Chapter VI: Introduction (5)

_Nectanabus._ The king of Egypt, Nectanabus, a great magician, fled from his enemies to Macedoine. In the chief city there the queen Olimpias kept the feast of her nativity and rode forth to be seen by the people. Nectanabus stood with the others, and gazed upon her so steadfastly, that the queen sent for him and asked him who he was. He replied that he was one who had a message for her, which must be said in private. She appointed a time, and he told her how the god Amos of Lybia desired to be her bedfellow and would beget a child of her who should subdue the whole earth. To prove his words he caused her by his magic to have a vision, which she took for prophecy; and so at length, coming in the person of the god and transforming himself into various shapes, he had his will of her and begat a son. Nectanabus caused Philip the king, being from home, to have a vision whereby he supposed that a god had lain with his wife, and returning he found her with child. Still he doubted, but by further signs and wonders Nectanabus caused him to forget his jealousy. Amid portents of earthquake and of tempest the child was born, and his name was called Alexander. He grew up, and Aristotle taught him philosophy, while Nectanabus instructed him in astronomy. On a certain night, when they were upon a tower observing the stars, Nectanabus prophesied by them that his own death should be by the hands of his son. Alexander, to prove that he lied, threw him from the tower to the ground, asking what was the use of his art if he could not prophesy his own fate rightly. Nectanabus made known the truth, and Alexander was sorry, and told his mother how it was. Thus he died and was buried, and this was the reward of Sorcery. (1789-2366.)

_Zoroaster_ too and _Saul_ came to evil by Sorcery. I counsel thee never to use this, my son. (2367-2400.)

I will not, father. But I beseech you tell me something of that Philosophy which, as ye said, Aristotle taught to Alexander: for to hear of something new might ease my pain.

Thou sayest well; but I, who am of the school of Venus, know not much of this high lore. Yet, as it is comprehended in a book, I can in part show forth to thee how it is. (2401-2440.)

LIB. VII.

1-60. Thou hast prayed me to declare to thee the school of Aristotle, and how Alexander was taught. This is not the matter on which we were set to speak; yet since wisdom is to be desired above all things, I will tell thee of that which Calistre and Aristotle wrote to Alexander.

There are three principal points of Philosophy: Theoric, Rhetoric, Practic.

61-1506. THEORIC. The parts of Theoric are three: Theology, Physics and Mathematics. The first treats of God and things spiritual; the second of bodily things, such as man, beast, herb and stone; and the third has four divisions, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry and Astronomy. (61-202.)

Aristotle taught this young king of the four elements and the four complexions of man, of the principal divisions of the earth, and of the fifth element, Orbis, which contains the whole. (203-632.)

To speak next of _Astronomy_, this Orbis is that which we call the firmament, and in it are first the seven Planets, and then the twelve Signs of the Zodiac, about each of which Alexander was taught in turn. (633-1280.)

Nectanabus, teaching him natural magic, informed him of the Fifteen Stars and of the stone and herb appropriate to each, by means of which wonders may be worked. (1281-1438.)

The authors who taught this science of Astronomy were first Noë, then Nembrot, and after them many others, but principally Tholomee, who wrote the book of Almagest, and Hermes. (1439-1492.)

Thus these Philosophers taught Alexander in regard to that which is called Theoric. (1493-1506.)

1507-1640. RHETORIC. Speech is given to man alone and he must take heed that he turn it to no evil use. There is virtue in stones and in herbs, but word has virtue more than any earthly thing. But the word must not be discordant with the thought, as when Uluxes by his eloquence persuaded Anthenor to betray to him the city of Troy. Words are both evil and good, they make friend of foe and foe of friend. For a true example of Rhetoric read how Julius and the consul Cithero pleaded against one another when the treason of Catiline was discovered.

1641-5397. PRACTIC. This has three divisions, Ethics, Economics and Politics. A king must learn the first in order that he may rule himself in the way of good living, the second teaches him how to order his household, and the third how to govern his kingdom. (1641-1710.)

1711-1984. The first point of Policy is TRUTH, which above all things ought to be found in a king; and this is in part signified by the jewels of his crown.

To show thee that Truth is the sovereign virtue of all, I will tell thee a tale. (1711-1782.)

_King, Wine, Woman and Truth._ Daires, Soldan of Perce, had three wise men about his chamber, Arpaghes, Manachaz and Zorobabel. To them he put the question, which is strongest, wine, woman, or a king. Of this they disputed in turn, and Arpaghes said, ‘A king is the strongest, for he has power over men and can raise them up and cast them down: also he alone stands free from the law.’ Manachaz said, ‘Wine is the strongest, for this takes reason away from the wise and makes the fool seem learned, this turns cowardice to courage and avarice to largess.’ Zorobabel said, ‘Women are the strongest, for the king and all other men come of women and bow to the love of women,’ and he told how he had seen Cirus upon his throne overcome by the love of Apemen, daughter of Besazis, so that she did with him what she would. Women too make men desire honour, and woman is next to God the greatest help of man, as _Alceste_, wife of Ametus, gave her life to save her husband. Thus Zorobabel told his opinion, but nevertheless he said that above all these the mightiest of all earthly things is Truth: and so the question was concluded, and Zorobabel was most commended for his judgement. (1783-1984.)

1985-2694. LARGESS is the second point of Policy. A king must be free from the vices both of Avarice and of Prodigality. As Aristotle taught by the ill example of the king of Chaldee, he must spend his own substance and not that of his people, he must do justice before he makes gifts, and his gifts must be to those who have deserved them. (1985-2060.)

_Julius and the poor Knight._ A knight came to plead his cause at Rome, where the Emperor Julius was in presence; but he could get no advocate, because he was poor. He prayed for justice to the Emperor, and Julius assigned him an advocate. The knight was angry, and said, ‘When I was with thee in Afric, I fought myself and put no man in my stead: and so thou here shouldest speak for me thyself.’ Julius took his cause in hand; and thus every worthy king should help his servants when in need. (2061-2114.)

