The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythræan Sea

Chapter VIII: Introduction (1)

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The coasting voyage from the mouth of the Indus to the head of the Persian Gulf, designed by Alexander the Great, and executed by Nearkhos, may be regarded as the most important achievement of the ancients in navigation. It opened up, as Vincent remarks, a communication between Europe and the most distant countries of Asia, and, at a later period, was the source and origin of the Portuguese discoveries, and consequently the primary cause, however remote, of the British establishments in India. A Journal of this voyage was written by Nearkhos himself, which, though not extant in its original form, has been preserved for us by Arrian, who embodied its contents in his little work on India,[23] which he wrote as a sequel to his history of the expedition of Alexander.

Nearkhos as a writer must be acknowledged to be most scrupulously honest and exact,—for the result of explorations made in modern times along the shores which he passed in the course of his voyage shows that his description of them is accurate even in the most minute particulars. His veracity was nevertheless oppugned in ancient times by Strabo, who unjustly stigmatises the whole class of the Greek writers upon India as mendacious. “Generally speaking,” he says (II. i. 9), “the men who have written upon Indian affairs were a set of liars. Deimakhos holds the first place in the list, Megasthenês comes next, while Onêsikritos and Nearkhos, with others of the same class, stammer out a few words of truth.” (παραψελλίζοντες). Strabo, however, in spite of this censure did not hesitate to use Nearkhos as one of his chief authorities for his description of India, and is indebted to him for many facts relating to that country, which, however extraordinary they might appear to his contemporaries, have been all confirmed by subsequent observation. It is therefore fairly open to doubt whether Strabo was altogether sincere in his ill opinion, seeing it had but little, if any, influence on his practice. We know at all events that he was too much inclined to undervalue any writer who retailed fables, without discriminating whether the writer set them down as facts, or merely as stories, which he had gathered from hearsay.

In modern times, the charge of mendacity has been repeated by Hardouin and Huet. There are, however, no more than two passages of the Journal which can be adduced to support this imputation. The first is that in which the excessive breadth of 200 stadia is given to the Indus, and the second that in which it is asserted that at Malana (situated in 25° 17´ of N. latitude) the shadows at noon were observed to fall southward, and this in the month of November. With regard to the first charge, it may be supposed that the breadth assigned to the Indus was probably that which it was observed to have when in a state of inundation, and with regard to the second, it may be met by the supposition, which is quite admissible, that Arrian may have misapprehended in some measure the import of the statement as made by Nearkhos. The passage will be afterwards examined,[24] but in the meantime we may say, with Vincent, that if the difficulty it presents admits of no satisfactory solution, the misstatement ought not, as standing alone, to be insisted upon to the invalidation of the whole work.

But another charge besides that of mendacity has been preferred against the Journal. Dodwell has denied its authenticity. His attack is based on the following passage in Pliny (VI. 23):—Onesciriti et Nearchi navigatio nec nomina habet mansionum nec spatia. _The Journal of Onesicritus and Nearchus has neither the names of the anchorages nor the measure of the distances._ From this Dodwell argues that, as the account of the voyage in Arrian contains both the names and the distances, it could not have been a transcript of the Journal of Nearkhos, which according to Pliny gave neither names nor distances. Now, in the first place, it may well be asked, why the authority of Pliny, who is by no means always a careful writer, should be set so high as to override all other testimony, for instance, that of Arrian himself, who expressly states in the outset of his narrative that he intended to give the account of the voyage which had been written by Nearkhos. In the second place, the passage in question is probably corrupt, or if not, it is in direct conflict with the passage which immediately follows it, and contains Pliny’s own summary of the voyage in which little else is given than the names of the anchorages and the distances. Dodwell was aware of the inconsistency of the two passages, and endeavoured to explain it away. In this he entirely fails, and there can therefore be no reasonable doubt, that in Arrian’s work we have a record of the voyage as authentic as it is veracious.

Of that record we proceed to give a brief abstract, adding a few particulars gathered from other sources.

The fleet with which Nearkhos accomplished the voyage consisted of war-galleys and transports which had been partly built and partly collected on the banks of the river Hydaspes (now the Jhelam), where Alexander had supplied them with crews by selecting from his troops such men as had a knowledge of seamanship. The fleet thus manned sailed slowly down the Hydaspes, the Akesinês, and the Indus, its movements being regulated by those of the army, which, in marching down towards the sea, was engaged in reducing the warlike tribes settled along the banks of these rivers. This downward voyage occupied, according to Strabo, ten months, but it probably did not occupy more than nine. The fleet having at length reached the apex of the Delta formed by the Indus remained in that neighbourhood for some time at a place called Pattala, which has generally been identified with Ṭhaṭha—a town near to where the western arm of the Indus bifurcates,—but which Cunningham and others would prefer to identify with Nirankol or Haidarâbâd.[25] From Pattala Alexander sailed down the western stream of the river, where some of his ships were damaged and others destroyed by encountering the Bore, a phenomenon as alarming as it was new to the Greeks.[26] He returned to Pattala, and thence made an excursion down the Eastern stream, which he found less difficult to navigate. On again returning to Pattala he removed his fleet down to a station on the Western branch of the river (at an island called Killouta),[27] which was at no great distance from the sea. He then set out on his return to Persia, leaving instructions with Nearkhos to start on the voyage as soon as the calming of the monsoon should render navigation safe. It was the king’s intention to march near to the coast, and to collect at convenient stations supplies for the victualling of the fleet, but he found that such a route was impracticable, and he was obliged to lead his army through the inland provinces which lay between India and his destination, Sûsa.[28] He left Leonnatos, however, behind him in the country of the Oreitai, with instructions to render every assistance in his power to the expedition under Nearkhos when it should reach that part of the coast.

