved up to a rising ground, was stationed to the right of the European grenadiers; but that corps seeing the Europeans in motion, and perhaps understanding that motion for a retreat, broke in the utmost confusion. The Europeans, however, bravely maintained their reputation for intrepid valour, and remained in this extremity of distress steady and undaunted, though surrounded by the French troops, and Hyder’s cavalry, to the number of 40,000. They even expressed a desire, though their number did not exceed 400, of being led on to charge a battalion of Topasses, (natives, so called from their wearing hats,) who lay about thirty yards distant, and kept up an incessant fire with great effect. Many attempts were made by the enemy’s cavalry to break this body of men; but, by their steady conduct and courage, they were repulsed; until Colonel Bailey, finding that there was now no prospect of being relieved by General Monroe, held out a flag of truce to one of the chiefs of Hyder’s army: but this was treated with contempt, and the chief endeavoured at the same time to cut off the Colonel. The reason that the enemy assigned for this, was, that the Sepoys had fired after the signal was hoisted. A few minutes afterwards, the men had orders to lay down their arms, with intimations that quarter would be given: this order was scarcely complied with, when the enemy rushed in upon them with the most savage brutality, sparing no age or condition in life, and, but for the humane interposition of Laly and Pencron, who implored and insisted with the conquerors, to shew mercy, the gallant remains of our little army must have fallen a sacrifice to that savage thirst for blood with which Hyder disgraced his victory. In this unfortunate action, near 700 Europeans were killed on the spot. The loss on Hyder’s part was so great, that he industriously concealed it, being enraged to think that the conquest of so inconsiderable a body should cost him so many of his bravest troops. He seemed, ever after, to consider the English with an extreme degree of terror; insomuch, that notwithstanding his pretended exultation on account of the present victory, he no sooner heard of Sir H. Monro marching to attack him, than he left his camp in the utmost confusion, abandoning great part of his tents and baggage, as well as a vast number of the wounded.

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CHAP. IV.

_Behaviour of Tippoo towards his Prisoners—Conduct, Defeat,
Treatment, and Death of General Matthews—Fate of the
Malabar Christians—Execution of English Prisoners—
Exhibitions at Seringapatam—Offenders devoured by Wild
Beasts—Modes of Punishment—Despotic Cruelty—Human Ears
and Noses exhibited in the Public Market—Author and
Companions compelled to take Wives—Mode of Procedure—
Marriage Ceremony—Visits Hyder Ali’s Tomb—Situation
described._

In a narrative of the sufferings of the English who survived that fatal day, published by an officer of Colonel Bailey’s detachment, we find it related, that Hyder Ali, seated on a throne or chair in his tent, enjoyed the sight of the heads of the slain, as well as of the prisoners. Colonel Bailey, who was himself dangerously wounded, was brought into his camp on a cannon, and with several of his officers, in the same situation, laid at the tyrant’s feet, on the ground, in the open air. In this condition, they saw many of the heads of their countrymen presented to the conqueror;—some of them by English officers, who were compelled to perform that horrid task! In a little time, however, Hyder ordered no more heads to be brought to him while the English officers were present.

A tent was then fixed up for the unfortunate gentlemen, but without straw or any thing to lie on, though many of them were dangerously wounded; and as the tent would contain no more than ten, the remainder were obliged to lie in the open air. When the prisoners were removed from place to place, they were wantonly insulted, and even beaten, by those who had the care of them. I have heard a long catalogue of sufferings, which I could easily believe to be but too true. There were numbers of strange cures related by this gentleman, from whom I received the account, which the reader may see recorded, if so disposed, by a reference to the “Encyclopædia.” I was conversant with several while at Patam, who were first circumcised, and, finally, put to death in Bednore. In the narrations of this officer, what I particularly noticed, was, an account of the brave Colonel Fletcher,—the tenderness and humanity of the elephants,—and the almost unprecedented valour of a battalion of cook-boys, who acted as such to the Europeans. The brave Colonel Fletcher slew several with his own hand before he fell.

