Chapter XXII: Appendix: No. I (8)

"The Cherokees are planters and farmers, tradespeople and mechanics. They have corn-fields and orchards, looms and work-shops, schools and churches, and orderly institutions. In 1824, when the population of the Cherokees was 15,560 persons, it included 1277 negroes; they had 18 schools, 36 grist-mills, 13 saw-mills, 762 looms, 2486 spinning-wheels, 172 wagons, 2923 plows, 7683 horses, 22,531 black cattle, 46,732 swine, 2546 sheep, 430 goats, 62 blacksmiths' shops, &c., with several public roads, and fences, and turnpikes. The natives carry on a considerable trade with the adjoining states, and some of them export cotton to New Orleans. A printing-press has been established for several years, and a newspaper, written partly in the English and partly in the Cherokee language, has been successfully carried on. This paper, called the _Cherokee Phoenix_, is written entirely by a Cherokee, a young man under thirty. The missionaries among them declare that the converts generally are very attentive to preaching, and very exemplary in their conduct. Public worship, conducted by native members of the church, is held in three or four places remote from the station. The pupils are making great progress at the schools. Many of them are leaving the schools with an education sufficient for life. New Echota is the seat of government of the Cherokees. The provisions of the Constitution are placed under six heads, divided into sections. The trial by jury is in full operation. The right of suffrage is universal; every free male citizen who has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to vote at public elections."--Stuart's _Three Years in North America_, vol. ii., p. 143.

"The Creeks, Cherokees, and Choctaws certainly hold out a promise of the gradual attainment of civilization.... The recent invention of written characters by a full-blood Cherokee,[236] consisting of eighty-four signs expressing all the dominant sounds of that language, and the great number of half words among them, are both favorable to this change of life. The best proof that they are advancing from their savage state to a higher grade is, that their numbers increase, while almost all other tribes spread over the American continent far and near are known to diminish in numbers so rapidly that common observation alone would enable any one to predict their utter extinction before the lapse of many years."--Latrobe, _Rambler in America_, vol. i., p. 163.

The Stockbridge Indians (so called from Stockbridge, Massachusetts) are, upon the whole, considered to have made greater attainments in the useful arts of civilized life, and also in the Christian religion, than any other tribe of the aborigines. They heard the preaching of Brainard and Edwards, and have enjoyed Christian privileges and education with little interruption for more than ninety years. The Stockbridge Indians, and the Oneidas, under the celebrated Oneida half-blood Mr. Williams, were the principal of those unfortunate New York Indians who were persuaded, on the faith of solemn treaties, to leave their homes in New York and form new settlements among the wild Indian tribes beyond the Mississippi. One of the visitors to these new settlements, after the Indians had been a few years established there, thus describes the improvements they had effected in this remote wilderness: "On the east bank of Fox River they had in the course of some half dozen years reared a flourishing settlement; built houses and barns in the usual style of the white settlements under similar circumstances; cleaved away portions of the forest, and reduced their farms to an interesting state of improvement; organized and brought into solitary operation a political and civil economy; established schools, and in 1830 were building a very decent Christian church; had erected mills and machinery; exhibiting, in a word, a most interesting phasis of civilization, along with the purest morals under the simplest manners."--Colton's _Tour among the Northwest Indians_, vol. i., p. 203. This American writer is justly indignant at the cruel and dishonest policy of the American government in driving these unfortunate wanderers away from the new home solemnly promised them into the wild and dreary regions of the Far West, as soon as the settlement at Fox River was ascertained to possess sufficient natural advantages to entitle it to form a part of the Union.

[Footnote 236: "It is remarkable that a red Indian should have been able to accomplish that which no civilized societies have accomplished during thousands of years. He had already attained to manhood when he invented an alphabet of his own language, having no knowledge of any other. The idea of writing Cherokee struck him on hearing several whites boasting of their superiority over the Indians, and adding that they could do many things which the red man never dared attempt, particularly in committing to paper a conversation, so as to make it understood by all, even in the most distant parts. He determined to try if it was not possible. At first he saw no other chance of executing his project than to make a sign or figure for every sound, which he partly learned by heart himself, partly gave to his own family to learn and remember; but, after working at it a whole twelvemonth, he found that the number of signs already amounted to several thousands, and that it was impossible to retain them in the memory. He now began to divide the words into parts, and then discovered that the same syllables might be applied to a variety of words. Exulting in this discovery, he continued his exertions with unremitting zeal, and directed his attention particularly to the sounds, and thus discovered at last all the syllables in the language. After working upon this plan for a month, he had diminished the number of sounds to eighty-four, of which the language at present consists. He first wrote them on sand, afterward cut out the signs in wood, and finished by printing them such as they now are in the Cherokee Phoenix."--Arfwedson's _United States and Canada_.]