_Antigonus and Cinichus._ A king should know how much to give. A poor knight asked King Antigonus for a great sum, and he replied, ‘That is too much for thee to ask’: then when the knight asked a very small gift, he said, ‘That is too little for me to give.’

Kings must not exceed the due measure in giving, and especially they ought not to give to flatterers, who offend against God, against the prince and against the people. Yet flattery is always found in the courts of kings. (2115-2216.)

_Diogenes and Aristippus._ Two Philosophers went from Carthage to Athens to learn, and thence returned again. The one, Diogenes, was content to dwell apart and study, the other, Arisippus, went to court and got honour and wealth by flattery. Diogenes was gathering herbs in his garden and washing them in the river, when Arisippus passed by with a company, and said, ‘If thou hadst known how to make thyself pleasing to thy prince, there would have been no need for thee to pick herbs.’ The other replied, ‘If thou hadst known how to pick herbs, there would have been no need for thee to make thyself pleasing by thy flatteries.’ (2217-2317.)

But the example of Arisippus is chiefly followed, and flattery is that which makes men beloved. [Dante the poet said once to a flatterer, ‘Thou hast many more servants than I, for a poet cannot find how to feed and clothe himself, but a flatterer may rule and lead a king and all his land.’] There was a custom among the Romans, which was established against flattery, as follows. (2318-2354.)

_Roman Triumph._ When an Emperor had a triumph after victory, he went in pomp with four white horses and the nobles of the land before and behind him: but one sat with him in his car, who said continually, ‘Know thyself, and remember that good fortune is only for a time.’ Moreover he and every other man might speak whatever truth he knew to the Emperor, whether good or bad. (2355-2411.)

_The Emperor and his Masons._ Again, when an Emperor was enthroned, his masons came to ask him how he would have the stone made for his tomb. There was no flattery then, to deceive princes. (2412-2448.)

_Caesar’s Answer._ One came and did reverence to Cesar, as if he were a god: then he came and sat down by his side as an equal. ‘If thou art a god,’ he said, ‘I have done well in worshipping thee, but if a man, in sitting by thy side.’ Cesar answered that he was a fool, and had done ill in one of two things, either in sitting by the side of his god or in worshipping a mere man. They that heard this took it as a lesson against flattery. (2449-2490.)

The king who bestows his goods upon flatterers does harm to himself and his land. There is an example in the Bible. (2491-2526.)

_Ahab and Micaiah._ 1 Kings xxii. (2527-2694.)

2695-3102. JUSTICE is the third point of Policy. A land is nothing without men, and men cannot be without law. It is for the king above all others to guide the law, and though he is above the law, yet he must not do things which are against it. He must make his own life right towards God, and then endeavour to rule his people rightly, and he must see that his judges are both wise and true. (2695-2764.)

_Maximin_, when he appointed a judge, inquired carefully whether he were virtuous or no. Thus the course of law was not hindered by coveitise. (2765-2782.)

_Gaius Fabricius_, consul of Rome, when the Samnites brought him gold, tried it with taste and smell, and said he knew not for what it would serve. It was better, he said, to rule the men who had the gold, than to possess gold and lose the liberty to be just. (2783-2817.)

In those times none was preferred to the office of judge unless he were a friend to the common right. (2818-2832.)

_Conrad_ ordered matters so that in his time no man durst set aside the law for gold. (2833-2844.)

_Carmidotoire_ the consul slew himself rather than allow his own law to be broken, when by inadvertence he had come armed to the Senate-house. (2845-2888.)

_Cambyses_ flayed a corrupt judge, and nailed his skin upon the chair where his son was set to judge in his place. (2889-2904.)

_Ligurgius_, prince of Athens, having established good laws in his city, took an oath from the citizens that they would change nothing during his absence; and so he departed, never to return, desiring that Athens might still enjoy good laws. (2917-3028.)

_The first Lawgivers._ The names of those who first made laws ought to be handed down to fame. They are Moses, Mercurius, Neuma Pompilius, Ligurgius, Foroneus, Romulus. Kings ought to be led by law, and it is a scandal to a king if the law be not executed. (3029-3102.)

3103-4214. The fourth point of Policy is PITY. This is the virtue by which the King of kings was moved when he sent his Son down to this earth. Every subject should fear his king, and every king should have mercy on his people. [The apostle James says that he who shows no pity shall find none. Cassodre says that the kingdom is safe where pity dwells. Tullius that the king who is overcome by pity bears a shield of victory. We read how a knight appealed from the wrath of Alexander to his pity and so obtained grace. (3149*-3179*.)] Constantine said, ‘He who is a servant to pity, is worthy to rule all else.’ Troian said that he desired his people to obey him rather from love than fear. (3103-3162.)

[_The Pagan and the Jew._ Two travellers went through the desert together, and each asked the other of his belief. The one said, ‘I am a Pagan, and by my faith I ought to love all men alike and do to others as I would they should do to me.’ The other, ‘I am a Jew, and by my faith I ought to be true to no man, except he be a Jew, as I am.’ The day was hot and the Pagan rode on an ass with his baggage, while the Jew went on foot. The Jew asked the Pagan to let him ease his weariness by riding, and the other assented. So they went on, but when the Pagan desired his ass back, the Jew rode on, saying that thus he did his duty by his law. The Pagan prayed to God to judge his quarrel, and going on further he found the Jew slain by a lion and the ass with the baggage standing by him. Thus a man may know how the pitiful man deserves pity, and that lack of pity is the cause of evil. (3207*-3360*.)]