As the elephants would not, with all the exertions of their keepers, tread upon the wounded and slain, these, after the carnage was over, were thrown into a hole in one promiscuous heap. From this heap, a corporal, whose name was Sinclair, of the 73d regiment, who was dreadfully wounded, contrived to crawl: he afterwards recovered, was Mohammedanized, and was with us at Seringapatam. The battalion of cook-boys above mentioned, fell, with few exceptions, three deep, as was their position when standing. These brave fellows ought to have been noticed, as well as the European prisoners, for they suffered much more; I have often been an eye-witness to the cruelties with which they were treated at Seringapatam; but they still continued true and loyal to the English.

Colonel Bailey’s detachment consisted of about 4700 men, of whom about 700 survived, and many of those severely wounded. None of them were released; some of them died, and others were put to death; and only one, whose name was Mackenzie, made his escape from Chitteldroog after I did. Thus much for the brave but unfortunate Colonel Bailey.

The next whose fate I shall endeavour to describe, is General Matthews, who, with many of his officers and men, arrived prisoners at Seringapatam (about the time of Colonel Bailey’s exit) from Bednore, or Hyder Niger. They had surrendered by capitulation, but it was first violated on the part of the general, relative to the treasures; this, together with another circumstance which I shall presently state, was the cause of his miserable end, together with that of many of his officers.

Onore, or Ananpour, a fort about two days’ march from Bednore, had been stormed by part of his army, and all the inhabitants wantonly and inhumanly put to death, and their bodies thrown into several tanks in the fort: this was fresh in Tippoo’s memory. The cause of this cruelty was, that two flags of truce had been sent, and both detained. How far such conduct for such a crime could be justifiable, on the part of the English, I leave to those of superior judgment. This was told me by several, to whom I had, at times, opportunity of speaking; and had he taken Hyat Saib’s advice, (the killadare of Hyder Niger,) and who gave him no great trouble in the conquest of the place, he would have done well; but it appears, from many circumstances, that it was to be so. It was intended that he should die by poison,[7] administered in milk; but as it did not operate, in their view, sufficiently expeditious, his guards closed his existence with the buts of their firelocks. Perhaps Tippoo, as a Mohammedan, considered this as a just retaliation for the butchery at the before mentioned place. Several of his fife and drum boys were Mohammedanized, and placed in the seraglio for the purpose of castration; but this operation never took place: and many of his principal officers left him for Bombay, prior to his being captured. Such was the end of this ambitious and ill-fated general. But before I close, it may be necessary to state the following circumstance, which I conceive will corroborate what I have before observed relative to the cause of his melancholy end.

George Bush, of the Yarmouth, country ship, which was captured by La Fin, French frigate of 40 guns, and James Forsythe, who were separated from us some years after, but who finally made their escape, and joined us in the Mahratta camp, were, with many more, sent direct to Hyder Niger. In the course of their journey thither, they halted at Ananpour; and being excessively thirsty, they were instantly led to one of the wells, which, I am sorry to observe, the English had filled up some years before with their slain. One James Duffee was then with the above, and had been one of the storming party in this inhuman business; and such was the indignation of the residents on this spot, that, had they not been prevented by the guards, they would have sacrificed those innocent men to their fury, from a remembrance of what had taken place. I mention this circumstance, because I have seen an attempt to justify this branch of the general’s conduct.

