Chapter VII (2)

[267] Bacon's _Annals of Ipswich_, 19 Sept. 1571, p. 292, and 1575, p. 307.

[268] _Ib._ 16 July, 1571. A burgess who neglected to attend the Great Court was fined fourpence "to the use of the poore." _Ib._ 5th Mar. 1568, p. 279.

[269] A. Gibbs, _Corporation Records of St Albans_, p. 46.

[270] At St Albans in 1587 two men were reported for carrying on their trade as fullers without being freemen. It was resolved that one of them should have his freedom if he would bring up one of the children of a widow Floyd until it could get its own living. _Corporation Records_, p. 27. At Ipswich Peter Ray, a tailor, was made a burgess provided he took an apprentice from the hospital. Nathaniel Bacon's _Annals of Ipswich_, 22nd July, 1575, p. 306. In Ipswich also a "fforainer" having a town child as his apprentice was allowed to trade with his linen cloth in the town on market-day so long as the apprentice remained with him. _Ib._ 24th April, 1599, p. 398.

Soon after the accession of Elizabeth new methods began to be adopted, and a special scale of payments was fixed where the poor were concerned. In 1570 at Norwich the citizens neglected to give according to their ability and so compulsion had to follow. The basis of the first assessment was the old voluntary collection. If a new-comer arrived after 1576 he was taken to the mayor or his deputy and assessed by him at a suitable sum[271]. In London also we have seen that the first assessment under the statute of 1572 was based on the payments formerly made, but the amounts were to be increased when there was any cause. In Ipswich also by 1579 there was apparently a special assessment for the poor, for it was then ordered that "all the persons in this Towne rated to pay to the poore, shall presently pay soe much mony as by computation his rate shall amount unto for one monthe and neverthelesse continue the paym^{ts} of their rates as they are rated[272]." It seems that in Ipswich the practice of levying poor rates according to the value of the house was already adopted.

[271] Orders given to the "Overseers of everie parish" in 1576, 1577, 1578, entered in the "Maiores Booke for the Poore."

[272] Bacon's _Annals of Ipswich_, 4 Dec., 1579.

Sometimes a large sum of money was raised at one time to form what was called a "stock." This fund was let out at interest to various people or invested in land and the sums arising from this interest or rent were used though the capital remained untouched. During the reign of Elizabeth the various public bodies lent out a good deal of the money in their hands in this manner. In 1584 there was an inquiry into the management of funds so raised at Winchester and the bishop sent a declaration on the subject to the Council. Some of the money had been used for the poor in the parishes and some for the House of Correction. A hundred and twenty pounds had been given for the use of the poor in the parish of Twiford; this had been lent at the rate of ten per cent. and the £12 so obtained had been or was about to be distributed to the poor[273]. The large sum of £1009 had been spent on the House of Correction and no proper account was made. In future, however, the justices were to levy a rate on the parish so that no parish paid more than fourpence a week and so that the average amounted to twopence.

[273] The gentlemen responsible for the sums belonging to the other parishes were not present, but it was resolved that these funds also should be lent on good security and the interest only used for distribution "so that the stocke may still remayne to the like reliefe of the poore hereafter." _Dom. S. P. Qu. Eliz._ Vol. 173, No. 62.

Thus we see that during this period all kinds of plans were tried. There was no attempt to enforce any theory that the required sum ought to be levied according to the value of lands occupied or according to the wealth of the payer. The authorities were sorely puzzled how to raise the money and adopted any plan that was likely to be successful.

[Sidenote: 4. The events of the years of scarcity 1594-1597.]

We will now consider the events of the years of scarcity from 1594 to 1597, both so far as they concern the central Government and so far as they concern local officials. They are interesting both because of what the authorities did during these years and because of what they failed to do. The year from Sept. 1572 to Sept. 1573 was the last in which the average price of wheat was under 20/- a quarter. From 1594 onwards there was a succession of bad harvests owing to the excessive amount of rain. Wheat quadrupled in price, and barley and rye, which were the grains ordinarily used for the bread of the poor, rose nearly in the same proportion[274].