_Codrus_, king of Athens, having a war, was informed by Apollo that either he must perish in the battle or his people be discomfited. He had pity upon his people and gave his life for them. Where have we such kings now? (3163-3214.)

_Pompey_ had war against the king of Ermenie, and having taken him captive, he gave him his crown again and restored him to his kingdom. (3215-3248.)

Cruelty is the opposite of Pity. (3249-3266.)

_Leoncius_ the tyrant cruelly cut off the nose and lips of the merciful Justinian: he was so served himself by Tiberius, and Justinian was restored to the empire. (3267-3294.)

_Siculus_ the cruel king caused Berillus to make a bull of brass, within which men should be burnt to death. Berillus was himself the first who suffered this torture. (3295-3332.)

_Dionys_ fed his horses on man’s flesh and was slain by Hercules. (3341-3354.)

_Lichaon_ devoured the bodies of his guests and was changed into a wolf. (3355-3369.)

Tyranny may not last. The Lion will not slay the man who falls down before him to entreat mercy, and how then ought a Prince to destroy the man who asks his mercy? Yet some tyrants have been so cruel that Pity cannot move them. (3370-3416.)

_Spertachus_, a warrior and a cruel man, made war on the queen Thameris, and having taken her son prisoner, he slew him without mercy. The queen gathered a power and took the tyrant in an ambush. Then she filled a vessel with the blood of his princes and cast him therein, bidding him drink his fill of blood. (3417-3513.)

A king, however, must not fail to slay in the cause of Justice, and he must be a champion of his people without any weak pity. If he fears without cause, he is like those in the fable who were in dread when the Mountain was in labour, and at length it brought forth a mouse.

As there is a time for peace, so there is also a time for war, and here too virtue stands between two extremes, between foolish pity and rash cruelty. Of men who have undertaken war for a righteous cause there are examples in the Bible, and of those I will tell thee one. (3514-3626.)

_Story of Gideon._ Judges vii. (3627-3806.)

_Saul and Agag._ Saul failed to obey God’s command to slay Agag, showing pity wrongfully: therefore he lost his life and his kingdom. (3807-3845.)

On the other hand _Salomon_ obeyed his father David’s command in slaying Joab, and yet he showed mercy in his reign and wrought no tyranny. Also he was wise and had worthy men about him, and there is nothing better for a ruler than Wisdom. Salomon asked for this gift from God, and this it is which a king chiefly needs in order to hold the balance even between Justice and Pity. (3846-3944.)

_Courtiers and Fool._ Lucius, king of Rome, asked his steward and his chamberlain what men said about him. The steward merely flattered in his reply, but the chamberlain answered that people thought he would be a worthy king if he had good counsellors. The fool, who played with his bauble by the fire, laughed at both, and said, ‘If the king were wise, the council would not be bad.’ Thus the king was instructed and put away his bad counsellors. (3945-4010.)

_Folly of Rehoboam._ 1 Kings xii. 1-20. (4027-4129.)

Counsel of young men thus leads to ruin. There is a question whether it is better that the king be wise or his council. The answer is that it is better to have wise counsellors. (4130-4180.)

The Emperor _Anthonius_ said he would rather have one of his subjects saved than a thousand of his enemies slain. Mercy mingled with justice is the foundation of every king’s rule. Thus I have spoken of four points, Truth, Largess, Pity and Justice. There is yet a fifth. (4181-4214.)

4215-5397. CHASTITY, the fifth point of Policy. The male is made for the female, but one must not desire many. A man must keep the troth he has plighted in marriage, and this all the more in the high and holy estate of a king.

Aristotle advised Alexander to frequent the company of fair women, but not to beguile himself with them. For it is not they who beguile the men, but the men beguile themselves. The water is not to blame if a man drown himself in it, nor the gold if men covet it. It is by nature that a man loves, but not by nature that he loses his wits: that is like frost in July or hose worn over the shoe. Yet great princes have been thus misled. (4215-4312.)

_Sardanapalus_ lost his kingdom and his honour, because he became effeminate in his lusts. (4313-4343.)

_David_, however, though he loved many women, preserved the honour of knighthood. (4344-4360.)

_Cyrus_ had a war with the _Lydians_, and he could not conquer them. Then, feigning, he made a perpetual peace with them, and they fell into idleness and fleshly lust, so that he subdued them easily. (4361-4405.)

_Balaam_ advised king Amalech to send fair women among the Hebrews, and these led them into lust, so that they were discomfited in battle, till Phinees caused them to amend their ways. (4406-4445.)

This virtue of Chastity belongs especially to a king.

_Salomon_ took wives of sundry nations and did idolatry in his folly. Therefore after his death his kingdom was divided.

_Antonie_, son of Severus, gave an evil example of lust; and the tale which here follows will show what is the end of tyranny and lechery. (4446-4592.)

_Tarquin_ the tyrant had many sons, and among them Arrons. He had a war with the Gabiens, and to their city Arrons went, showing wounds which he said he had received from his father and brethren. They took him as their leader, and he by his father’s advice cut off the heads of their chief men, and so the Romans conquered the city. They made a solemn sacrifice in the temple of Phebus, and a serpent came and devoured the offerings and quenched the fires. Phebus said that this was for the sin and pride of Tarquin and his son, and that he who should first kiss his mother, should avenge the wrong. Brutus fell to the ground and kissed his mother Earth. (4593-4753.)

Tarquin had a war afterwards with Ardea, and they were long at the siege. A dispute arose between Arrons and Collatin as to the virtue of their wives, and they rode to Rome to see how they were employed. At the palace they found the wife of Arrons full of mirth and thinking nothing of her husband; at the house of Collatin, Lucrece was working with her women and praying for her husband’s return. Arrons was smitten with love of her, and returning again the next day he ravished her. She on the morrow called her husband and her father, with whom came Brutus, and told them her tale. Refusing their forgiveness she slew herself, and they took the body into the market-place, where Brutus told the tale to the people. They remembered also the former evil doings of Tarquin and his son, and sent both into exile. (4754-5130.)

