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Chapter XVII: Scientific Intelligence (7)

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Ascending the river, we have, between Philæ and Korusko, a distance of 24 German, or 115½ English miles, and without any rapid, except one near Kalabsche. Korusko being 115 feet above the head of the cataract of Assuan, at Philæ, we have an average fall of the river between these two places of a foot in a mile.

Between Korusko and Wadi-Halfa there is no rapid. The distance being 20 German, or 96 English miles, and the difference of altitude being 42½ feet, we have an average fall throughout that part of the river's course of not more than 5·3 inches in a mile.

This very inconsiderable fall need not surprise us; for the average fall of the Nile in Lower Egypt, at the lowest water, is little more than one-third of that now stated. At the time of the highest water the surface of the Nile, at Boulak, near Cairo; that is, about 116 miles in a direct line from the coast is only 43·437 English feet above the level of the Mediterranean, and at the time of the lowest water, only 17·33 feet. Thus, in the first case, there is an average fall of about 5·00 inches; in the second, of not more than 1·80 inches in a mile.[59]

Footnote 59: Russegger, Reisen, Bd. i., 258.

Between Wadi Halfa and Dale, a distance of about 94 miles, six cataracts, or schellals, as they are called in the language of the country, are marked in Russegger's map. And here, it may be as well to notice, that there are no cataracts, in the ordinary sense of the term, on the Nile; no fall of the river over a precipice; all the so-called cataracts are rapids, where the river rushes through rocks in its bed; the rapids varying in their length and degrees of inclination. We have no measurements of their lengths or of their falls, except as regards the first and second cataracts. The former, according to Russegger, has a fall of about 85 English feet in a distance of about 8 miles; and he describes the latter as extending from 5 to 6 _stunden_; that is, from 12 to 14½ miles, but he does not give the height. Speaking of the schellals above Semne, Russegger says, that all may be passed in boats without difficulty for about six weeks, or two months in the year. This is the case also, at the cataract or rapid of Assuan. But between Wadi-Halfa and Dale, with some inconsiderable spaces of free navigable water, in the ordinary state of the river, there is an almost uninterrupted series of rapids. We have no measurement of the height of Dale above Wadi-Halfa, near to which the second great cataract of the Nile occurs; but this is the part of the river's course where the fall is greatest, and from Semne to Dale there are about 45 miles of this more rapid fall.

From Dale to New Dongola, a distance of 35 German, or about 168 English miles, only three rapids are marked on Russegger's map--the highest being at Hannek, about 26 English miles below New Dongola. New Dongola being 806 English feet above the sea, and the distance from that place to the rapid of Hannek being 26 miles only, we may with probability estimate the surface of the river at the rapid of Hannek at 780 feet above the sea. Now, Wadi-Halfa being 522 feet, we have a difference of height, between these two last-named places, of 258 feet; and the length of the river's course between them being 236 miles, we have an average fall of 13·12 inches in a mile; that is, in the part of the river's course where nine rapids occur, in the provinces of Batn-el-Hadjar, Sukkot, and Dar-el-Mahass, where the river flows over granite and other plutonic rocks; gneiss, mica-schist, and other hard rocks, which Russegger considers to be metamorphic. But between Semne and the head of the second cataract at Wadi-Halfa, there is not a continuous rapid stream; for Hoskins says, that about two miles above that cataract, the river has a width of a third of a mile, and, when he passed it the water was scarcely ruffled.[60]

Footnote 60: Travels in Ethiopia, p. 272.

From the rapid of Hannek to Abu Hammed, the distance is 329 English miles, and the difference of altitude is 246 English feet. We have thus an average fall in that distance of 9·00 inches in a mile.

Thus, in the 776 miles between Abu Hammed and Philæ, we have an average fall of the Nile

Of 9·00 inches in a mile, for a distance of 329 miles.
Of 13·12 ......... ......... 236 ...
Of 5·30 ......... ......... 96 ...
Of 12·00 ......... ......... 115 ...