No. LXXI.

Articles of Capitulation demanded by M. de Ramsay, the king's lieutenant, commanding the high and low towns of Quebec, chief of the Military Order of St. Louis, to his excellency the general of the troops of his Britannic majesty.

"The capitulation demanded on the part of the enemy, and granted by their excellencies, Admiral Saunders and General Townshend, &c., &c., is in manner and form as hereafter expressed:

"I.M. de Ramsay demands the honors of war for his garrison, and that it shall be sent back to the army in safety, and by the shortest route, with arms, baggage, six pieces of brass cannon, two mortars or howitzers, and twelve rounds for each of them. The garrison of the town, composed of land forces, marines, and sailors, shall march out with their arms and baggage, drums beating, matches lighted, with two pieces of French cannon, and twelve rounds for each piece, and shall be embarked as conveniently as possible, to be sent to the first port in France.

"II. That the inhabitants shall be preserved in the possession of their houses, goods, effects, and privileges.--Granted, upon their laying down their arms.

"III. That the inhabitants shall not be accountable for having carried arms in the defense of the town, forasmuch as they were compelled to do it, and that the inhabitants of the colonies, of both crowns, equally serve as militia.--Granted.

"IV. That the effects of the absent officers and citizens shall not be touched.--Granted.

"V. That the inhabitants shall not be removed, nor obliged to quit their houses, until their condition shall be settled by their Britannic and most Christian majesties.--Granted.

"VI. That the exercise of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion shall be maintained, and that safeguards shall be granted to the houses of the clergy and to the mountaineers, particularly to his lordship the Bishop of Quebec, who, animated with zeal for religion, and charity for the people of his diocese, desires to reside in it constantly, to exercise freely, and with that decency which his character and the sacred offices of the Roman religion require, his episcopal authority in the town of Quebec, whenever he shall think proper, until the possession of Canada shall be decided by a treaty between their Britannic and most Christian majesties. The free exercise of the Roman religion is granted, likewise safeguards to all religions persons, as well as to the bishop, who shall be at liberty to come and exercise, freely and with decency, the functions of his office whenever he thinks proper, until the possession of Canada shall have been decided between their Britannic and most Christian majesties.

"VII. That the artillery and warlike stores shall be faithfully given up, and that an inventory of them shall be made out.--Granted.

"VIII. That the sick and wounded, the commissaries, chaplains, physicians, surgeons, apothecaries, and other people employed in the service of the hospitals, shall be treated conformably to the cartel of the 6th of February, 1759, settled between their Britannic and most Christian majesties.--Granted.

"IX. That before delivering up the gate and the entrance of the town to the English troops, their general will be pleased to send some soldiers to be posted as safeguards upon the churches, convents, and principal habitations.--Granted.

"X. That the king's lieutenant commanding in Quebec shall be permitted to send information to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor general, of the reduction of the place, as also that the general may send advice thereof to the French ministry.--Granted.

"XI. That the present capitulation shall be executed according to its form and tenor, without being subject to non-execution under pretense of reprisals, or for the non-execution of any preceding capitulation.--Granted.

"Duplicates hereof, taken and executed by and between us, at the camp before Quebec, this 18th day of September, 1759.

"CHARLES SAUNDERS, GEORGE TOWNSHEND, DE RAMSAY."

No. LXXII

Extracts from "Lettres de M. le Marquis de Montcalm, G.G. en Canada, a MM. de Berryer et de la Mole, 1757-1759. Londres, 1777."

In 1757.--Letter 1. Montcalm informs M. de Berryer that he carries on a correspondence with the English planters by giving them a few prohibited articles. "They dupe their own people, who think they dupe us; their letters discover to me many curious political secrets. Our governors of Canada have neglected the only means of making the country prosperous ... another system is indispensable."

S.J., of Boston, writes to Montcalm, "The cause of your non-progress lies in the genius of your nation. Your governors were French gentlemen, hating and despising commerce--wealth, commerce, and strength are inseparable--your skeleton colony has lost more in a year than it can regain in ten. Your commerce with us ought to be free and unfettered.... We shall soon break with England for commercial reasons."