_Virginia._ When Appius Claudius was governor of Rome, he set his desire upon a gentle maid, daughter of Livius Virginius, and he caused his brother Marcus to claim her unrightfully as his slave. Her father was with the host, but he rode hastily to Rome; and when Appius adjudged her to his brother against the law, finding that he could save her from dishonour in no other way, he thrust her through with his sword and made his way back to the host. Thus the tyranny came to men’s ears and the unrighteous king was deposed by the common consent. (5131-5306.)

As an example of chastity in marriage we read the story of _Sarra_ the daughter of Raguel. Seven men who married her were strangled by the fiend Asmod, because they took her only for lust; but Thobie, taught by Raphael, had his will and yet kept the law of marriage. God has bound beasts by the law of nature only, but men must follow also the law of reason and do no lechery. Thus the philosopher taught to Alexander. (5307-5397.)

I thank you, father. The tales sound in my ears, but my heart is elsewhere; for nothing can make me forget my love. Leave all else therefore, and let us return to our shrift.

Yes, my son, there is one point more, and this is the last. (5398-5438.)

LIB. VIII.

1-198. LAWS OF MARRIAGE. God created Adam and Eve to repair the loss of Lucifer and his angels, and bade them increase and multiply. In the first generation by God’s law brother and sister were joined in marriage, then afterwards cousin wedded cousin, as in the time of Habraham and Jacob. At last under Christian law Marriage was forbidden also in the third degree. Yet some men take no heed to kinship or religion, but go as a cock among the hens and as a stallion among the mares. Such love may be sweet at first, but afterwards it is bitter.

199-2008. EXAMPLES OF INCEST. _Caligula_ the Roman Emperor bereft his three sisters of their virginity: therefore God bereft him of his life and of his empire.

_Amon_ lay with his sister Thamar, and Absolon his brother took vengeance upon him.

_Lot_ lay with his daughters, and the stocks which came from them were not good.

Thus if a man so set his love, he will afterwards sorely repent it; and of this I think to tell a tale which is long to hear. (199-270.)

_Apollonius of Tyre._ In a Chronicle called Pantheon I read how king Antiochus ravished his daughter and lived with her in sin. To hinder her marriage, he proposed a problem to those who sought her love, and if a man failed to resolve it, he must lose his head. At length came the Prince Apollinus of Tyre, and the king proposed to him the question. He saw too clearly what the riddle meant, and Antiochus fearing shame put off the time of his reply for thirty days. (271-439.)

The Prince feared his vengeance and fled home to Tyre, and thence he departed secretly in a ship laden with wheat. Antiochus sent one Taliart in all haste to Tyre, with command to make away with the Prince by poison. Finding that Apollinus had fled, he returned.

In the meantime the Prince came to Tharsis, and took lodging there with one Strangulio and his wife Dionise. The city was suffering famine, and Apollinus gave them his wheat as a free gift, in return for which they set up a statue of him in the common place. (440-570.)

A man came to him from Tyre and reported that king Antiochus desired to slay him. He was afraid and fled thence again by ship. A storm came upon him and the ship was wrecked: Apollinus alone came alive to land. A fisherman helped him and directed him to the town of Pentapolim, where he found the people gathered to see games, and the king and queen of the country there present. (571-695.)

He surpassed all others in the games, and the king called him to supper in his hall. At supper he was sad and ate nothing, and the king sent to him his daughter to console him. To her he told his name and country, and with that he let the tears run down his cheeks. She fetched a harp and sang to it, and he took it from her hand and played and sang divinely. They all saw that he was of gentle blood. (696-799.)

The king’s daughter desired her father that he might be her teacher, and in the course of time she turned with all her heart to love of him. She so lost her appetite for meat and drink and sleep that she was in danger of her life.

Three sons of princes demanded her in marriage, and she by letter informed her father how the matter stood: if she might not have Apollinus, she would have none other. (800-911.)

The king sent for Apollinus and showed him his daughter’s letter. He assented gladly, and the marriage took place with great festivity. Soon after this men came from Tyre reporting that Antiochus and his daughter were dead, having been both struck by lightning, and entreating him to return to his own people. All were rejoiced to hear that the king’s daughter had married so worthy a prince. (912-1019.)

Apollinus sailed away with his wife, she being with child. A storm arose and she began to be in travail. In anguish she was delivered of a maid child, but she herself lay dead. (1020-1058.)

Apollinus sorrowed as never man sorrowed before, but the master of the ship required that the dead body be cast out of the ship, because the sea will not hold within itself any dead creature, and the ship would be driven on the shore if the body remained within her. They made therefore a coffer closely bound with iron and covered with pitch, in which they placed the corpse, with gold and jewels, and with a letter praying that she might receive burial; and so they cast it overboard. Apollinus in the meantime sailed first to Tharsis. (1059-1150.)

The coffer was cast up at Ephesim and was found by Cerymon, a great physician. He by his art restored the seeming corpse to life, and she took upon herself the rule of religion and dwelt with other women in the temple of Diane. (1151-1271.)

Apollinus coming to Tharsis entrusted his infant daughter Thaise to the care of Strangulio and Dionise, and so he sailed on to Tyre. This daughter, until she was fourteen years old, grew up with the daughter of Strangulio, but Thaise was preferred to the other in all places where they went, and Dionise was therefore wroth. She bade her bondman Theophilus take Thaise down to the shore of the sea and there slay her. He brought her to the sea, but her cry called forth pirates from their hiding-place, who carried her with them away to Mitelene and sold her to Leonin, master of a brothel. (1272-1423.)