[274] The prices given in the _History of Agriculture and Prices_ are as follows:

Wheat. Barley. Rye.
Average price per quarter 23_s._ 8¼_d._ 12_s._ 10½_d._ 17_s._ 2½_d._ Prices are
of 10 years 1583-1592 not given
Sept. to Sept. 1594-5 37_s._ 7½_d._ 16_s._ 32_s._ in 1590
" " 1595-6 40_s._ 9½_d._ 21_s._ 4_d._ 34_s._ 2½_d._ and 1591
" " 1596-7 56_s._ 6¼_d._ 52_s._ 9½_d._
" " 1597-8 52_s._ 4½_d._ 25_s._ 5¼_d._ 36_s._

In July 1597 the price reached 96_s._ a quarter at Newcastle. Hatfield MSS. VII. p. 296.

In 1594, the Privy Council ordered the reissue of the orders of 1587, and the justices were directed to meet together that they might devise means of putting them in execution[275]. In 1595 further efforts were made to enforce these instructions of the Government. The justices dwelling near London were called to the Star Chamber, and an oration was delivered to them by the Lord Keeper, which had been committed to him by the Queen herself without any direction from the Council[276]. He stated that the old custom of making an oration at the beginning of term had been discontinued heretofore, "but now, considering the presente scarsitye her Ma^{tie} of her own speciall care and regarde to her louinge subiectes hathe gyven in charge to us[277], to delyuer in this place her owne speciall direction for the redresse hereof." The justices were to overlook "the certificates in former times made accordinge to some former orders in that case provided" and were to punish the offences of "corne maisters and mongers" with great severity. They were to go to the markets and persuade the farmers to bring their corn, and if need be "to use there authoritie therein." They themselves, assisted by all those of the better sort, were "to make a somme of monie" and therewith to buy corn to be sold in every market without any profit. Moreover the justices were to repair to their country homes and maintain a hospitable house. The Lord Keeper also complained that there were too many justices, and Her Majesty "therefore like a good huswyfe looking unto all her houshold stuffe" had herself marked the names of some who were no longer to continue in the commission. Those that remained were to look to the execution of the statute of retainers, to the keeping of "waches for the punishing of rouges and idle persons," and "were to exercise Justice with a Herculean courage[278]." At the same time the Council sent orders to some particular justices. In 1595 they apparently sent to the justices of Devonshire and advocated selling corn underprice to the poor: the justices reply there was no need for such a step for the markets are well furnished and the price falling[279]. But as a bad harvest again followed the distress became worse. In 1597 the Lord-Lieutenant also wrote to the Devonshire magistrates commending the relief of the poor to their especial care, and this time the Court of Quarter Sessions immediately issue orders for their relief. The Constables were to "take a view" of all the poor and of all the wealthy people in the district and to report the result to the justices. One, two, three or more people were to have one or two meals given them every day by each householder. If the householder failed the justices might make an order for a payment, not exceeding eighteenpence a week "for every pole." In addition a special rate was to be imposed for setting the poor to work[280]. Moreover the Lord Chief Justice admonished the justices of Wiltshire in 1597 probably under instructions from the Council. The justices are ordered to see that the farmers "allowe one bushell in every quarter to be solde by the pecke and halffe-pecke to the poore at eightepence the bushell under the ordinarie price of the market[281]"; they are also to take care that the markets are well supplied with corn.

[275] Egerton MSS. 2644. Copy of a set of orders sent by Henry Mildmay to the justices of a division of Essex. It is signed by Burghley and other Lords of the Privy Council, and states that the orders issued in Jan. of the 29th year of the Queen's reign were now renewed and that these justices were to meet and put them in execution.

[276] "Par sa devise demesne." _Les Reportes del Cases in Camera Stellata_, 1593-1609, John Hawarde, edited by W. P. Baildon, F.S.A., p. 19. Hawarde was a barrister of the Middle Temple: he wrote his volumes from rough notes taken in Court, but does not seem to have verified his references. _Ib._ Introd. p. vii.

[277] The Lord Treasurer and Lord Keeper.

[278] _Les Reportes_ (_l.c._) p. 21. June 3rd, 1595. On July 1st, 1596, the justices were again addressed and ordered to return home "in regarde of eminent daungers." _Ib._ p. 56.

[279] A. Hamilton, _Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne_, p. 17.

[280] Hamilton, _Quarter Sessions_, p. 16.

[281] Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. No. 32092, f. 145. See Appendix.