Nearkhos remained in the harbour at Killouta for about a month after Alexander had departed, and then sailed during a temporary lull in the monsoon, as he was apprehensive of being attacked by the natives who had been but imperfectly subjugated, and whose spirit was hostile.[29] The date on which he set sail is fixed by Vincent as the 1st of October in the year B.C. 326. He proceeded slowly down the river, and anchored first at a place called Stoura, which was only 100 stadia distant from the station they had quitted. Here the fleet remained for two days, when it proceeded to an anchorage only 30 stadia farther down the stream at a place called Kaumana.[30] Thence it proceeded to Koreatis (v. 1. Koreëstis)—where it again anchored. When once more under weigh its progress was soon arrested by a dangerous rock or bar which obstructed the mouth of the river.[31] After some delay this difficulty was overcome, and the fleet was conducted in safety into the open main, and onward to an island called Krôkala (150 stadia distant from the bar), where it remained at anchor throughout the day following its arrival. On leaving this island Nearkhos had Mount Eiros (now Manora) on his right hand, and a low flat island on his left; and this, as Cunningham remarks, is a very accurate description of the entrance to Karâchi harbour. The fleet was conducted into this harbour, now so well known as the great emporium of the trade of the Indus, and here, as the monsoon was still blowing with great violence, it remained for four and twenty days. The harbour was so commodious and secure that Nearkhos designated it the Port of Alexander. It was well sheltered by an island lying close to its mouth, called by Arrian, Bibakta, but by Pliny, Bibaga, and by Philostratos, Biblos.

The expedition took its departure from this station on the 3rd of November. It suffered both from stress of weather and from shortness of provisions until it reached Kôkala on the coast of the Oreitai, where it took on board the supplies which had been collected for its use by the exertions of Leonnatos. Here it remained for about 10 days, and by the time of its departure the monsoon had settled in its favour, so that the courses daily accomplished were now of much greater length than formerly. The shores, however, of the Ikhthyophagoi, which succeeded to those of the Oreitai, were so miserably barren and inhospitable that provisions were scarcely procurable, and Nearkhos was apprehensive lest the men, famished and despairing, should desert the ships. Their sufferings were not relieved till they approached the straits, which open into the Persian Gulf. When within the straits, they entered the mouth of the river Anamis (now the Minâb or Ibrahim river), and having landed, formed a dockyard and a camp upon its banks. This place lay in Harmozeia, a most fertile and beautiful district belonging to Karmania. Nearkhos, having here learned that Alexander was not more than a 5 days’ journey from the sea, proceeded into the interior to meet him, and report the safety of the expedition. During his absence the ships were repaired and provisioned, and therefore soon after his return to the camp he gave orders for the resumption of the voyage. The time spent at Harmozeia was one and twenty days. The fleet again under weigh coasted the islands lying at the mouth of the gulf, and then having shaped its course towards the mainland, passed the western shores of Karmania and those of Persis, till it arrived at the mouth of the Sitakos (now the Kara-Agach), where it was again repaired and supplied with provisions, remaining for the same number of days as at the Anamis. One of the next stations at which it touched was Mesembria, which appears to have been situated in the neighbourhood of the modern Bushire. The coast of Persis was difficult to navigate on account of intricate and oozy channels, and of shoals and breakers which frequently extended far out to sea. The coast which succeeded, that of Sousis (from which Persis is separated by the river Arosis or Oroatis, now the Tâb) was equally difficult and dangerous to navigate, and therefore the fleet no longer crept along the shore, but stood out more into the open sea. At the head of the gulf Sousis bends to westward, and here are the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates, which appear in those days to have entered the sea by separate channels. It was the intention of Nearkhos to have sailed up the former river, but he passed its mouth unawares, and continued sailing westward till he reached Diridôtis (or Terêdon), an emporium in Babylonia, situated on the Pallacopas branch of the Euphrates. From Diridôtis he retraced his course, and entering the mouth of the Tigris sailed up its stream till he reached the lower end of a great lake (not now existing), through which its current flowed. At the upper end of this lake was a village called Aginis, said to have been 500 stadia distant from Sousa. Nearkhos did not, as has been erroneously supposed by some, sail up the lake to Aginis, but entered the mouth of a river which flows into its south-eastern extremity, called the Pasitigris or Eulæus, the Ulai of the Prophet Daniel, now the Karûn. The fleet proceeded up this river, and came to a final anchor in its stream immediately below a bridge, which continued the highway from Persia to Sousa. This bridge, according to Ritter and Rawlinson, crossed the Pasitigris at a point near the modern village of Ahwaz. Here the fleet and the army were happily reunited. Alexander on his arrival embraced Nearkhos with cordial warmth, and rewarded appropriately the splendid services which he had rendered by bringing the expedition safely through so many hardships and perils to its destination. The date on which the fleet anchored at the bridge is fixed by Vincent for the 24th of February B. C. 325, so that the whole voyage was performed in 146 days, or somewhat less than 5 months.