The young men who came to her were moved by compassion and did her no wrong, so that Leonin sent his own servant in to her. She entreated to be permitted to make gain for him in some other way, and being taken from the brothel and placed in security, she taught such things as gentlewomen desire to learn, and her name went forth over all the land. (1424-1497.)

Theophilus reported that he had slain Thaise, and Dionise, pretending that she had died suddenly, made a great funeral and set up a tomb with an epitaph. After this, Apollinus came to seek for his daughter at Tharsis, and hearing that she was dead, he put forth to sea again in grievous sorrow. He lay weeping alone in the darkness of the ship’s hold, until under stress of storm they came to Mitelene. (1498-1617.)

Hearing of his grief, the lord of the city, Athenagoras, sent Thaise to comfort him. He at first rejected all her consolation, but then to his joy discovered that she was the daughter for whom he mourned. Athenagoras asked for her in marriage and was wedded to her. (1618-1776.)

They went forth all together with intent to avenge the treason at Tharsis, but Apollinus was warned in a dream to go to Ephesim, and there in the temple of Diane he found the wife whom he supposed to have been dead. Thence they voyaged to Tyre and were received with joy. Athenagoras and Thaise were there crowned king and queen, and Apollinus sailed away and took due vengeance upon Strangulio and Dionise. (1777-1962.)

When this was done, a letter came to him from Pentapolim, praying him to come and receive that kingdom, since the king was dead. They had a good voyage thither, and he and his wife were crowned there and led their life happily. (1963-2008.)

Thus, my son, thou mayest see how it is with those that love in a good manner, but it is not love when men take their lust like beasts.

2029-3172. CONCLUSION. Father, I may acquit myself in this, but I entreat your counsel as to what way I shall follow in my love.

I counsel thee, my son, to labour no more in things which bring thee no profit. The end of every pleasure is pain. Love is blind, and makes all his servants blind: thou mayest yet withdraw and set thyself under the law of reason.

It is easy to say so, father. My woe is but a game to you, feeling nothing of that which I feel. The hart that goes free knows not the sorrows of the ox under the yoke. But I entreat you to present for me a Supplication to Venus and Cupid, and bring me a good answer back. (2009-2188.)

Then arose a great debate between my Priest and me: my reason understood him well, but my will was against him. At length he agreed to deliver my Supplication, and with tears instead of ink I wrote the letter thus: ‘The wofull peine of loves maladie,’ &c. (2189-2300.)

The Priest went forth to present my petition, and I abode. Suddenly Venus stood by me, and I fell upon my knee and prayed her to do me grace. ‘What is thy name?’ she said, as if in game. ‘John Gower,’ I replied. ‘I have read thy bill,’ she said, ‘in which thou hast complained to Nature and to me. Nature is mistress where she will, and I excuse thee for following her law: but as for what thou sayest, that I am bound to relieve thee, because thou hast served in my Court, I will give thee medicine that will heal thy heart, but perchance it will not be such as thou desirest.’ (2301-2376.)

Half in scorn she spoke to me of my age and hoary locks, and counselled me to make a ‘beau retret,’ while there was yet time; for even though I should attain to my desire, I could not hold covenant duly with love.

I grew cold suddenly for sorrow of my heart, and lay swooning on the ground. Then methought I saw Cupid with his bow bent, and with him a great company, those gentle folk who once were lovers, arrayed in sundry bands. (2377-2459.)

Youth was the leader of one company, and these had garlands, some of the leaf and some of the flower. They went with piping and with song which resounded all about: they laughed and danced and played, and talked of knighthood and of ladies’ love. There was Tristram with Ysolde, Lancelot with Gunnore, Jason with Creusa, Hercules with Eole, Troilus with Criseide, but in his mirth he was yet heavy of cheer because of Diomede. Those also I saw who died for love, as Narcissus, Piramus, Achilles; and the women who were forsaken, Dido, Phillis, Adriagne, Deianire and Medea. Many others too I saw, but four women especially who were most commended as examples in marriage, Penolope, Lucrece, Alceste and Alcione. Youth, which led this company, took no heed of me. (2460-2665.)

Then came Eld, leading a company not so great. Their music was low and their dancing soft: they smiled, but they did not laugh aloud. There was David with Bersabee, and Salomon with his wives and concubines, Sampson with Dalida, and Aristotle with the queen of Greece; Virgil also and Plato and Ovid the poet. (2665-2725.)

When this company was come to the place where I lay, they entreated Venus for me, and even some of the younger band said that it was great pity. Cupid came with Venus to me as I lay, and the lovers all pressed round to see. Some said that love was folly in the old, and others that no age could be free, and that while there was yet oil in the lamp, it might always be set alight. Cupid groped after me till he found me, and then he drew forth that fiery lance which before he had cast through my heart, and Venus anointed my wound with a cooling ointment and gave me a mirror in which I might behold myself. I saw my face wrinkled and my eyes dim, and I likened myself to that time of year when winter has despoiled the earth. Then Reason returned to me and I was made sober and sound. (2726-2869.)

Venus beheld me, and laughing asked me what Love was. I answered with confusion that I knew him not, and prayed that I might be excused from my attendance on her Court. As touching my Confession too, I asked an absolution, and the Priest gave it readily. Then the queen delivered to me a pair of beads to hang about my neck, and on them was written _Por reposer_ in gold. ‘Thus,’ said she, ‘have I provided for thine ease, and my will is that thou pray for peace. Stay no more in my Court, but go where moral virtue dwells, where are those books which men say that thou hast written: thou and I must commune together never again. [O]Adieu, for I must go from thee.’ And so enveloped in a starry cloud, Venus was taken to her place above, and her Priest departed also at the same time. I stood for a while amazed; and then I smiled, thinking of the beads that she had given me and of the prayers that I should say. And thus I took my way softly homeward. (2870-2970.)