_Of the Breadth, Depth, and Velocity of the Nile, in Nubia._

Our information is very scanty respecting the breadth and depth of the river, either at the time of lowest water or during the inundations. About two miles above Philæ, it is stated by Jomard[61] to be 3000 metres, or nearly two English miles wide. At the second cataract, or rapid of Wadi-Halfa, it spreads over a rocky bed of nearly two miles and a-quarter in width (2000 klafter),[62] but contracts above the rapid to a third of a mile. Russegger also states, that the Nile, near Boulak, in Lower Egypt, is 2000 toises, nearly two-and-a-half English miles in breadth, and yet that it is considerably wider in some parts of Southern Nubia; but Burckhardt says, that the bed of the Nile in Nubia is, in general, much narrower than in any part of Egypt. Near Kalabsche, about 30 miles above Philæ, the river runs through a gorge not more than 300 paces wide, and its bed is full of granite blocks. It shortly afterwards again widens for some distance; but near Sialla, 78 miles above Philæ, it is contracted by the sandstone hills on both sides coming so near each other, that the river's bed is again not more than from 250 to 300 paces wide. It is about 600 yards broad about two miles above the second cataract near Wadi-Halfa, but is again very much contracted in the rocky region of Batn-el-Hadjar. At Aulike it is only 200 paces broad.[63]

Footnote 61: Description de l'Égypte.--Separate Memoir entitled,
"Description de Syène et des Cataractes."

Footnote 62: Russegger, Bd. ii., 3 Thl. 85.

Footnote 63: Russegger, Bd. ii., 3 Thl. 76.

I have not met with any measurements of the depth of the river in any part of its course in Nubia; but Hoskins describes it as being so shallow at the island of Sais, 327 miles above Philæ, on the 9th of June, which would be before the commencement of the inundation, as only to reach the knees of the camels.[64] Near Derr, about 86 miles below the Cataract of Wadi-Halfa, Norden, in January, found the river so shallow that loaded camels waded through it, and his boat frequently struck the ground. In May, Burckhardt found the river fordable at Kostamne, 53 miles above Philæ; and Parthey states, that between Philæ and the island of Bageh, to the west of it, the river is so shallow before the commencement of the inundation, that it may be waded through.[65] Burckhardt says, that from March to June the Nile-water, in Nubia, is quite limpid.[66] Miss Martineau, who visited Nubia in December and January, speaking of the river above Philæ says, that it "was divided into streamlets and ponds by the black islets. Where it was overshadowed it was dark-gray or deep blue, but when the light caught it rushing between a wooded island and the shore, it was of the clearest green."[67] At the second cataract she describes the river as "dashing and driving among its thousand islets, and then gathering its thousand currents into one, proceeds calmly in its course."[68]

Footnote 64: Travels, p. 257.

Footnote 65: Wanderungen durch das Nilthal, von G. Parthey,
Berlin 1840. 378.

Footnote 66: Travels, pp. 9 and 11.

Footnote 67: Eastern Life, i. 10½.

Footnote 68: _Ib._, 144.

Although we have no accurate measurements of the velocity of the Nile in Nubia, we may arrive at an approximate estimate of it by comparing its fall with that of a river well known to us.

I have stated the fall of the Nile in different parts of its course to be 5·30, 9·00, 12·00, and 13·12 inches in a mile. The fall of the Thames from Wallingford to Teddington Lock, where the influence of the tide ends, is as follows:--

+------------------------------------------------------------------+
| | | | Fall in |
| |Length of | Fall. | inches |
| | course. | |per mile.|
+-----------------------------------+----------+---------+---------+
| |Miles. F. |Feet. in.| |
|From Wallingford to Reading Bridge,| 18·0 | 24·1 | 15·72 |
|From Reading to Henley Bridge, | 9·0 | 19·3 | 25·68 |
|From Henley to Marlow Bridge, | 9·0 | 12·2 | 16·20 |
|From Marlow to Maidenhead Bridge, | 8·0 | 15·1 | 22·32 |
|From Maidenhead to Windsor Bridge, | 7·0 | 13·6 | 23·16 |
|From Windsor to Staines Bridge, | 8·0 | 15·8 | 23·52 |
|From Staines to Chertsey Bridge, | 4·6 | 6·6 | 17·28 |
|From Chertsey to Teddington Lock, | 13·6 | 19·8 | 17·40 |
| +----------+---------+---------+
| | 77·4 | 125·11 | |
+------------------------------------------------------------------+

"In general, the velocity may be estimated at from half-a-mile to two miles and three-quarters per hour; but the mean velocity may be reckoned at two miles per hour. In the year 1794, the late Mr Rennie found the velocity of the Thames at Windsor two miles and a half per hour."[69]

Footnote 69: Rennie, Report on Hydraulics, in the Fourth Report
of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1834,
p. 487.