The following tables show the names, positions, &c., of the different places which occurred on the route taken by the expedition:—

From the Station on the Indus to the Port of Alexander (Karâchi Harbour).

II.

Coast of the Arabies (Sindh).

Length of the Coast from the Indus to the Arabis R. 1000 Stadia.
Actual length in miles English 80
Time taken in its navigation 38 Days.

--------------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
| Modern | Distance | |
Ancient Name. | name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
| | Stadia. | |
--------------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
1. Port of Alexander| Karâchi | -- | 24° 53´ | 66° 57´
2. _Bibakta_ | | | |
3. Domai Is. | | 60 | 24° 48´ | 66° 50´
4. Saranga | | 300 | 24° 44´ | 66° 34´
5. Sakala | | | 24° 52´ | 66° 33´
6. Morontobara | | 300 | 25° 13´ | 66° 40´
7. _Is. unnamed_ | | | |
8. Arabis R. | Purâli R. | 120 | 25° 28´ | 66° 35´
--------------------+-----------+----------+---------+----------

III.

Length of the coast (Arrian) 1600 Stadia.
Do. do. (Strabo) 1800 --”
Actual length in miles English 100
Time taken in its navigation 18 Days.

---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+---------
| | Distance | |
Ancient Name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
| | Stadia. | |
---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+---------
1. Pagala | -- | 200 | 25° 30´ | 66° 15´
2. Kabana | -- | 400 | 25° 28´ | 65° 46´
3. Kôkala | NearRâs-Katchari | 200 | 25° 21´ | 65° 36´
4. Tomêros R. |Maklow or Hingul R.| 500 | 25° 16´ | 65° 15´
5. Malana | Râs Malan | 300 | 25° 18´ | 65° 7´
---------------+-------------------+----------+---------+---------

IV.

Coast of the Ikhthyophagoi (Mekran or Beluchistan).

Length of the coast (Arrian) 10,000 Stadia.
Do. do. (Strabo) 7,000 “
Actual length in miles English 480
Time taken in its navigation 20 Days.

----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+----------
| | Distance | |
Ancient Name. | Modern name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
| | Stadia. | |
----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+----------
1. Bagisara | On Arabah or | 600 | 25° 12´ | 64° 31´
| Hormara Bay | | |
2. _Pasira_ | | | |
3. Cape unnamed | Râs Arabah | | 25° 7´ | 64° 29´
4. Kolta | | 200 | 25° 8´ | 64° 27´
5. Kalama | Kalami R. | 600 | 25° 21´ | 63° 59´
6. _Karbine Is._ | Asthola or | | |
| Sânga-dîp | | |
7. Kissa in _Karbis_ | -- | 200 | 25° 22´ | 63° 37´
8. Cape unnamed | C. Passence | | 25° 15´ | 63° 30´
9. Mosarna | Near do. | | |
10. Balômon | -- | 750 | |
11. Barna | -- | 400 | 25° 12´ | 63° 10´
12. Dendrobosa |Daram or Duram | 200 | 25° 11´ | 62° 45´
13. Kôphas |Râs Koppa | 400 | 25° 11´ | 62° 29´
14. Kuiza |Near Râs Ghunse| 800 | 25° 10´ | 61° 56´
15. Town unnamed |On Gwattar Bay | 500 | |
16. Cape called Bagia | | | 25° 7´ | 61° 28´
17. Talmena |On Chaubar Bay | 1000 | 25° 24´ | 60° 40´
18. Kanasis | | 400 | 25° 24 | 60° 12´
19. Anchorage unnamed.| | | |
20. Kanate | Kungoun | 850 | 25° 25´ | 59° 15´
21. Taœi or Troisi | Near Sudich | 800 | 25° 30´ | 58° 42´
| River | | |
22. Bagasira | Girishk | 300 | 25° 38´ | 58° 27´
23. Anchorage unnamed | -- | 1100 | |
----------------------+---------------+----------+---------+----------

Coast of Karmania (Moghistan and Laristan).
Length of the coast (Arrian and Strabo) 3,700 Stadia.
Actual length in miles English 296
Time taken in its navigation 19 Days.

VI.

Coast of Persis (Farsistan).

Length of Coast 4,400 Stadia.
Actual length in miles English 382
Time taken in its navigation 31 Days.

----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------
Ancient name. | Modern | Distance | |
| name. | in | Lat. N. |Long. E.
| | Stadia. | |
----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------
1. Ila and Kaikander Is. |Inderabia | 400 | 26° 38´ | 53° 35´
| Island | | |
2. Island with Pearl Fishery| | | |
3. Another anchorage here | -- | 40 | |
4. Mount Okhos | -- | | 26° 59´ | 53° 20´
5. Apostana | -- | 450 | 27° 1´ | 52° 55´
6. Bay unnamed |On it is | 400 | 27° 24´ | 52° 25´
| Nabend | | |
7. Gôgana at mouth of | Konkan | 600 | 27° 48´ | 52°
Areôn R. | | | |
8. Sitakos | Kara-Agach| | |
| R. | 800 | |
9. Hieratis | ... | 750 | 28° 52´ | 50° 45´
10. Heratemis | | | |
R. near it. | | | |
11. Podagron, R. | | | |
12. Mesambria | Near | ... | 29° | 50° 45´
| Bushire.| | |
13. Taökê on | Taaug | 200 | 29° 14´ | 50° 30´
Granis, R. | | | |
14. Rhogonis, R. | ... | 200 | 29° 27´ | 50° 29´
15. Brizana, R. | ... | 400 | 29° 57´ | 50° 15´
16. Arosis or | River Tâb.| ... | 30° 4´ | 49° 30´
Oroatis, R. | | | |
-----------------------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------

VII.