The Earl of Bath received letters concerning the high prices of corn at Barnstaple and "he with other justices came to town, viewed the market and set the price upon corn there, to wit wheat 9_s._, rye 6_s._, barley 5_s._, oats 2_s._, threatening the seller with duress if he sold for above that price[282]." Very little grain was to be had even at high prices, and a Mr Stanbury was deputed to go to London in order that he might help to purchase corn for the town. "God speed him well," writes Wyot, "that he may procure some corn for the inhabitants of this town in this time of scarcity, that there is but little cometh to the market and such snatching and catching for that little and such a cry that the like was never heard." Barnstaple was not, however, at the end of its troubles[283]; in 1597 wheat was sold at 15_s._ and 20_s._ the bushel, and many of the inhabitants must have starved.

[282] In May 1596 the price of wheat at Barnstaple was 11_s._, rye and barley 8_s._, oats 2_s._ 4_d._ "whereupon upon letters sent to the Earl of Bath" presumably from the Council, he set the prices mentioned in the text. _Barnstaple Records North Devon Herald_, June 3rd, 1880, quoting from Wyot's Diary. Wyot's Diary is described as a small quarto book of 52 leaves purporting to contain extracts from an older manuscript. It was copied by William Palmer in the seventeenth century, from the diary of Philip Wyot, who was Town Clerk between 1586 to 1608. _Ib._ April 22nd, 1880.

[283] 1596. "Not a dry day in November." 1597. "April 8th wheat sold for 18_s._ a bushel, barley 13_s._, rye 14_s._, oats 4_s._ Now in July by reason of continual rain wheat sold last Friday for 20_s._ a bushel." The beginning of harvest brought relief and wheat fell to 3_s._ 4_d._, rye 2_s._ 7_d._, and barley 2_s._ 4_d._ This fall to one-sixth of the former values makes us realise how violent were the fluctuations in price. A like sudden alteration took place at Bristol in 1587. On Aug. 12th, 1587, wheat was sold at 5_s._ a bushel, but on the 19th of the same month it fell to 22_d._ Seyer's _Memoirs of Bristol_, Vol. II. p. 253.

The Archbishops of York and Canterbury issued letters to the bishops of their provinces with directions designed to mitigate the sufferings of the poor. The usual collections for their relief were to be carefully made and were to be increased. The wealthy were "to use a greater moderation than heretofore in their diet" and were not to lessen the number of their households. Not only was everyone to fast on Fridays, but they were to do without their suppers on Wednesdays also, "to the intent that that which is by forbearance of that meal and at other meals, by abstinency from all superfluous fare, fruitfully spared, may presently, especially by the wealthier sort, be charitably converted to the relief and comfort of the poor and needy." The ministers and churchwardens were to send monthly certificates of the observance of these orders with the names of any who were negligent[284]. We shall see that in Wakefield this Wednesday fast was observed and it is by no means improbable that these commands were actually enforced in other places.

[284] _The Life of John Whitgift_, John Strype. Appendix, Bk. IV. No. XXX. 27th Dec. 1596. The Minister was to stir up the people "to abstinence, fasting and true humiliation; to forbear all excess; to relieve the poor and needy by good house-keeping, by setting them on work and by other deeds of alms and brotherly compassion. And considering the most princely and gracious care her Majesty hath for their relief, and that all good means should be used for the succour and help of them in these times of dearth, the people must be taught to endure this scarcity with patience; and especially to beware, how they give ear to any persuasions or practices of discontented and idle brains, to move them to repine or swerve from the humble duties of good subjects." The double purpose of helping the poor and maintaining order may be observed in this letter of the archbishop as well as in the direct orders of the Privy Council.

The local authorities also endeavoured to remedy the evil. The proceedings of the Bristol Corporation illustrate the sudden rise in price and the great need there was for measures of relief. In 1594 the Mayor, Francis Knight, laid out money "to provide corn for the common sort of people," and by his means corn was brought from Danzig to Bristol. One of the aldermen also, a Mr Thomas Aldworth, spent £1200 in corn and brought a certain quantity into the market every day. Next year the scarcity continued, and in November a Mr Whitson was asked to buy corn for the Corporation. He did so and arranged that 3000 quarters of rye should arrive in May, 1596, and cost 28_s._ the quarter. But the Mayor alleged the corn was too dear and the Corporation would pay but half of Mr Whitson's charges to London and would only agree to buy half the rye. "But so it fell out, that when the said rye was arrived in Bristol, it was well worth 44_s._ a quarter and more. And then the said Mayor and Aldermen intreated to have the whole bargain and would pay Mr Whitson 50_li._ for his charges and running the adventure of the bargain, whereupon after some persuasion he (being of a good nature) consented." The corn was badly needed and within twenty days was sold at 6_s._ a bushel, though even that sum was under the market price. The Corporation gained £774 on the bargain and many pecks and half-pecks were given to the poor.