Now followed the fate of the poor Malabar Christians, of which I shall ever consider myself the innocent cause, in reading what was written by General Matthews, as stated in the preceding note. Their country was invested by Tippoo’s army, and they were driven, men, women, and children, to the number of 30,000, to Seringapatam, where all who were fit to carry arms were circumcised, and formed into four battalions. The sufferings of these poor creatures were most excruciating: one circumstance, which came under my immediate notice, I will attempt to describe. When recovered, they were armed and drilled, and ordered to Mysore, nine miles from the capital, but for what purpose we never could learn. Their daughters were many of them beautiful girls, and Tippoo was determined to have them for his seraglio; but this they refused; and Mysore was invested by his orders, and the four battalions were disarmed and brought prisoners to Seringapatam. This being done, the officers tied their hands behind them. The chumbars, or sandal-makers, were then sent for, and their noses, ears, and upper lips, were cut off; they were then mounted on asses, their faces towards the tail, and led through Patam, with a wretch before them proclaiming their crime. One fell from his beast, and expired on the spot through loss of blood. Such a mangled and bloody scene excited the compassion of numbers, and our hearts were ready to burst at the inhuman sight. It was reported that Tippoo relented in this case, and I rather think it true, as he never gave any further orders respecting their women. The twenty-six that survived were sent to his different arsenals, where, after the lapse of a few years, I saw several of them lingering out a most miserable existence.[8] Some time after our initiation, (about nine months,) many of the mechanics were brought from their different prisons to Patam, and sent to his arsenal, to their different employments; about eighty was their number; they had a tolerable allowance, but were all circumcised. One, whose name was William Williams, effected his escape, but was taken, and treated as the above, with the exception of losing only one ear, with his nose; which was executed before us, as a terror, no doubt, to prevent our attempting any thing in the same manner. Most of those unfortunate men were put to death; nine of them, including two carpenter’s mates, belonging to the Hannibal, Archy Douglas, and another whose name I have forgotten, were hung on one tree, because one of the party, named Flood, a serjeant-major in the Company’s service, to pass away a tedious hour, had been taking a sketch of the surrounding scenery; this was the crime for which they all suffered death!

The deserters had no lenity shewn them; most of them suffered also, and among them was Dempster, whom I have named before, who was piked to death in his hut; which we were very happy to hear, as this wretch had been the cause of much cruelty towards us. Randal Cadman, who survived those evils, (through illness,) although in the midst of them, escaped on the night our troops, under Lord Cornwallis, defeated and followed Tippoo’s army over the river into Sarragangam; we were then at some distance from the capital, but saw him when we afterwards joined his lordship. He was then all but dead; he survived, however, and from him we had this information. He also informed us, that prior to his lordship’s arrival, the principal street in Seringapatam, on each side, was ornamented with paintings, such as, elephants whirling Europeans in the air,—tigers seizing whole battalions of English Sepoys,—five or six English officers supplicating for mercy at the feet of one of his troopers,—and companies flying frightened at the charge of ten or twenty of his horse: with a variety of other worse than silly representations. But when his lordship had taken Bangalore, and was on his way to the capital, Tippoo thought it prudent to order these daubings to be cancelled.—But to return to the years 1783 and 1784.

Shortly after the arrival of General Matthews, Tippoo, thinking his mode of punishment towards those poor creatures who happened to fall under his displeasure not severe or terrific enough, ordered nine large tiger cages to be made, and placed opposite his kerconah, or treasury. They were arranged there according to his order, and soon tenanted, each with a large tiger. After the death of Colonel Bailey, we were paraded before these ferocious animals, and had an opportunity of seeing them fed once or twice a day; one of the nine was as black as a coal, the only one I ever saw of that colour. They were all taken in the Curakee jungles, which abound with elephants, tigers, wild boars, panthers, tiger-cats, leopards, &c. and lie about twenty miles from Patam, and about ten from Mysore. Those tigers, above stated, were designed for the punishment of high crimes and misdemeanours: three of his principal officers, namely, his head inchewalla, or general postmaster, his buxey, or paymaster general, and another, were severally thrown to the tigers, and devoured in an instant, all but their heads; for which purpose the tigers were always kept hungry! These all suffered within the short space of four months.

Confinement, however, soon proved destructive to the animals themselves, as scarcely one of them survived above eleven months. At this period, there was a regular import of wild beasts at least twice a week, taken from the jungles by himself, on his hunting excursions; to which exercise, at one time, he appeared very partial. 1000 horse, 500 pulligars, or pikemen, with some foot, formed his hunting party. His tiger-cats, or leopards, would always accompany him, and with these he used to course, as our gentlemen do with hounds. The elephants were caught in pits; and the tigers and other wild beasts in cages, by fastening, at the other end of the cage, a young pig, a lamb, &c. The wild elephants, though he had numbers that were domesticated, and tigers, were designed for his games, which I shall presently attempt to describe; but I will first mention the manner in which he punished criminals. Amongst numerous other instruments, he had a wooden horse, of a full size, resembling those adopted for his cavalry, curiously and infernally contrived, on the saddle of which were nine rows of sharp spikes, about three quarters of an inch long. The machine was moved by springs; and as soon as the culprit mounted, the horse, by some mechanism, would rear on his hind legs, and then, falling with a jerk on his fore feet, the spikes would enter the posteriors of the rider. The time of riding was proportioned to the crime; though it was said, that one of his horsemen rode this machine with such dexterity as to avoid the spikes,—in consequence of which he was pardoned. I have oft-times seen the horse, with its furniture, &c. but never saw a culprit on his back, though I was at Seringapatam at the time that several were punished that way. It was removed when Lord Cornwallis took possession of Bangalore.