Coast of Sousis (Khuzistan.)

Length of the Coast 2000 Stadia.
Time taken in its navigation 3 Days.

----------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
| Modern | Distance | |
Ancient name. | name. | in | Lat. N. | Long. E.
| | Stadia. | |
----------------+-----------+----------+---------+---------
1. Kataderbis R.| ... | 500 | 30° 16´ | 49°
| | | |
2. Margastana Is.| | | |
| | | |
3. Anchorage | ... | 600 | |
unnamed. | | | |
| | | |
4. Diridôtis, | Near Jebel| 900 | 30° 12´ | 47° 35´
the end of the| Sanâm. | | |
sea voyage. | | | |
----------------+-----------+----------+---------+--------

TRANSLATION.

XVIII. When the fleet formed for Alexander upon the banks of the Hydaspes was now ready, he provided crews for the vessels by collecting all the Phœnikians and all the Kyprians and Egyptians who had followed him in his Eastern campaigns, and from these he selected such as were skilled in seamanship to manage the vessels and work the oars. He had besides in his army not a few islanders familiar with that kind of work, and also natives both of Ionia and of the Hellespont. The following officers he appointed as Commanders of the different galleys[33]:—

Makedonians.

Citizens of Pella.

1. Hephaistiôn, son of Amyntor.
2. Leonnatos, son of Anteas.
3. Lysimakhos, son of Agathoklês.
4. Asklepiodôros, son of Timander.
5. Arkhôn, son of Kleinias.
6. Demonikos, son of Athenaios.
7. Arkhias, son of Anaxidotos.
8. Ophellas, son of Seilênos.
9. Timanthês, son of Pantiadês.

Of Amphipolis.

10. Nearkhos, son of Androtîmos, who wrote a narrative of the voyage.
11. Laomedôn, son of Larikhos.
12. Androsthenês, son of Kallistratos.

Of Oresis.

13. Krateros, son of Alexander.
14. Perdikkas, son of Orontes.

Of Eördaia.

15. Ptolemaios, son of Lagos.
16. Aristonous, son of Peisaios.

Of Pydna.

17. Metrôn, son of Epikharmos.
18. Nikarkhidês, son of Simos.

Of Stymphaia.

19. Attalos, son of Andromenês.

Of Mieza.

20. Peukestas, son of Alexander.

Of Alkomenai.

21. Peithôn, son of Krateuas.

Of Aigai.

22. Leonnatos, son of Antipater.

Of Alôros.

23. Pantoukhos, son of Nikolaös.

Of Beroia.

24. Mylleas, son of Zôilos.

All these were Makedonians.

Greeks,—of Larisa:

25. Mêdios, son of Oxynthemis.

Of Kardia.

26. Eumenês, son of Hierônymos.

Of Kôs.

27. Kritoboulos, son of Plato.

Of Magnêsia.

28. Thoas, son of Mênodôros.
29. Maiander, son of Mandrogenês.

Of Teos.

30. Andrôn, son of Kabêlas.

Of Soloi in Cyprus.

31. Nikokleês, son of Pasikratês.

Of Salamis in Cyprus.

32. Nithaphôn, son of Pnutagoras.

A Persian was also appointed as a Trierarch.

33. Bagoas, son of Pharnoukhês.

The Pilot and Master of Alexander’s own ship was Onêsikritos of Astypalaia, and the Secretary-General of the fleet Euagoras, the son of Eukleôn, a Corinthian. Nearkhos, the son of Androtîmos, a Kretan by birth, but a citizen of Amphipolis on the Strymôn was appointed as Admiral of the expedition.

When these dispositions had been all completed, Alexander sacrificed to his ancestral gods, and to such as had been indicated by the oracle; also to Poseidôn and Amphitritê and the Nêreids, and to Okeanos himself, and to the River Hydaspês, from which he was setting forth on his enterprise; and to the Akesinês into which the Hydaspês pours its stream, and to the Indus which receives both these rivers. He further celebrated the occasion by holding contests in music and gymnastics, and by distributing to the whole army, rank by rank, the sacrificial victims.