Still this corn lasted but twenty days, and during 1596 and 1597 corn was sold in Bristol at 7_s._, 8_s._, 12_s._, 16_s._, and according to one authority even 20_s._ a bushel. Under these circumstances the poor could not live, and it was decided by Mayor and Council that every alderman or any burgess, that had any property, should every day give one meal of meat to the poor people who were out of work. Some were to feed eight persons, and some only two, according to their ability. "Whereby," says the chronicler, "the poor of our city were all relieved and kept from starving or rising." The justices seem to have been vigilant in other directions also; they would allow no grain to be exported and ordered that very little malt should be made[285].

[285] Seyer's _Memoirs of Bristol_, Vol. II., pp. 254 and 255, quoting from Adams and Ricart's _Chronicle_.

In London the difficulty was great: in 1594 Lord Howard sent up three ships laden with corn that the inhabitants might have bread, and in 1596 twenty ships carrying grain arrived from the Low Countries[286].

[286] _Remembrancia_, II. 31. Apparently other ships were sent in 1595. _Ib._ II. 95; II. 59.

This grain may have been used for the whole country. An old chronicler of Shrewsbury relates that in 1596 "there was provision made by the bailiffs and aldermen of Shrewsburie with the commons for corne at London which cam from Dansicke, Denmark and those foren places to ease all England, and especially London. There was provided about 3,200 bushels for this town: it came by way of Brestow, and was sold to the commons after the rate of 8_s._ the bushell of rie, which was in the market at 12_s._ and better: and wheate at 14_s._ and 15_s._ Also there was prepared to be baked of the said rye 40 bushells weeakely by the towne bakers in peny bredd, two peny, three peny, and foure peny breed for the poore to have it who were not able to by any bigger portion. They were so unruly and gredie to have it, that the baylyffs, sixe men and other officers had mutche adoe to serve them. The God most mightie send plentie that his chosen flocke perrishe not, and dy for want as many in all contreis in England die and goe in great numbers myserably a begginge[287]."

[287] Owen and Blakeway, _History of Shrewsbury_, Vol. I. p. 400. Wheat in Shrewsbury in May 1597 was 18_s._, rye 15_s._, beans 13_s._, while in Sept. 1598 rye was 3_s._ 4_d._ and wheat 4_s._ 4_d._

It would appear that this kind of provision was usually made in large towns, for one of the charges in a complaint brought against two Newcastle aldermen was that of making no provision of corn for the poor. The complaint was addressed to the Privy Council by the discontented burgesses of the town of Newcastle and could hardly have been made unless it were generally recognised that it was one of their duties[288] to provide a store of this kind.

[288] _Cal. of State Papers_, May 31st, 1597. The Ipswich officials were careful to provide for their needy neighbours. Every year from 1594 to 1597 loans were raised to buy corn, and it is always stated that this corn was bought for the poor. In 1594 a loan of £200 was so raised, and the town consented to bear any loss: the next year £600 was thought necessary and three hundred quarters of rye were purchased. On the 15th Oct. 1596, it was ordered that "100 quarters of rye and 150 quarters of barley shall be bought for provision for the poor and so much money as the same shall be valued at shall be lent by the inhabitants of the town." Again, in 1597 three hundred combs were provided at 4_s._ 6_d._ a bushel, and the charges for keeping it and lading it were borne by the town. Nathaniel Bacon's _Annals of Ipswich_, 25 Oct. 1594, 13 Oct. 1595, and 21 Feb. 1597.

How great the distress in Newcastle was at this time may be gathered from the bare statements of the town accounts.

"Sept. 1597. Paide for the charges of buringe 9 poore folkes who died for wante in the streets, for their graves making 3_s._

"Oct. 1597. Paid for the charge of buringe 16 poore folkes who died for wante in the strettes 6_s._ 8_d._[289]."