But his most common mode of punishment was, that of drawing to death by the elephant’s feet; the manner of which was as follows: the poor wretches (for several were drawn at one time) first had their arms tied behind them, above the elbows, and then a rope put about the small of their legs, which was fastened to the elephant’s foot. This being done, the criminals stood with their backs towards the elephant’s posteriors, waiting sometimes an hour for an order for their execution. The distance they stood from the beast was about six yards, and the first step the elephant took would throw the poor unfortunates on their faces; thus they would be dragged over rough and smooth ground till dead, and with no faces left. There was a singular circumstance respecting one of his elephants, called Immaumbucies, which, when young, and about the size of a buffalo, came into Seringapatam with a herd of those animals. It was the largest he had, and measured fifteen feet in height. He was much caressed, and appeared sensible of every kind action; in fact, he was more sagacious than any of his fellows, and wonderfully docile. This incident transpired about fifty or sixty years prior to Hyder Ali’s usurpation, when Seringapatam was in the possession of the Mysorean chief, as sole monarch of the whole country.

Some error, of no great import, was discovered in the accounts of fifteen fine young Bramins, who were in one of his offices as clerks; for which they lost the fore-finger and thumb of their right hands, all except one, who was left-handed, and he had his left finger and thumb cut off: but the sufferings of the Bramins in general were indescribably cruel. Poor inoffensive men! Were they accused of being rich, it was enough; and no small pains were taken to procure their accusation, Tippoo’s emissaries and spies being in every corner of his kingdom. Once informed against, all pleas were useless, and they were instantly dragged to Seringapatam. On their arrival, they were sent for by the paymaster-general, who would address them mildly, stating, that he had received information they were worth a certain sum of money, which he named, and that he wanted so much for his master’s services. If the proposal was acceded to, all was well, and perhaps the Bramin would be put in a more lucrative situation; but a denial, or a supposed prevarication, was sure to be accompanied with the most exquisite tortures. In this process, the first mode was, piqueting for a given number of hours; then, if this was found of no avail, the addition of scourging; if this also proved ineffectual, needles, fixed in corks, were incessantly applied to their bodies, while still under the scourge. This mode of punishment continued several days; and if all this could not make them confess where their supposed riches were, they would be then led to the large pagoda yard, and there put into cages of iron, on half a pound of rice, and a certain quantity of salt, per day, but not a drop of water, or any thing but those two articles. In this situation I have seen them, with their souls looking through their eyes, and God knows my feelings at the time; but a look of pity at them from us would have been construed into guilt. They would thus linger a few days, and expire in agonies.

The situation of the oppressors and the oppressed, in pecuniary matters, is, I believe, widely different now. It is generally believed in India, that the Bramins are very tenacious of their money; which may be the case, and I give it credit; but I am strongly of opinion, that numbers of these inoffensive people suffered as above described, having no property whatever; a strong information against them being a just ground with Tippoo for all these cruelties.

About this period, in the year 1785, he seemed more bent on barbarities, than at any other time that I was in his country. It was not unfrequently that two or three hundred noses and ears would be exhibited in the public market, but to whom they belonged we could not learn. We must, however, leave these tragic scenes awhile, and turn to something less horrible.