Montcalm observes on the foregoing, "Let us beware how we allow the establishment of manufactures in Canada; she would become proud and mutinous like the English. So long as France is a nursery to Canada, let not the Canadians be allowed to trade, but kept to their wandering, laborious life with the savages, and to their military exercises. They will be less wealthy, but more brave and more faithful to us.

"We may lose Canada--no great loss, if we keep some port in North America for fishing and trade.... The English settlers are as hostile to their mother country as to us. The state of their country is singular--not a city is fortified. The English governors often wished to fortify, but the people objected. If Canada be in the hands of an able (French) governor when the certain quarrel comes on, it will repay us for all former cost. England made a great mistake in not taxing these colonies from the first, even ever so little. If they now attempt it--revolt."

Letter from M. de Montcalm to M. de Mole, Premier President au Parliament de Paris, 1759:

"MONSIEUR ET CHER COUSIN,

"Me voici, depuis plus de trois mois, aux prises avec M. Wolfe: il ne cesse jour et nuit de bombarder Quebec, avec une furie qui n'a gueres d'example dans le siege d'une place qu'en veut prendre et conserver. Il a deja consume par le feu presque toute la basse ville, une grande partie de la haute est ecrasee par les bombes. Mais ne laissa-t-il pierre sur pierre, il ne viendra jamais a bout de s'emparer de cette capitale de la colonie, tandis qu'il se contentera de l'attaquer de la rive opposee, dont nous lui avons abandonne la possession. Aussi apres trois mois de tentative, n'est il pas plus avance dans son dessein qu'on premier jour. Il nous ruine, mais il ne s'enrichit pas. La campagne n'a gueres plus d'un mois a durer, a raison du voisinage de l'automne, terrible dans ces parages pour une flotte, par les coups de vent qui regnent constamment et periodiquement.

"Il semble qu'apres un si heureux prelude, la conservation de la colonie est presque assuree. Il n'en est cependant rien: la prise de Quebec depend d'un coup du main. Les Anglois sont maitres de la riviere: il n'ont qu'a effectuer une descente sur la rive, ou cette ville, sans fortifications et sans defense, est situee. Les voila en etat de me presenter la battaille, que je ne pourrai plus refuser, et que je ne devrai pas gagner. M. Wolfe, en effet, s'il entend son metier, n'a qu'a essuyer le premier feu, venir en suite a grand pas sur mon armee, faire a bout partant sa decharge, mes Canadiens, sans discipline, sourds a la voix du tambour, et des instrumens militaires, deranges par cet escarre, ne scauront plus reprendre leurs rangs. Ils sont ailleurs sans bagonettes pour repondre a celles de l'ennemi: il ne leur reste qu'a fuir, et me voila, battue sans ressource. Voila ma position!... Position bien facheuse pour un general, et qui me fait passer de bien terribles momens. La connaissance que j'en aye m'a fait tenir jusqu'ici sur la defensive, qui m'a reussi; mais reussira-t-elle jusqu'a la fin? Les evenemens en decideront! Mais une assurance que je puis vous donner, c'est, que je ne survivrois pas probablement la perte de la colonie. Il est des situations ou il ne reste plus a un general, que de perir avec honneur: je crois y etre: et sur ce point je crois que jamais la posterite n'aura rien a reprocher a ma memoire; mais si la Fortune decide de ma vie, elle ne decidera pas de mes sentimens--ils sont Francois, et ils le seront, jusque dans le tombeau, si dans le tombeau on est encore quelque chose! Je me consolerai du moins de ma defaite, et de la perte de la colonie, par l'intime persuasion ou je suis, que cette defaite vaudroit un jour a ma patrie plus qu'une victoire, et que le vainqueur en s'aggrandissant, trouveroit un tombeau dans son aggrandissement meme.