To God, the Creator of all things, I pray for the welfare of this land, and that it may have peace and unity, which every estate should desire. I pray that the clergy may work after the rule of charity, that the order of knighthood may cause extortion to cease and defend the right of the Church, that merchants may follow honesty, and above all that the king may keep himself and all the other estates of the kingdom in the right way. The king who humbly follows the law of God shall be blessed, and his name shall be remembered for ever. (2971-3105.)

I promised to make in English a book between play and earnest, and now I ask that I may be excused for lack of curious skill. I have written in rude plain words, as sickness and age would suffer me; and I pray my lords that I may stand in their grace, for I desire to do pleasure to those under whose rule I am. (3106-3137.)

And now my Muse bids me rest and write no more of love, which turns the heart away from reason. Of this love then I take my final leave. But that love which stands confirmed by charity, which may save the body and amend the soul, such love may God send us, that in heaven our joy may be without end. (3138-3172.)

iv. ORTHOGRAPHY AND PHONOLOGY.--In the remarks upon Gower’s language which here follow there is no systematic completeness. Attention is called to such points as seem to be important or interesting, reference being made especially to the language of Chaucer, as dealt with in B. ten Brink’s _Chaucers Sprache und Verskunst_ (second edition, 1899). It is necessary perhaps to remark here upon a difference of procedure which distinguishes this investigation from those which have for their object the text of Chaucer or of other writers whose work is handed down to us in manuscripts which do not proceed from the author himself. In such cases we have first to ascertain what the author actually wrote, before we can draw any valid conclusions about the laws of his language. It may even be necessary to restrict the discussion to such forms as are authenticated by rhyme; but when we are compelled to do this, we must remember that we are accepting a rather dangerous limitation. The conclusions drawn from the rhyme-words of a Middle English author will probably not be precisely applicable to his language in general. The sphere of our investigations will be that in which the licentious and exceptional is most likely to be found. If he has any tendency to borrow from other dialects than his own or to use irregular forms, this tendency will be most seen in his rhymes, for it will probably be the exigencies of rhyme which suggest the variation. Chaucer repeatedly uses ‘here,’ in the sense of the modern ‘her,’ to rhyme with such words as ‘bere,’ ‘spere,’ but we should certainly not be justified in concluding that this and not ‘hire’ was the normal form of his language. Similarly in the case of Gower by examination of his rhymes alone we might be led to many very doubtful results. For example, we should gather that he almost always used the form _sinne_ rather than _senne_, _wile_ (verb) and not _wole_ or _wol_, _axe_ and not _aske_, _sek_ (adj.) and never _sik_, _hond_ and never _hand_, _couthe_ and never _coude_, _sente_ (pret.) rather than _sende_, the adverb ending _-ly_ in preference to _-liche_ or _-lich_. In these cases and in many others we might easily be misled, the forms of these words as used in rhyme being determined chiefly by the comparative frequency of the various rhyme-syllables. Most of the conclusions above mentioned, and others like them, have in fact been arrived at in a paper by K. Fahrenberg, published in the _Archiv für die neueren Sprachen_, vol. 89. The author of this paper, having only Pauli’s text before him, very properly confines himself to an examination of the rhymes, and within these limits most of his results are sound enough; but it would be very unsafe to treat them as generally applicable to the language of Gower. In our case it must be understood that the Fairfax manuscript is regarded (for reasons which will afterwards be stated) as a practically accurate reproduction of the author’s original text, and consequently the occurrence of a particular form in rhyme is not held necessarily to be of any special significance.

ORTHOGRAPHY.--This being premised, we shall proceed to note first some points which call for attention in the orthography of the text.

In describing the British Museum MS. Harl. 3869, Pauli takes occasion to observe: ‘This copy is very remarkable on account of its orthography, which has been carried through almost rigorously according to simple and reasonable principles.’ This system he appears to attribute to the copyist of the manuscript in question, but it is in fact that of the author, the text being copied very faithfully from the Fairfax manuscript itself. Pauli appears to have been repelled by the outward appearance of this ‘small stout folio’ with its rather untidy writing. He did not take the trouble to examine the Oxford copies; but he seems to have perceived that its orthography was the same as that of the Stafford manuscript, and this should have enlightened him. In fact, if instead of taking Berthelette as his basis, he had simply printed the text of the Harleian volume, there would hardly have been need of another edition.

The orthography of the Fairfax text, first hand, confirmed as it is in almost every particular by that of the Stafford manuscript, and supported also by the testimony of others, more especially of MS. Bodley 902, may be assumed to be that of the author; and it is well worthy of our attention, for he evidently regarded exactness and consistency in spelling as a matter of some importance.

We may observe in the first place that it was not Gower’s practice to mark vowel-length by doubling the vowel. Naturally there are some MSS. in which this is occasionally found, and in particular the third hand of A gives _caas_, _paas_, _glaade_, _maade_, _saake_, _waas_, _bee_, _breeþ_, _soo_, _aroos_, _moore_, _schoon_, _ooþer_, _toold_, &c. with considerable frequency, while very many MSS. have _book_, _look_, _took_, _oon_, _heere_, _mateere_, and some other forms of the same kind; but this is not in accordance with the author’s rule. In the Fairfax MS. the cases of doubled vowel are only occasional, except in the instance of _good_, which is thus regularly distinguished from _god_.