We were one day strangely informed, that each of us, who was of proper age, was to have a wife; for this piece of news we were extremely sorry, but there was no possibility of our preventing their designs. There were, at this time, a number of young girls, who had been driven with their relations out of the Carnatic, when Hyder infested that country, which he almost over-ran, as already stated. Some of these poor creatures were allotted for us; and one morning, we were ordered to fall into rank and file, when those girls were placed one behind each of us, while we stood gazing at one another, wondering what they were about to do. At last, the durga gave the word, “To the right about face;” with the addition (in the Moorish language) of “take what is before you.” This, when understood, some did, and some did not; but the refractory were soon obliged to comply. Thus they fed their vanity, by making our first interview as ludicrous as possible, each being by this means supplied with a piece of furniture, for which, however valuable in general, we had neither want nor inclination. When this ceremony was completed, we were ordered back to our square, and on our return with our young black doxies, we had the bazaar, or public market, to pass, where the crowd was so difficult to penetrate, as to separate us. This laid the foundation for some serious disputes afterwards, many insisting that the women they had, when they arrived at the square, were not the same they had at first. This scene was truly comic, for the girls, when we understood them, which was many months afterwards, had the same views that we had; and were frequently engaged with their tongues, on this score, long before we could understand the cause of their disputes. Our enemies seemed to enjoy this in a manner that would have done honour to a British theatre. Two months passed on, when the priest came to consummate our nuptials; and the conclusion of the ceremony was as curious as the beginning. The bride and her consort were led to an eminence, with flowers round their necks, and seated; after which, their thumbs were tied together, when the priest muttered something which we could not comprehend, and we were married. They, however, gave us to understand, that we were subject to pay eighty rupees to the cadi, in case we divorced our wives, very few of whom exceeded eleven years of age.[9] The one who fell to my lot was a native of Arcot, and had been driven with thousands more when Hyder and Tippoo spread destruction almost throughout the Company’s territories. She was an affectionate creature, by whom I had two children; one died, and the other I left in the arms of its distracted mother. But I shall wave this subject for the present, and resume it again, if possible, towards the close.

About four months prior to the ratification of peace with the Company and Tippoo, our circumstances were bettered, and we had liberty to walk where we thought proper in the fort, and sometimes permission to go to Sanagangam, about two miles from the fort, where Hyder Ali lies buried, in a garden called Col-bog, or the Red Garden. We were taken to this spot, with many more good mussulmen, to pray for the soul of the deceased, when we had an opportunity of viewing his mosque. It is situate in the centre of the garden, and in the centre of the mosque is the tomb of this hero. It is a magnificent square building, with four doors, east, west, north, and south; and is ascended by steps, on the top of which, you immediately see, through the doors, his tomb, which, when I saw it, was covered with black velvet, and a steel ball was suspended over it, larger than a 42 lb. shot, of an amazing brightness. Here are always a number of faquirs (priests) of the highest order, to perform religious ceremonies, and keep the place inviolate.

There is another garden worth notice, called Derea, Dowlah-bog, or, the Rich Garden of the Sea; this is a most charming spot, nearly surrounded by a lofty wall, at the foot of which runs the river. Here was a great variety of fruits of the most exquisite flavour, lofty trees of a sublime appearance, together with a representation of the defeat of the brave but unfortunate Colonel Bailey: peace to his manes! Outside of this delectable spot, and near the walls, is a vast tank, in which numbers of large fish were kept (consecrated, I suppose, for they were never disturbed) by the highest order of the faquirs, who had their dwellings on the margin of the tank. But when the English took possession, no doubt these fine fish were appropriated to some other use. The Bramins had a spot also, directly under the fort walls, containing a great number of very fine fish, which were daily fed by them; but doubtless they also have long since been destroyed by some of John Bull’s sons.

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CHAP. V.

_Description of Seringapatam—Ferocious Games—Observations on
Lions and Tigers—Sent to Mysore—Tyranny of Tippoo—War
with the Nizam—Author put in Irons—Misery of his
Condition—Fate of some Bramins—Author separated from
some Companions in Misfortune—Marched to Chitteldroog—
Disturbed by Snakes—Expedient to procure Money—Anecdote
of a Fanatical Native—Visited by Apes—Singular Snake—
Forlorn Condition._

A brief description of Seringapatam and its environs may not be amiss here. This capital of Mysore, (though Mysore itself, distant nine miles, was, prior to Hyder’s usurpation, the seat of government,) is an island in the midst of a continent, charmingly situated, and surrounded by the Cavery river; distant from Madras 296 miles. It is about four miles in length, and about one mile and a half in breadth across the middle, where the ground is highest, whence it gradually narrows, and falls toward the extremities.[10] At the west end there is a fort of very considerable strength, about three miles in circumference, mounting at least 190 pieces of cannon, including what were on the cavalices. Its appearance, at about three miles’ distance, was calculated to strike every beholder, being distinguished by magnificent buildings and ancient pagodas,[11] contrasted with the more lofty and splendid monuments,[12] lately erected in honour of the Mohammedan faith.