[289] M. A. Richardson's _Tracts_, Vol. III. p. 44. See also Dec. 1596, "Paid for the charge of burying 7 poore folke which died in the streete, for winding theme, grave making and carrying to the church 7_s._ 4_d._"

If a few people actually died of starvation many must have been nearly starved.

All this indicates that the existing organisation for the relief of the poor could not stand the strain of the continued distress of these years. There were disturbances and complaints in many counties and a disposition to lay the blame on the increase of enclosed land. The Dean of Durham writes that the poverty of the country arises from decay of tillage owing to the number of enclosures. The poor this year could neither pay their landlords nor sow their corn, while many had to travel sixty miles to buy bread[290].

[290] _Cal. of State Papers_, Jan. 1597, p. 347.

There was trouble too in making men obey the orders for the help of the poor. Some were punished for ingrossing corn or for converting cottages into tenements[291], while one man seems to have been rebellious altogether: "They are knaves ... my goodes are my nowne," he said, "they nor the queene nor the Councelle have to doe wi^{th} my goodes, I will doe what I liste w^{th} them." The Court of Star Chamber sentenced him to be fined £100, to be imprisoned, to wear papers, confessing his fault and "to be bound for his good abearing[292]."

[291] _Les Reportes del Cases in Camera Stellata_, John Hawarde, ed. W. P. Baildon, F.S.A., pp. 76 and 78. Among others Edward Framingham, then High Constable of Norfolk, was brought before the Court "for converting thirteen houses into cottages and tenements and reserving the land for his own occupation and for ingrossing corn and buying and selling the same out of market." He was sentenced to imprisonment, a fine of £500, confession of his fault in Cheapside and Norfolk, to pay £40 to the poor people, and to restore the houses with the land to husbandry again. _Ib._ p. 76.

[292] _Ib._ p. 104.

From Dorset and Wilts we hear rumours of discontent[293], and in Oxfordshire and Norfolk there were actual insurrections. The Oxfordshire rebels themselves say that they rose because of the sufferings of the poor and the high price of corn. Although Sir William Spencer, one of the gentlemen who had enclosed land, reported that the rebellion was not begun by the poorer sort of people, Lord Norris wrote to the Council, "I want your commission and some order to be taken about enclosures on the western part of the shire where this stir began, that the poor may be able to live[294]." It is thus evident that poverty had something to do with the insurrection. One of the Norfolk rioters said he had heard that the poor were up in the west country, and that four or five of his neighbours would go to a justice of the peace and desire to have corn cheap; if they could not get it reasonably they would arise and get it by force, and if they did arise they would knock down the best first; "they stayed onlye butt for a drum[295]."

[293] _Cal. of State Papers_, June 1597, p. 433.

[294] _Calendar of State Papers_, Dec. 14, 1596, p. 316.

[295] _Dom. State Papers Queen Eliz._, Vol. 262, No. 151.

A letter from a Somersetshire justice, Mr Edward Hext, to Cecil gives a vivid picture of the disturbed state of Somerset. One hundred and eighty-three persons were to be set at liberty from the Sessions in the year 1596, "And of these very few came to any good; for none will receive them into service. And, in truth, work they will not, neither can they without most extreme pains, by reason their sinews are so benumbed and stiff through idleness that as their limbs being put to any hard labour, will grieve them above measure: so as they will rather hazard their lives, than work. And this I know to be true: for at such time as our Houses of Correction were up (which are put down in most parts of England, the more pity) I sent divers wandering suspicious persons to the House of Correction: and all in general would beseech me to send them rather to the gaol. And denying it them some confessed felony unto me; by which they hazarded their lives; to the end they would not be sent to the House of Correction, where they should be forced to work." He estimates that only the fifth person that commits a felony was brought to trial, for "most commonly the most simple country man and woman ... are of opinion that they would not procure any man's death for all the goods in the world." He thought the Egyptians were not so dangerous for there were only thirty or forty in the shire while there were three or four hundred sturdy rogues[296]. Mr Hext wrote in a time of famine when the poor were on the verge of starvation and when the west part of the neighbouring county of Oxfordshire was in insurrection.

[296] Strype's _Annals_, Vol. IV., p. 404 seq. Letter to Burghley from Edw. Hext dated 25th Sept. 1596.