XIX. When all the preparations for the voyage had been made, Alexander ordered Krateros, with a force of horse and foot, to go to one side of the Hydaspês; while Hephaistiôn commanding a still larger force, which included 200 elephants, should march in a parallel line on the other side. Alexander himself had under his immediate command the body of foot guards called the Hypaspists, and all the archers, and what was called the companion-cavalry,—a force consisting in all of 8,000 men. The troops under Krateros and Hephaistiôn marching in advance of the fleet had received instructions where they were to wait its arrival. Philip, whom he had appointed satrap of this region, was despatched to the banks of the Akesinês with another large division, for by this time he had a following of 120,000 soldiers,[34] including those whom he had himself led up from the sea-coast, as well as the recruits enlisted by the agents whom he had deputed to collect an army, when he admitted to his ranks barbarous tribes of all countries in whatever way they might be armed. Then weighing anchor, he sailed down the Hydaspês to its point of junction with the Akesinês. The ships numbered altogether 1800, including the long narrow war galleys, the round-shaped roomy merchantmen, and the transports for carrying horses and provisions to feed the army. But how the fleet sailed down the rivers, and what tribes Alexander conquered in the course of the voyage, and how he was in danger among the Malli,[35] and how he was wounded in their country, and how Peukestas and Leonnatos covered him with their shields when he fell,—all these incidents have been already related in my other work, that which is written in the Attic dialect.[36] My present object is to give an account of the coasting voyage which Nearkhos accomplished with the fleet when starting from the mouths of the Indus he sailed through the great ocean as far as the Persian Gulf, called by some the Red Sea.

XX. Nearkhos himself has supplied a narrative of this voyage, which runs to this effect. Alexander, he informs us, had set his heart on navigating the whole circuit of the sea which extends from India to Persia, but the length of the voyage made him hesitate, and the possibility of the destruction of his fleet, should it be cast on some desert coast either quite harbourless or too barren to furnish adequate supplies; in which case a great stain tarnishing the splendour of his former actions would obliterate all his good fortune. His ambition, however, to be always doing something new and astonishing prevailed over all his scruples. Then arose a difficulty as to what commander he should choose, having genius sufficient for working out his plans, and a difficulty also with regard to the men on ship-board how he could overcome their fear, that in being despatched on such a service they were recklessly sent into open peril. Nearkhos here tells us that Alexander consulted him on the choice of a commander, and that when the king had mentioned one man after another, rejecting all, some because they were not inclined to expose themselves for his sake to danger, others because they were of a timid temper, others because their only thought was how to get home, making this and that objection to each in turn, Nearkhos then proffered his own services in these terms: “I, then, O king, engage to command the expedition, and, under the divine protection, will conduct the fleet and the people on board safe into Persia, if the sea be that way navigable, and the undertaking within the power of man to perform.” Alexander made a pretence of refusing the offer, saying that he could not think of exposing any friend of his to the distresses and hazard of such a voyage, but Nearkhos, so far from withdrawing his proposal, only persisted the more in pressing its acceptance upon him. Alexander, it need not be said, warmly appreciated the promptitude to serve him shown by Nearkhos, and appointed him to be commander-in-chief of the expedition. When this became known, it had a great effect in calming the minds of the troops ordered on this service and on the minds of the sailors, since they felt assured that Alexander would never have sent forth Nearkhos into palpable danger unless their lives were to be preserved. At the same time the splendour with which the ships were equipped, and the enthusiasm of the officers vying with each other who should collect the best men, and have his complement most effective, inspired even those who had long hung back with nerve for the work, and a good hope that success would crown the undertaking. It added to the cheerfulness pervading the army that Alexander himself sailed out from both the mouths of the Indus into the open main when he sacrificed victims to Poseidôn and all the other sea-deities, and presented gifts of great magnificence to the sea; and so the men trusting to the immeasurable good fortune which had hitherto attended all the projects of Alexander, believed there was nothing he might not dare—nothing but would to him be feasible.

XXI. When the Etesian winds,[37] which continue all the hot season blowing landward from the sea, making navigation on that coast impracticable, had subsided, then the expedition started on the voyage in the year when Kephisidôros was Archon at Athens, on the 20th day of the month Boëdromion according to the Athenian Kalendar, but as the Makedonians and Asiatics reckon * * in the 11th year of the reign of Alexander.[38] Nearkhos, before putting to sea sacrifices to Zeus the Preserver, and celebrates, as Alexander had done, gymnastic games. Then clearing out of harbour they end the first day’s voyage by anchoring in the Indus at a creek called Stoura, where they remain for two days. The distance of this place from the station they had just left was 100 stadia. On the third day they resumed the voyage, but proceeded no further than 30 stadia, coming to an anchor at another creek, where the water was now salt, for the sea when filled with the tide ran up the creek, and its waters even when the tide receded commingled with the river. The name of this place was Kaumana. The next day’s course, which was of 20 stadia only, brought them to Koreatis, where they once more anchored in the river. When again under weigh their progress was soon interrupted, for a bar was visible which there obstructed the mouth of the Indus; and the waves were heard breaking with furious roar upon its strand which was wild and rugged. Observing, however, that the bar at a particular part was soft, they made a cutting through this, 5 stadia long, _at low water_, and on the return of the flood-tide carried the ships through by the passage thus formed into the open sea.[39] Then following the winding of the coast they ran a course of 120 stadia, and reach Krôkala,[40] a sandy island where they anchored and remained all next day. The country adjoining was inhabited by an Indian race called the Arabies, whom I have mentioned in my longer work, where it is stated that they derive their name from the River Arabis, which flows through their country to the sea, and parts them from the Oreitai.[41] Weighing from Krôkala they had on their right hand a mountain which the natives called Eiros, and on their left a flat island almost level with the sea, and so near the mainland to which it runs parallel that the intervening channel is extremely narrow. Having quite cleared this passage they come to anchor in a well-sheltered harbour, which Nearkhos, finding large and commodious, designated Alexander’s Haven. This harbour is protected by an island lying about 2 stadia off from its entrance. It is called Bibakta, and all the country round about Sangada.[42] The existence of the harbour is due altogether to the island which opposes a barrier to the violence of the sea. Here heavy gales blew from seaward for many days without intermission, and Nearkhos fearing lest the barbarians might, some of them, combine to attack and plunder the camp, fortified his position with an enclosure of stones. Here they were obliged to remain for 24 days. The soldiers, we learn from Nearkhos, caught mussels and oysters, and what is called the razor-fish, these being all of an extraordinary size as compared with the sorts found in our own sea.[43] He adds that they had no water to drink but what was brackish.