Of _oo_ there are very few cases except _good_. We have _oon_
about three times for _on_, and _blood_, _brood_, _cooste_,
_do_ (= doe), _foode_, _hool_, _schoo_, _too_ (= toe), _woot_,
in isolated instances. The doubling of _e_ is more frequent,
as _beere_, _cheeke_, _cleene_, _dee_ (pl. _dees_), _degree_,
_eem_, _eer_, _fee_, _feede_, _feer_, _feere_, _feet_,
_greene_, _meene_, _meete_, _pees_, _queene_, _scheete_, _see_
(subst.), _seene_, _slee_, _spreede_, _thee_, _tree_, _weer_,
_weere_, _wreeche_, _ȝee_, _ȝeer_, and a few more. Most of the
above words, however, and in general all others, are written
usually with a single vowel, and we have quite regularly (for
example) _ded_, _dede_, _drem_, _ek_, _fend_, _fre_, _gret_,
_hed_, _her_ (= hair), _lef_, _red_, _slep_, _bok_, _bon_,
_brod_, _fol_, _gon_, _hot_, _lok_, _non_, _schon_, _sone_
(soon), _tok_, _wok_, and so on. Where there is variation of
spelling in this respect, it is not felt to be a matter which
concerns the rhyme; for we have _weer_ : _pouer_, _pees_:
_reles_, _sene_ : _meene_, _there_ : _feere_, _good_ : _stod_,
_fode_ : _goode_, _do_ : _schoo_, &c., though sometimes the
spelling of the rhyme-words is evidently brought into harmony,
as _meene_ : _Almeene_, ii. 2465 f., _beere_ : _weere_, iv. 1323
f., _brood_ : _good_, v. 4375 f., _goode_ : _foode_, vii. 519
f. In a few cases however a phonetic distinction seems to be
intended, as when we find _eet_ as preterite of _ete_, and
_beere_ (also _bere_) pret. plur. of _beren_.

_Maii_ (the month) is regularly written with _ii_, but rhymes
with _mai_, _gay_, &c.

The doubling of final consonants, apparently to indicate vowel shortness, is more common, as in _all_, _bladd_, _charr_, _hadd_, _happ_, _madd_, _bedd_, _fedd_, _fett_, _spedd_, _bitt_, _bridd_, _chidd_, _godd_, _rodd_, beside _al_, _char_, _had_, _hap_, _mad_, _bed_, _fet_, &c.

The doubling of _s_ in a final tone syllable seems to have no
such significance, as in _Achilles_ : _press_, iv. 2161 f., but
_Ulixes_ : _pres_, iv. 147 f., so _natheles_ : _encress_, _pes_:
_encress_, in all of which the vowel must be long.

One of the most noteworthy points of the orthography is the frequent use of _ie_ in tonic syllables for close _ē_. This appears in French words such as _achieve_, _appiere_, _chief_, _chiere_, _clier_, _grieve_, _matiere_, _messagier_, _pier_, &c. (also in many of these cases _e_, as _chere_, _cler_, _matere_), but it is very commonly used also in words of English origin and seems invariably to be associated with the close sound of the vowel. Thus we have _hiede_, _spriede_, _lief_ (but _levere_), _sieke_, _diel_, _stiel_, _whiel_, _dieme_, _sieme_, _diere_, _fiere_ (= company), _hiere_ (adv.), _hiere_ (verb), _liere_, _stiere_, and others, which have in most cases the alternative spelling with _e_, as _hede_, _sprede_, _seke_, _del_, _stel_, _whel_, _deme_, _seme_, &c., but in all of which the vowel has the close sound.

It is impossible here to discuss the question how far this habit of spelling may have been introduced by analogy from French words with a similar sound of the vowel, and how far it may have grown out the Kentish use of _ie_, _ye_ for O. E. _ēo_, _ē_, _īe_. Reference may be made to the remarks in the Introduction to the volume of Gower’s French Works, p. xxi, where it is suggested that _ie_, having lost its value as a diphthong in later Anglo-Norman, came to be regarded as a traditional symbol in many cases for close _ē_, and hence such forms as _clier_, _clief_, _pier_, _prophiete_, &c., and as regards _ie_ in the Kentish dialect there is a useful statement in the paper by W. Heuser, _Zum Kentischen Dialekt im Mittelenglischen_, published in _Anglia_, xvii, 78 ff.

In any case the fact is pretty clear that this variation was confined by Gower to words in which he gave to the vowel a close sound, and it is therefore useful as a distinguishing note, though there are few words in which this is the only form of spelling.

Both in stems of words and in their terminations _i_ is on the whole preferred to _y_, so that we have _crie_, _hide_, _lif_, _like_, _mile_, _ride_, &c. more usually than _crye_, _hyde_, &c. (but perhaps _y_ more often after _m_, _n_, as _knyht_, _myhte_, _nyht_), and also _arrai_, _mai_, _dai_, _hardi_, _ladi_, _worþi_, _mi_, _thi_, more often on the whole than _array_, _may_, &c., but _-ly_ in adverbs more often than _-li_.

In some few cases it seems that a distinction is pretty consistently made, as between _wryte_ (inf.) and _write_ (past participle), and perhaps between _wite_ (know) and _wyte_ (blame).

Before _gh_ followed by _t_ we find _a_, _o_ almost regularly in place of _au_, _ou_. Thus we have _aghte_, _straghte_, _taghte_, _boghte_, _broghte_, _doghter_, _noght_, _oghte_, _oght_, _soghte_, _wroghte_, &c., but occasionally _broughte_, _doughter_, _ought_, &c. Beside some of these there are forms in which _au_ (_aw_), _ou_ (_ow_) are written, but followed by simple _h_, as _strawhte_, _tawhte_, _douhter_ (_dowhter_).

There is no difference between _-oun_ and _-on_ as terminations
of such French words as _divisioun_, _complexioun_, &c.,
but _-oun_ is much the more usual form[P]. Where they occur
in rhyme, the rhyme-words are usually assimilated to one
another in form of spelling, but sometimes _-oun_, _-on_
rhyme together, as _division_ : _doun_, ii. 1743 f., _toun_:
_condicion_, v. 2551, _constellacioun_ : _relacion_, vi. 2253 f.