At the east end of the island is the pettah, or suburb, called Sanagangam, which was finished while we were there; it was beautifully laid out, about half a mile square, divided into regular streets, all very wide, and shaded on each side with trees, surrounded by a strong mud wall. It was designed for merchants and troops, and possessed all the beauty and elegance of a country retirement, and was dignified by the mausoleum of Hyder. They were about erecting a new and magnificent palace in the year 1787, the last time I ever saw it but one, which will be noticed hereafter. We were all mustered before Hyder, in his palace, once, but not seeing much of the interior, I am not competent to give an accurate description. It is a very extensive building, flat-roofed, with two wings, one of which is his seraglio, and the other his treasury. The front of the palace was an extensive open place, supported by strong pillars, where the killadare and his retinue sat to administer justice; the palace door being about four yards behind them. Four beautiful Arabian mares, two elephants, and two palanquins, were always in waiting when Tippoo was in his capital; but he approved of the latter mode of conveyance most: I never saw him on horseback, and only once on an elephant. In his person he was majestic, about five feet nine inches and a half in height, with large eyes, an aquiline nose, and remarkably broad shoulders; his complexion was about two shades lighter than quite black. In short, he must have been a very powerful man, though in my opinion, contrary perhaps to most, not possessing any great portion of personal courage. I have never seen but one striking likeness of him since I have been in England.

I was an eye-witness twice to his games, once before the peace of 1784, and once after: the former will, I doubt not, be long remembered by our gallant Sir David Baird, and many more of our officers, who were then Tippoo’s prisoners, and in irons. The circumstance I allude to will be presently mentioned, after I have endeavoured to describe his performances. These games were something after the manner of the Pythian or Olympic, and continued ten days without intermission. After the usual preparations were arranged, which consisted of a strong rope network, attached to stanchions fixed in the ground, forming a semicircle in front of his palace, different descriptions of beasts were brought in, viz. elephants, tigers,[13] buffaloes, and rams; then followed his getiees, men who, being trained from their infancy to fighting, were wonderfully active and strong; these were seated in different groups, having come from different schools. The games commenced with the rams, perhaps thirty or forty pair each day; their mode of fighting is well known, and therefore needs no description: they would fight ferociously, but were seldom suffered to be completely conquered. This being over, the getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the woodguamootie, or four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippoo, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon, which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and if any way tardy, Tippoo had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippoo pleased, unless completely crippled; and if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.

There were, at this time, two men of prodigious size and strength; one, who was called the nabob’s getiee, from Madagascar, challenged the other, whose name was Yankertramen, from Tanjour, to fight with creeses.[14] This being made known to Tippoo, he ordered the latter into his presence, and asked him if he would fight his getiee with a creese. He immediately answered in the affirmative, prostrating himself at the same time; when ordered to rise, he humbly solicited that Tippoo would take care of his family, should he fall: in which he being satisfied, creeses were brought, and one was delivered to each; this attracted the utmost attention of, I suppose, not less than 20,000 spectators. All eyes were bent upon these two powerful men. They stood fronting each other for the space of ten minutes; the nabob’s getiee looked terrible at any time, but more particularly so now. He was not so stout as his opponent, but he was daring, and appeared sure of conquest. Tippoo watched them narrowly, to ascertain if any symptoms of fear were shewn, or if either of them would decline the combat; but finding them both staunch, his heart, perhaps for the first time, relented, and he graciously ordered both of them presents, and to withdraw, and be friendly with each other.

Outside the semicircle, there would every day appear a man on lofty stilts, with one of the Company’s uniforms on; at one time he would seem to take snuff, at another tobacco; then he would affect to be intoxicated; in short, it was intended as a burlesque on the English, and to make them appear as ridiculous as possible in the view of the numerous spectators.