This letter thus confirms the inference we should draw from the state of Oxfordshire, Norfolk, and Durham that on the whole the organisation for the relief of the poor was still insufficient. The public opinion of the time seems to recognise that there was a close connection between the bands of vagrants and the recent enclosures. Men like Lord Norris, the Dean of Durham, and Francis Bacon saw that if the agricultural changes were ultimately good for everyone, in the meantime they were bad for the poor; it was clear that many people had been without sufficient food, and the many insurrections of the time showed that this condition of things was dangerous to the peace of the country. The distress of these years thus brought vividly before men of the time the evils and the danger of the existing economic condition of the very poor, and the resulting awakening of public opinion was probably the chief factor in the creation of the better legislation and more efficient administration of later years.

A pamphlet written in 1597 by Henry Arth gives us considerable insight as to the contemporary ideas with regard to the relief of poverty, and also as to the extent to which the law was executed at the time[297]. The writer makes a list of the various classes included under the term "poor"; he uses the word to include those who require either relief or coercion from the public. He mentions both "such as are yong and lustie yet unwilling to labour," and "such as bee overcharged with children having nothing to maintaine them but their hand labour." It is in this sense that the word is most frequently used at the time. Arth goes on to enumerate the causes of poverty, the sins of the poor and the actions of the "poore makers." The poor were accused of idleness, wasting their goods in "bibbing and belly cheare," discontent and "seldome repairing to their parish churches to heare and learne their duties better." The sins of the "poore makers" throw more light on the economic changes of the time. Amongst these are mentioned the "importable oppression of many landlords," the "unconscionable extortion of all usurers," the "unsatiable covetousnesse in cornemongers," "the discharging of seruants and apprentices," and the "want of execution of good lawes and statutes." Magistrates fail to execute the laws, ministers fail to admonish them, and so "the most do live in disorder." But there are exceptions. The "strangers" in London "may be a patterne in these respects to all our English nation," for they keep all their fellow-countrymen from idleness and begging, and find work and wages for their unemployed. If any of them become poor "their state is imparted unto their company, and then commonly they abstaine one meale on the next Lordes day and give the price thereof towardes the parties maintenance." Moreover some well-disposed English people did their duty in the matter. In some districts a man "shall see not one begger asking any almes (except one or two that keepe the common box according to the order) to take the benevolence of trauellers and strangers so well are the statutes observed in those places."

[297] "Provision for the poore now in penurie." Explained by H. A. Printed by Thomas Creede 1597. A copy is in the British Museum.

Wakefield, where the writer lives, is one of these districts, "though the poore be many and needy yet thus much I may speak to my knowledge that if any be pinched with penurie the default especially resteth in themselves though some other persons can not be excused. For, (to the prayse of God bee it spoken) there is not onelie a house of correction according to the lawe, but withall, certain stockes of money put forth into honest clothiers' handes who are bounde with good sureties to set all the poore to worke, after five pence or sixe pence a pound of wooll spinning (as they shall deserve) if they will fetch it.

"For the impotent poore in every streete, they haue beene considered of (by the most able and forwarde men of that towne) and a generall ceassement voluntarie made for their supplie weekelie, which by confirmation of her Maiesties justices is still kept of euerie able householder, besides the Wednesdayes Suppers, for the which the Church-wardens take paynes accordingly, wherein if euerie one woulde discharge that dutie required of her Maiestie to let the poore haue the full benefite of their sayde suppers, there should not one person haue cause to begge there for all this deare yeare. As for the yonger sort, fitte to learne trades and occupations there is order taken to put them to apprentisshippe or otherwise to seruice."

From this pamphlet we see therefore that the law was sometimes well executed in particular places although as a rule it was negligently enforced. This view of the matter is confirmed by the rest of the evidence concerning the period from 1569 to 1597. It is the period of the growth of legislation and of the machinery of administration, but the working together of the whole system was also locally successful. At Reading, St Albans, Norwich, Leicester, York and Ipswich there is abundant evidence to show that many steps were taken to relieve the poor, while in Gloucester also we can see that increased action was taken in this direction, and that the statute of 1572 was more vigorously enforced than its predecessors. The City controlled the two hospitals of St Bartholomew and of St Margaret[298] and the corporation yearly elected a president, a treasurer, two surveyors, two almoners and two scrutineers to look after them. For certain years the accounts of Governor, Treasurer, Almoner and Scrutineer of St Bartholomew's still exist[299]. Before 1569 the house of the White Friars had been made into a House of Correction. For three parishes the accounts of the collectors of the poor exist for the years 1572-3 and for five other parishes for one or more of the succeeding ten years[300]. It would thus seem that the statute of 1572 was put regularly in execution in Gloucester and that this was the first statute that was thus regularly enforced.