In the case of _an_ followed by a consonant in a tone-syllable
the variation to _aun_ seems to be merely a question of
spelling, and we have such rhymes as _chaunce_ : _remembrance_,
ii. 893 f., _demande_ : _comaunde_, iv. 2794, _supplanted_:
_enchaunted_, ii. 2491, _covenant_ : _supplaunt_, ii. 2367. In
the French terminations _-ance_, _-ant_, the simple form is
decidedly preferred (but _governaunce_ : _porveaunce_, Prol. 187
f., _graunt_ : _amblaunt_, ii. 1505 f.), and so also in many
other words, as _change_, _strange_, _comande_, _demande_,
_supplante_ (also _comaunde_, _supplaunte_). In other cases
_au_ is either the usual or the only form, as _daunce_,
_daunte_, _enchaunte_, _haunte_, _sclaundre_.

With regard to the consonants, it should be observed that Gower consistently wrote _sch_ for _sh_ initially, so that we have regularly _schal_, _schape_, _sche_, _schewe_, _schip_, _schrifte_, and also _lordschipe_, _worschipe_, &c.[Q], in other places usually _ssh_, as _bisshop_ (also _bisschop_), _buissh_, _fissh_, _fleissh_ (also _fleisch_), _freissh_, _reisshe_, _wisshe_.

The almost regular use of _h_ for _gh_ in such words as _hih_, _nyh_, _sih_, _kniht_, _liht_, _miht_, _niht_, _heihte_, _sleihte_, &c. will be spoken of later.

Gower did not use _ȝ_ for _h_ or _gh_. Such forms as _miȝte_, _riȝt_, _uȝte_, _wrouȝt_, are practically unknown in the best MSS. (F has _nouȝt_ once.) On the other hand initially in such words as _ȝe_, _ȝer_, _ȝive_ (_forȝive_), _ȝong_, &c., _ȝ_ is regularly used. Only late and inferior MSS. have _y_. In regard to this letter Gower’s usage is exactly the reverse of that which we find in the _Ayenbite of Inwyt_. We have _þ_ for _th_ regularly except in the case of a capital letter being required, as at the beginning of a line, or in connexion with some foreign words and names as _thalemans_, _thevangile_, _rethorique_, _Athemas_, _Anthenor_, _Thebith_. Cases of _th_ for _þ_ in ordinary English words are very rare in F (but i. 2890, v. 2319, vii. 4203).

In some words there is an interchange of _c_ and _s_, as
_decerte_, _pourchace pourchase_, _service servise_, _rancoun_,
_suffice suffise_, _sufficant_, &c., and the French termination
_-esse_ is also spelt _-esce_, as _largesse largesce_,
_simplesce simplesse_; so also _encresce_, _redresce_, &c.
In such points the orthography of Romance words is usually
in accordance with that which we find in the author’s French
writings, in which also are found such etymological forms as
_deceipte_, _doubte_.

Before quitting the general subject, we ought to note certain words of common occurrence which are spelt not quite in the usual way. The author regularly writes _bot_ for _but_, _be_ for _by_, when used as a preposition and unemphatic, _ous_ for _us_ (pers. pron.), _noght_ for _not_ (_not_ being used for _ne wot_). Some forms of proper names, as _Habraham_, _Irahel_, are characteristic. In these points, as in many others, the writer evidently followed a definite system, and in spite of the variations recorded, the orthography of the Fairfax and Stafford MSS. certainly conveys to the reader the general impression of regularity and consistency.

PHONOLOGY. (1) O. E. SHORT VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS.

O. E. =a=, =æ=, =ea=. In the case of _a_ (_o_) before a lengthening nasal combination, _ld_, _nd_, _mb_, _ng_, &c., we may note that though _hond_, _honde_, _hondes_ are preferred, as by Chaucer, yet _hand_, _handes_ pretty frequently occur, as i. 2, 1807, 2994, ii. 574, iii. 116, v. 1505, &c. (also _handle_, iii. 1956, v. 1949), and that without any necessity of rhyme. In fact _hand_ seems to be rather preferred except in rhyme. Contrary to what is apparently Chaucer’s usage we find _thonk_, _thonke_ as the regular forms in Gower, and only occasionally _thank_, as ii. 60, 2012. This may be due to the Kentish tendency to lengthen before _nk_, which perhaps was pronounced nearly as _ng_ (see Morsbach, _Mittelengl. Gramm._, p. 128), and in this connexion we may note the fact that the Fairfax MS. twice has _þong_ for _þonk_. On the other hand there is no definite trace of the principle which has been discovered in some of the Kentish texts of lengthening before these combinations when a vowel follows, while preserving _a_ when the consonant group ends the word, _honde_, _stonde_, _þonke_, &c., but _hand_, _stand_, _þank_[R]. Gower uses _handes_ as well as _hand_, and interchanges _hange_ and _honge_, _sang_ and _song_, according to convenience.

Note that _upon_ rhymes freely with _on_ (= one), _anon_,
_gon_, &c., but the supposed rhyme _on_ (_ăn_) : _mone_, i.
2179, noted by Fahrenberg, is really _one_ (_ān_) : _mone_.
In some cases of original _ǣ_ shortened to _æ_ Gower prefers
_e_ to _a_, as _eny_, only occasionally _any_, _eddre_ beside
_addre_, but _lesse_, _ledde_ only for the sake of rhyme.

_ea_ before _h_ becomes _ī_ in _sih_ (from _seah_, _sæh_, pret. of _sēon_), which in Gower is the usual form of the word, _æg_ forms _ai_ (_ay_), as in _dai_, _lay_, _mai_, _fain_, _slain_, and other _ai_ forms, which are not interchangeable with _ei_ (but _said_ with variant _seid_ by influence of _seie_).