It will thus be seen that the velocity of the Nile is probably greatly inferior to that of the Thames; for it appears that, except during the inundation, for more than half the year the depth is inconsiderable. The average fall when greatest, that is, including the province of Batn-el-Hadjar, where the rapids chiefly occur, is considerably less than that of any part of the above course of the Thames; so that there must be long intervals between the rapids where the fall must be far less than 13 inches in a mile. The breadth of the Nile is vastly greater; but supposing the depth of the water to be the same as that of the Thames, on account of the friction of the bed, the greater breadth would add very little to the velocity. If we assume the average depth of the Thames in the above distance to be 5 feet, and that it flows with an average velocity of 2 miles in an hour, and if we assume the average depth of the Nile in that part of its course where the fall is 13·12 inches to be 10 feet, when not swollen by the rise, the velocity would be 2 miles nearly in an hour,[70] if the fall were equal to that of the Thames. We shall probably come near the truth, by assuming the velocity of the Nile on this part at 2 miles in an hour. That it must be considerably less in the other divisions of the course I have named, and especially in that part immediately below the second cataract, where the average fall is only 5·30 inches for a distance of 96 miles, is quite evident.

Footnote 70: I state this on the authority of my friend, W.
Hopkins, Esq., of Cambridge.

The power of a river to abrade the soil over which it flows, so far as water is by itself capable of doing so, must depend upon its volume and velocity, and the degree of hardness of the material acted upon. The power is increased when the water has force enough to transport hard substances. But even transported gravel has little action on the rocks with which it comes in contact, when it is free to move in running water, unless the fall be considerable, and, consequently, the velocity and force of the stream great. When stones are firmly set in moving ice, they then acquire a great erosive power, cutting and wearing down the rocks they are forcibly rubbed against; but this condition never obtains in Lower Nubia, as ice is unknown there.

_Geological Structure of Lower Nubia._

One kind only of regularly stratified rock occurs in the 776 miles from Abu Hammed to Philæ; viz. a silicious sandstone, similar to that which occurs to a great extent on both sides of the Nile in Upper Egypt, and which Russegger, after a very careful examination of it there, considers to be an equivalent of the greensand of the cretaceous rocks of Europe. The tertiary nummulite limestone, so abundant in Egypt, has not hitherto been met with in Nubia.

The Nile flows over this sandstone for nearly 426 miles of the entire distance, but not continuously. At Abu Hammed, it flows over granitic rocks, and these continue from that place for about 120 miles. There is then about 215 miles of the sandstone, which is succeeded by igneous and metamorphic rocks, that continue for 195 miles without any interruption, except a narrow stripe of sandstone of about 15 miles near Amara. It is in this region of hard igneous rocks that nearly all the rapids occur, between that of Hannek and the great or second cataract at Wadi-Halfa. From the latter place there is sandstone throughout a distance of about 196 miles, and then commences the granitic region of the Cataract of Assuan, through which the Nile flows about 35 miles. Thus we have about 350 miles of igneous and metamorphic rocks, and about 426 of sandstone.

The general hard nature of the igneous and metamorphic rocks, over which the Nile flows for about 155 miles above Semne, and for about 40 immediately below it, will be recognised by my naming some of the varieties described by Russegger, viz. granites of various kinds, often penetrated by greenstone dykes; sienite, diorite, and felspar porphyries; gneiss, and clay slate, penetrated by numerous quartz veins.

The siliceous sandstone is very uniform in its character; and in Nubia, as in Egypt, the only organic bodies which it has as yet been found to contain, are silicified stems of wood. Occasionally, as in the neighbourhood of Korusko, interstratified beds of marly clay are met with.[71]

Footnote 71: Russegger, Bd. ii., 1 Thl. 569 to 584.

When, therefore, we take into account the hard nature of the siliceous sandstone, the durability of which is shewn by the very ancient monuments of Egypt and Nubia, that are formed of it, and the still greater hardness of the granites and other crystalline rocks, it is manifest that the wearing action of a river flowing over so gentle a fall, can scarcely be appreciable. If the occasional beds of marly clay occur in the bank of the river, they may be washed out, and blocks of the superincumbent sandstones may fall down; but such an operation would have a tendency to raise rather than deepen the bed of the river at those places; unless the transporting power of the stream were far greater than can exist with so moderate a fall, especially in that part of the river below Semne, where, for 96 miles, it is not more than 5·3 inches, and for 115 miles below that, not more than 12 inches in a mile. Even if we suppose the river to have power to tear up its bed for some distance above Semne and below it, as far as the rapid of Wadi-Halfa, it is evident that the materials brought down would be deposited, except the finest particles, in that tranquil run of 96 miles, which may be almost compared to a canal. The drains in Lincolnshire are inclined 5 inches to a mile.[72] When the annual inundations commence, the water of the Nile comes down the rapid at Assuan of a reddish colour, loaded with sand and mud only; whatever detrital matter of a larger and heavier kind the Nile may have brought with it, is deposited before it reaches that point.