XXII. As soon as the monsoon ceased they put again to sea, and having run fully 60 stadia came to anchor at a sandy beach under shelter of a desert island that lay near, called Domai.[44] On the shore itself there was no water, but 20 stadia inland it was procured of good quality. The following day they proceeded 300 stadia to Saranga, where they did not arrive till night. They anchored close to the shore, and found water at a distance of about 8 stadia from it. Weighing from Saranga they reach Sakala, a desert place, and anchored. On leaving it they passed two rocks so close to each other that the oar-blades of the galleys grazed both, and after a course of 300 stadia they came to anchor at Morontobara.[45] The harbour here was deep and capacious, and well sheltered all round, and its waters quite tranquil, but the entrance into it was narrow. In the native language it was called Women’s Haven, because a woman had been the first sovereign of the place. They thought it a great achievement to have passed those two rocks in safety, for when they were passing them the sea was boisterous and running high. They did not remain in Morontobara, but sailed the day after their arrival, when they had on their left hand an island which sheltered them from the sea, and which lay so near to the mainland that the intervening channel looked as if it had been artificially formed. Its length from one end to the other was 70 stadia.[46] The shore was woody and the island throughout over-grown with trees of every description. They were not able to get fairly through this passage till towards daybreak, for the sea was not only rough, but also shoal, the tide being at ebb. They sailed on continuously, and after a course of 120 stadia anchored at the mouth of the river Arabis, where there was a spacious and very fine haven.[47] The water here was not fit for drinking, for the sea ran up the mouths of the Arabis. Having gone, however, about 40 stadia up the river, they found a pool from which, having drawn water, they returned to the fleet. Near the harbour is an island high and bare, but the sea around it supplied oysters and fish of various kinds.[48] As far as this, the country was possessed by the Arabies, the last Indian people living in this direction; and the parts beyond were occupied by the Oreitai.[49]

XXIII. On weighing from the mouths of the Arabia, they coasted the shores of the Oreitai, and after running 200 stadia reached Pagala,[50] where there was a surf but nevertheless good anchorage. The crew were obliged to remain on board, a party, however, being sent on shore to procure water. They sailed next morning at sunrise, and after a course of about 430 stadia, reached Kabana[51] in the evening, where they anchored at some distance from the shore, which was a desert; the violence of the surf by which the vessels were much tossed preventing them from landing. While running the last course the fleet had been caught in a heavy gale blowing from seaward, when two galleys and a transport foundered. All the men, however, saved themselves by swimming, as the vessels at the time of the disaster were sailing close to the shore. They weighed from Kabana about midnight, and having proceeded 200 stadia arrived at Kôkala, where the vessels _could not be drawn on shore_, but rode at anchor out at sea. As the men, however, had suffered severely by confinement on board,[52] and were very much in want of rest, Nearkhos allowed them to go on shore, where he formed a camp, fortifying it in the usual manner for protection against the barbarians. In this part of the country Leonnatos, who had been commissioned by Alexander to reduce the Oreitai and settle their affairs, defeated that people and their allies in a great battle, wherein all the leaders and 6,000 men were slain, the loss of Leonnatos, being only 15 of his horse, besides a few foot-soldiers, and _one man of note_ Apollophanês, the satrap of the Gedrosians.[53] A full account, however, of those transactions is given in my other work, where it is stated that for this service Leonnatos had a golden crown placed upon his head by Alexander in presence of the Makedonian army. Agreeably to orders given by Alexander, corn had been here collected for the victualling of the vessels, and stores sufficient to last for 10 days were put on board. Here also such ships as had been damaged during the voyage were repaired, while all the mariners that Nearkhos considered deficient in fortitude for the enterprise, he consigned to Leonnatos to be taken on by land, but at the same time he made good his complement of men by taking in exchange others more efficient from the troops under Leonnatos.