[298] Rudder's _Gloucestershire_, pp. 186, 202. Queen Elizabeth granted the patronage of St Mary Magdalen also to the City on Dec. 4th, 41 Qu. Eliz. p. 187.

[299] _Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester._

No. 1335. 1569-70. Governor's account. Almoners and Governors exist as early as 1558-9. No. 1327.

No. 1336. 1570-71. Almoner's account.

No. 1337. 1570-71. Treasurer's account.

No. 1339. 1570-71. Almoner's account.

No. 1340. 1573-74. Scrutinear's account, etc.

The Masters' accounts of St Margaret's are also preserved for the years 1556, 1560-1, 1561-2. _Ib._ p. 459.

[300] _Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester._ Accounts of the Collectors for the poor.

No. 1349. 1572-3. Parish of St Nicholas, St Mary de Lode and St Mary
de Crypt.

1350. 1575-6. Parish of Holy Trinity.

1352. " " Graslane.

1352. " " St Michael.

1353. " " St Katherine.

1355. 1576. " St Ewen, etc.

The only account of this kind before 1572 is an undated account of the reign of Queen Elizabeth in a time of plague.

There is comparatively little evidence during the period of the proceedings of justices of the peace in the country, but we have seen that Mr Sands in Parliament and the justices themselves in their report to the Privy Council tell us that in Worcestershire every man was relieved at his own home. We have also seen that several Houses of Correction had been established and that their value as part of the organisation was recognised. It is thus clear that in many places the local officials were being trained to their duties, and that the statutes were really put in execution, not completely or everywhere, but still to some extent and in many places[301].

[301] The effect of the years of scarcity in stimulating the vigour of the justices is illustrated by a set of orders agreed upon by the justices of the peace of Cornwall in April 1597. A copy was sent by Sir Francis Godolphin to Sir Robert Cecil.

The orders first provide for a survey of all the poor which was to distinguish between those who could earn part of their subsistence and those who were altogether incapable and also for a list of the householders who could contribute to their relief. The constables and chief governors of the parish were to state whether they would themselves undertake the relief of the parish or whether the justices should levy a weekly rate for the purpose. After arrangements for supporting the poor had thus been made beggars were to be severely punished, fines for absence from church were to be rigorously exacted and the fast of two meals weekly was to be carefully observed. The orders further command an arrangement like that known as the "roundsman" system for the unemployed: "Such poor as cannot provide work for themselves are to present themselves in a convenient place in the church on the Sabbath day a little before the ending of morning and evening prayer and as soon as prayer is ended order shall be taken to send them abroad among such householders as shall maintain them meat, work and such wages as they can deserve for the week following" (_Hatfield MSS._ VII. p. 161). These measures were taken before the statute of 1597 was passed, and, in accordance with the statute of 1572, the justices and not the overseers were to make the rate. They show an improvement in Cornish poor relief, not dependent on the statute of 1597 but like the statute itself brought into existence by the distress of the years of scarcity.

In Parliament legislative experiments were still tried, and many of the men in Parliament, as justices of the peace or as members of the Privy Council, were obtaining experience of the practical working of the law. At the beginning of the period more stress was laid upon repression than upon relief. But the events of the years of scarcity brought home to the minds of most people the weakness occasioned by the partial execution of the existing system. In most places it could not stand the strain. The fact that the difficulties of the poor were partly due to enclosures and not only to the idleness of the sturdy vagrant was fully recognised. The danger of the distress of the poor was also apparent: some rose in insurrection, many others, like the Norfolk peasant, "stayed butt for a drum," all must have greatly suffered. Consequently the whole question was re-opened, a statute laying stress on relief was produced and a more efficient organisation was made possible. A system of public poor relief could not be suddenly established in a country like Elizabethan England. It had its basis in the recognised local custom of parochial collections, and the growing sense of municipal duty in the matter. Still, but for the development of the action of the Privy Council, but for the growing experience of members of Parliament, and but for the training of local officials and of the general public during these years, probably the conception, and certainly the execution, of the act of 1597 would have been impossible.