This being over, the tigers and buffaloes would be introduced, the former in large boxes, as they were caught in the jungles.[15] The largest had generally chains round their loins. I have seen one of these last-mentioned tigers defeat nine buffaloes, each of which would have been an overmatch for the fiercest bull I ever saw in Europe. He was chained at the time, though he had full scope to reach his antagonist. Many of the smaller ones were let loose singly on the pulligars, or pikemen. One of these fierce creatures, although he had twenty or more pikes in him at once, broke them, and sprung over their heads, killing one man, and wounding two others. It appeared singularly strange to us, that this tiger and another, which made their escape out of the ring by surprising efforts, should both of them make direct for the prison in which our officers were confined. The brave Captain Baird,[16] now Sir David Baird, was there at the time, with many more of our unfortunate officers, who, no doubt, if living, will remember this circumstance.

Towards the close of the evening, would follow eight or ten pair of these getiees, either of whom, had they one of their own holds of our first-rate pugilist, would soon make him cry for mercy. In the evening the elephants would be ordered in, when there would be lying on the ground, a dozen or more supposed dead tigers.[17] The business of these elephants was to trample on them, which the keepers could not compel many to do, though they inflicted severe punishment on the refractory. The stoutest elephant always appeared to me to be very uneasy at the sight of a tiger! These games were concluded every night with fireworks, some of which were superlatively grand and curious, exciting at once our astonishment and admiration.

At length, the fatal 1784 arrived; and now we had the painful knowledge, that our destiny was irremediable! A peace was concluded with Tippoo by the East India Company, and we had the mortification of seeing numbers of our officers and men marched out of the fort for Madras, while we were cut off from every hope of ever reaching our country or our friends. The humane reader will be able to appreciate and judge of our feelings under those trying circumstances. For my own part, it preyed upon my mind for three months, to such a degree as to reduce me much; and I can positively say, I never went to sleep till nature was completely worn out and exhausted with grief and tears!

One morning, we were all sent for in a great hurry, and seated on the ground in front of the palace. An hour elapsed, during which period hope and fear alternately succeeded. A few were quite sanguine that we were going to be released. Vain imagination! We were escorted under a strong guard to Mysore, nine miles from the capital, where we were separated, and sent to different prisons. The spot I was in, was the fatal place where Captain Rumney, and Lieutenants Fraser and Sampson, had their throats cut;[18] and, about this period, Lieutenants Rutledge and Spediman were Mohammedanized. The latter cut his own throat between the Mysore gates; and the former, an amiable character, after surviving him about three years, being suspected of correspondence with the English, was sent to Nairandroog, or rock of death, perhaps as unwholesome a spot as any in Asia. If this did not answer the end intended, that of putting a period to his existence, it is highly probable that poison, or the but-ends of muskets, did. This Nairandroog was the place to which the afflicted Hindoos were sent by hundreds.

Whether we were ever demanded by the English, or not, we could not ascertain, seeing nothing of the kind in any public paper, after we made our escape; but we supposed we were, and assigned that as the cause of our being sent to Mysore in such haste.

At this period, also, Tippoo laid siege to Mangalore, which was bravely defended by Major Campbell, a king’s officer. Tippoo did not carry it, for the French troops withdrew on hearing of the peace; but he hung the killadare, or governor, who had surrendered the fort to the English. This cruelty caused a remonstrance on the part of Mohammed Ali, the killadare’s son, who had served with his father faithfully, and then commanded six battalions of tolerably well-disciplined troops, clothed in the manner of our Sepoys. His observations were received by Tippoo with great indignation, and he ordered him to be beaten with a shoe or a sandal, which is the greatest insult that can be given to a Mohammedan. When this was communicated to the six battalions that he commanded, they flew to arms, to resent the treatment of their chief; but, alas! they were surrounded and disarmed, and nearly 2000 of these poor fellows had their noses and ears cut off, and were then sent to hard labour; and in order to degrade them more, they were dubbed with the epithet “commutie,” or scavenger battalions. Their unfortunate commander was sent to Seringapatam a prisoner, where he died of grief.