XXIV. From this place they bore away with a fresh breeze, and having made good a course of 500 stadia anchored near a winter torrent called the Tomêros, which at its mouth expanded into an estuary.[54] The natives lived on the marshy ground near the shore in cabins close and suffocating. Great was their astonishment when they descried the fleet approaching, but _they were not without courage_, and collecting in arms on the shore, drew up in line to attack the strangers when landing. They carried thick spears about 6 cubits long, not headed with iron, but what was as good, hardened at the point by fire. Their number was about 600, and when Nearkhos saw that they stood their ground prepared to fight, he ordered his vessels to advance, and then to anchor just within bowshot of the shore, for he had noticed that the thick spears of the barbarians were adapted only for close fight, and were by no means formidable as missiles. He then issued his directions: those men that were lightest equipped, and the most active and best at swimming were to swim to shore at a given signal: when any one had swum so far that he could stand in the water he was to wait for his next neighbour, and not advance against the barbarians until a file could be formed of three men deep: that done, they were to rush forward shouting the war-cry. The men selected for this service at once plunged into the sea, and swimming rapidly touched ground, still keeping due order, when forming in file, they rushed to the charge, shouting the war-cry, which was repeated from the ships, whence all the while arrows and missiles from engines were launched against the enemy. Then the barbarians terrified by the glittering arms and the rapidity of the landing, and wounded by the arrows and other missiles, against which they had no protection, being all but entirely naked, fled at once without making any attempt at resistance. Some perished in the ensuing flight, others were taken prisoners, and some escaped to the mountains. Those they captured had shaggy hair, not only on their head but all over their body; their nails resembled the claws of wild beasts, and were used, it would seem, instead of iron for dividing fish and splitting the softer kinds of wood. Things of a hard consistency they cut with sharp stones, for iron they had none. As clothing they wore the skins of wild beasts, and occasionally also the thick skins of the large sorts of fish.[55]

XXV. After this action they draw the ships on shore and repair all that had been damaged. On the 6th day they weighed again, and after a course of 300 stadia reached a place called Malana, the last on the coast, of the Oreitai.[56] In the interior these people dress like the Indians, and use similar weapons, but differ from them in their language and their customs. The length of the coast of the Arabies, measured from the place whence the expedition had sailed, was about 1,000 stadia, and the extent of the coast of the Oreitai 1,600 stadia. Nearkhos mentions that as they sailed along the Indian coast (for the people beyond this are not Indians), their shadows did not fall in the usual direction, for when they stood out a good way to the southward, their shadows appeared to turn and fall southward.[57] Those constellations, moreover, which they had been accustomed to see high in the heavens, were either not visible at all, or were seen just on the verge of the horizon, while the Polar constellations which had formerly been always visible now set and soon afterwards rose again. In this Nearkhos appears to me to assert nothing improbable, for at Syênê in Egypt they show a well in which, when the sun is at the Tropic, there is no shadow at noon. In Meroë also objects project no shadow at that particular time. Hence it is probable that the shadow is subject to the same law in India which lies to the south, and more especially in the Indian ocean, which extends still further to the southward.

XXVI. Next to the Oreitai lies Gedrosia,[58] an inland province through which Alexander led his army, but this with difficulty, for the region was so desolate that the troops in the whole course of the expedition never suffered such direful extremities as on this march. But all the particulars relating to this I have set down in my larger work (VI. 22-27). The seaboard below the Gedrosians is occupied by a people culled the Ikhthyophagi, and along this country the fleet now pursued its way. Weighing from Malana about the second watch they ran a course of 600 stadia, and reached Bagisara. Here they found a commodious harbour, and at a distance of 60 stadia from the sea a small town called Pasira, whence the people of the neighbourhood were called Pasirees.[59] Weighing early next morning they had to double a headland which projected far out into the sea, and was high and precipitous. Here having dug wells, and got only a small supply of bad water, they rode at anchor that day because a high surf prevented the vessels approaching the shore. They left this place next day, and sailed till they reached Kolta after a course of 200 stadia.[60] Weighing thence at daybreak they reached Kalama, after a course of 600 stadia, and there anchored.[61] Near the beach was a village around which grew a few palm-trees, the dates on which were still green. There was here an island called Karbinê, distant from the shore about 100 stadia.[62] The villagers by way of showing their hospitality brought presents of sheep and fish to Nearkhos, who says that the mutton had a fishy taste like the flesh of sea birds for the sheep fed on fish, there being no grass in the place. Next day they proceeded 200 stadia, and anchored off a shore near which lay a village called Kissa, 30 stadia inland.[63] That coast was however called Karbis. There they found little boats such as might belong to miserably poor fishermen, but the men themselves they saw nothing of, for they had fled when they observed the ships dropping anchor. No corn was here procurable, but a few goats had been left, which were seized and put on board, for in the fleet provisions now ran short. On weighing they doubled a steep promontory, which projected about 150 stadia into the sea, and then put into a well-sheltered haven called Mosarna, where they anchored. Here the natives were fishermen, and here they obtained water.[64]

XXVII. From this place they took on board, Nearkhos says, as pilot of the fleet, a Gedrosian called Hydrakês, who undertook to conduct them as far as Karmania.[65] Thenceforth until they reached the Persian Gulf, the voyage was more practicable, and the names of the stations more familiar. Departing from Mosarna at night, they sailed 750 stadia, and reached the coast of Balômon. They touched next at Barna, which was 400 stadia distant.[66] Here grew many palm trees, and here was a garden wherein were myrtles and flowers from which the men wove chaplets for their hair.[67] They saw now for the first time cultivated trees, and met with natives in a condition above that of mere savages. Leaving this they followed the winding of the coast, and arrived at Dendrobosa, where they anchor in the open sea.[68] They weighed from this about midnight, and after a course of about 400 stadia gained the haven of Kôphas.[69] The inhabitants were fishermen possessed of small and wretched boats, which they did not manage with oars fastened to a row-lock according to the Grecian manner, but with paddles which they thrust on this side, and on that into the water, like diggers using a spade. They found at this haven plenty of good water. Weighing about the first watch they ran 800 stadia, and put into Kyiza, where was a desert shore with a high surf breaking upon it.[70] They were accordingly obliged to let the ships ride at anchor and take their meal on board. Leaving this they ran a course of 500 stadia, and came to a small town built on an eminence not far from the shore. On turning his eyes in that direction Nearkhos noticed that the land had some appearance of being cultivated, and thereupon addressing Arkhias (who was the son of Anaxidotos of Pella, and sailed in the Commander’s galley, being a Makedonian of distinction) pointed out to him that they must take possession of the place, as the inhabitants would not willingly supply the army with food. It could not however be taken by assault, a tedious siege would be necessary, and they were already short of provisions. But the country was one that produced corn as the thick stubble which they saw covering the fields near the shore clearly proved. This proposal being approved of by all, he ordered Arkhias to make a feint of preparing the fleet, all but one ship to sail, while he himself, pretending to be left behind with that ship, approached the town as if merely to view it.