"Ce que j'advance ici, mon cher cousin, vous paroitra un paradoxe; mais un moment de reflexion politique, un coup d'oeil sur la situation des choses en Amerique, et la verite de mon opinion, brillera dans tout son jour. Non, mon cher cousin, les hommes n'obeissent qu'a la force et a la necessite; c'est a dire, que quand ils voyent arme devant leurs yeux, un pouvoir toujours pret, et toujours suffisant pour les y contraindre, ou quand la chaine de leurs besoins leur en dicte la loi. Hors de la point de joug pour eux, point d'obeissance de leur part; ils sont a eux; ils vivent libres, parce qu'ils n'ont rien au dedans, rien au dehors, qui les oblige a se depouiller de cette liberte, qui est le plus bel appanage, la plus precieuse prerogative de l'humanite. Voila les hommes! et sur ce point les Anglois, soit par l'education, soit par sentiment, sont plus hommes que les autres: La gene de la contrainte leur deplait plus qu'a tout autre: il leur faut respirer un air libre et degage; sans cela ils sont hors de leur element. Mais si ce sont la les Anglois de l'Europe, c'est encore plus les Anglois d'Amerique. Une grand partie de ces colons sont les enfans de ces hommes qui s'expatrierent dans ces temps de trouble, ou l'ancienne Angleterre, en proye aux divisions, etoit attaquee dans ses privileges et droits, et allerent chercher en Amerique une terre, ou ils puissent vivre et mourir libres, et presqu'independents; et ces enfans n'ont pas degeneres des sentimens republicains de leurs peres. D'autres sont des hommes, ennemis de tout frein, de tout assujettissement, que le government y a transporte pour leur crimes. D'autres, enfin, sont un ramas de differentes nations de l'Europe, qui tiennent tres peu a l'ancienne Angleterre par le coeur et le sentiment, tous en general no se soucient gueres du roi ni du Parlement d'Angleterre.

"Je les connois bien, non sur des rapports etrangers, mais sur des correspondances, et des informations secrets, que j'ai moi-meme menages, et dont un jour, si Dieu me prete vie, je pourrais faire usage a l'avantage de ma patrie. Pour surcroit de bonheur pour eux, tous ces colons sont parvenu dans un etat tres florissant; ils sont nombreux et riches; ils recueillent dans le sein de leur patrie, toutes les necessites de la vie. L'ancienne Angleterre a ete assez sotte, et assez dupe, pour leur laisser etablir chez eux les arts, les metiers, les manufactures; c'est a dire, qu'elle leur a laisse briser la chaine de besoins, qui les lioit, qui les attachoit a elle, et qui les fait dependants. Aussi toutes ces colonies Angloises auroient depuis long temps secoue le joug, chaque province auroient forme une petite republique independante, si la crainte de voir les Francois a leur porte n'avoit ete un frein, qui les avoit retenu. Maitres pour maitres ils ont prefere leur compatriotes aux etrangers, prenant cependant pour maxime, de n'obeir que le moins qu'ils pourroient; mais que la Canada vint a etre conquis, et que les Canadiens et ces colons ne fussent plus qu'un seul peuple, et la premiere occasion, ou l'ancienne Angleterre sembleroit toucher a leurs interets, croiez-vous, mon cher cousin, que colons obeiroient? Et qu'auroient-ils a craindre, en se revoltant?

* * * * *

"Je ne puis cependant pas dissimuler que l'ancienne Angleterre avec un peu de bonne politique pourroit toujours se reserver dans les mains une ressource toujours prete pour mettre a la raison ses anciennes colonies. Le Canada considere dans lui-meme, dans ses richesses, dans ses forces, dans le nombre de ses habitans n'est rien en comparaison du conglobat des colonies Angloises; mais la valeur, l'industrie, la fidelite de ses habitans, y supplie si bien, que depuis plus d'un siecle ils se battent avec avantage contre toutes ces colonies: dix Canadiens sont suffisants contre cent colons Anglois. L'experience journaliere prove ce fait. Si l'ancienne Angleterre, apres avoir conquis le Canada scavoit se l'attacher par la politique des bienfaits, et se le conserver a elle seule, si elle le laissoit a sa religion, a ses loix, a son language, a ses coutumes, a son ancienne gouvernement, le Canada, divise dans tous ces points, d'avec les autres colonies, formerait toujours un pais isole, qui n'entreroit jamais dans leurs interets; ... mais ce n'est pas la la politique Brittannique. Les Anglois font-ils une conquete, il faut qu'ils changent la constitution du pays, ils y portent leur loix, leur coutumes, &c., &c.... Voila les Canadiens transformes en politiques, en negocians, en hommes infatues d'une pretendue liberte, qui chez la populace tient souvent en Angleterre de la licence, et de la nardin.... Je suis si sur de ce que j'ecris, que je ne donnerai pas dix ans apres la conquete de Canada pour en voir l'accomplissement.

"Voila ce que, comme Francois, me console aujourd'hui du danger eminent que court ma patrie, de voir cette colonie perdue pour elle.

"Du camp devant Quebec, Jan.

MONTCALM.

"24 d'Aout, 1759."

THE END.

[TRANSCRIBERS NOTE: Original spelling has been retained]

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