XXVIII. When he approached the walls the inhabitants came out to meet him, bringing a present of tunny-fish broiled in pans (the first instance of cookery among the Ikhthyophagi, although these were the very last of them), accompanied with small cakes and dates. He accepted their offering with the proper acknowledgments, but said he wished to see their town, which he was accordingly allowed to enter. No sooner was he within the gates than he ordered two of his archers to seize the portal by which they had entered, while he himself with two attendants and his interpreter mounting the wall hard by, made the preconcerted signal, on seeing which the troops under Arkhias were to perform the service assigned to them. The Makedonians, on seeing the signal, immediately ran their ships towards land, and without loss of time jumped into the sea. The barbarians, alarmed at these proceedings, flew to arms. Upon this Nearkhos ordered his interpreter to proclaim that if they wished their city to be preserved from pillage they must supply his army with provisions. They replied that they had none, and proceeded to attack the wall, but were repulsed by the archers with Nearkhos, who assailed them with arrows from the summit of the wall. Accordingly, when they saw that their city was taken, and on the point of being pillaged, they at once begged Nearkhos to take whatever corn they had, and to depart without destroying the place. Nearkhos upon this orders Arkhias to possess himself of the gates and the ramparts adjoining, and sends at the same time officers to see what stores were available, and whether these would be all honestly given up. The stores were produced, consisting of a kind of meal made from fish roasted, and a little wheat and barley, for the chief diet of these people was fish with bread added as a relish. The troops having appropriated these supplies returned to the fleet, which then hauled off to a cape _in the neighbourhood_ called Bagia, which the natives regarded as sacred to the sun.[71]

XXIX. They weighed from this cape about midnight, and having made good a course of 1,000 stadia, put into Talmena, where they found a harbour with good anchorage.[72] They sailed thence to Kanasis, a deserted town 400 stadia distant, where they find a well ready-dug and wild palm-trees.[73] These they cut down, using the tender heads to support life since provisions had again run scarce. They sailed all day and all night suffering great distress from hunger, and then came to an anchor off a desolate coast. Nearkhos fearing lest the men, if they landed, would in despair desert the fleet, ordered the ships to be moved to a distance from shore. Weighing from this they ran a course of 850 stadia, and came to anchor at Kanate, a place with an open beach and some water-courses.[74] Weighing again, and making 800 stadia, they reach Taoi, where they drop anchor.[75] The place contained some small and wretched villages, which were deserted by the inhabitants upon the approach of the fleet. Here the men found a little food and dates of the palm-tree, beside seven camels left by the villagers which were killed for food. Weighing thence about daybreak they ran a course of 300 stadia, and came to anchor at Dagasira, where the people were nomadic.[76] Weighing again they sailed all night and all day without intermission, and having thus accomplished a course of 1,100 stadia, left behind them the nation of the Ikhthyophagi, on whose shores they had suffered such severe privations. They could not approach the beach on account of the heavy surf, but rode at anchor out at sea. In navigating the Ikhthyophagi coast the distance traversed was not much short of 10,000 stadia. The people, as their name imports, live upon fish. Few of them, however, are fishermen, and what fish they obtain they owe mostly to the tide at whose reflux they catch them with nets made for this purpose. These nets are generally about 2 stadia long, and are composed of the bark (or fibres) of the palm, which they twine into cord in the same way as the fibres of flax are twined. When the sea recedes, hardly any fish are found among the dry sands, but they abound in the depressions of the surface where the water still remains. The fish are for the most part small, though some are caught of a considerable size, these being taken in the nets. The more delicate kinds they eat raw as soon as they are taken out of the water. The large and coarser kinds they dry in the sun, and when properly dried grind into a sort of meal from which they make bread. This meal is sometimes also used to bake cakes with. The cattle as well as their masters fare on dried fish, for the country has no pastures, and hardly even a blade of grass. In most parts crabs, oysters and mussels add to the means of subsistence. Natural salt is found in the country, * * * from these they make oil.[77] Certain of their communities inhabit deserts where not a tree grows, and where there are not even wild fruits. Fish is their sole means of subsistence. In some few places, however, they sow with grain some patches of land, and eat the produce as a viand of luxury along with the fish which forms the staple of their diet. The better class of the population in building their houses use, instead of wood, the bones of whales stranded on the coast, the broadest bones being employed in the framework of the doors. Poor people, and these are the great majority, construct their dwellings with the backbones of fish.[78]

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The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythræan SeaChapter VIII: Introduction (1)

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