Footnote 72: Rennie, Report cited above, p. 422.

From all these considerations, therefore, I come to the conclusion, that the bed of the Nile cannot have been excavated, as Professor Lepsius supposes, since the date of the sculptured marks on the rock at Semne. He says, "Es lässt sich kaum eine andere Ursache für das bedentende Fallen des Nils denken, als ein Answaschen und Aushölen _der Katakomben_." By the word _Katakomben_ he can only mean natural caverns in the rock; but such caverns are rarely, if ever, met with in sandstones, and only occasionally in limestones. If the course of the Nile were over limestone instead of sandstone, we could not for a moment entertain the idea of a succession of caverns for 200 miles beneath its bed, sometimes two miles in width, the roofs of which were to fall in; and where the igneous rocks prevail, this explanation is wholly inapplicable.

But besides the objections arising from the nature of the rocks, and the inconsiderable fall of the river, there is still another difficulty to overcome. It is to be borne in mind, that this lowering of the bed of the Nile, from Semne to Assuan, is supposed to have taken place within the last 4000 years. Between the first cataract at Assuan and the second at Wadi-Halfa, there are numerous remains of temples on both banks of the Nile, some of very great antiquity. "From Wadi-Halfa to Philæ," says Parthey, "there is a vast number of Egyptian monuments, almost all on the left bank of the river, and so near the water that most of them are in immediate contact with it."[73] We may rest assured that the builders of these would place them out of the reach of the highest inundations then known. Although we have many accurate descriptions of these monuments, the heights of their foundations above the surface of the river are not often given; they are, however, mentioned in some instances. I shall describe the situations of some of these buildings relatively to the present state of the river's levels, and shall begin with those on the island of Philæ.

Footnote 73: Parthey, 318.

This island, according to the measurements of General von Prokesh, is 1200 Paris feet (1278 English) in length, and 420 (447) in breadth, and is composed of granite. Lancrot informs us, that, "à l'époque des hautes eaux, l'île de Philæ est peu élevé audessus de leur surface, mais lorqu'elles sont abaissées elle les surpasse de huit metres." It was formerly surrounded by a quay of masonry, portions of which may be traced at intervals, and in some places they are still in good preservation. The south-west part of the island is occupied by temples. According to Wilkinson, the principal building is a temple of Isis commenced by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who reigned from 283 to 247 years before Christ; and he adds, that it is evident an ancient building formerly stood on the site of the present great temple. Lancrot, in referring to this more ancient building, says:--"Il y a des preuves certaines d'une antiquité bien plus reculeé encore, puisque des pierres qui entrent dans la construction de ce même grand temple, sont des débris de quelque construction antérieure." Rossellini considers that it was built by Nectanabis. The first king of Egypt, of the Sebennite dynasty of that name, ascended the throne 374 years B.C., the second and last ceased to reign about 350 years B.C.[74]

Footnote 74: Russegger, Reison, Bd. ii. 300 and 320. Lancrot,
Description de l'Égypte, Memoire sur l'île de Philæ, 15-58.
Rossellini, I Monumenti dell'Egitto e della Nubia. Monumenti del
Culto, 187. Wilkinson's Thebes and General View of Egypt, 466.
Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Arts. Ptolemy,
Ph. and Nectanabis.

Rossellini[75] informs us, that on the island of Bageh, opposite to Philæ, there are the remains of a temple of the time of Amenophis II., and a sitting statue of granite representing him. He was a king in the earlier years of the 18th dynasty, which, according to the Chevalier Bunsen,[76] began in the year 1638, and ended in 1410 B.C.

Footnote 75: P. 187.

Footnote 76: Egyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte.--Drittes
Buch, 122.

GAU,[77] in describing a temple at Debu, about 12 miles above Philæ, which he visited in January, and consequently during the time of low water, states that he discovered under the sand, at the edge of the river, the remains of a terrace leading towards a temple.

Footnote 77: Antiquités de la Nubie, p. 6.

A short distance north of Kalabsche, about 30 miles above Philæ, at Beil-nalli, Rossellini[78] speaks of a small temple in the following terms:--"Among the many memorials that still exist of Ramses II., the most important, in a historical point of view, is a small temple or grotto excavated in the rock;" and Wilkinson mentions it "as a small but interesting temple excavated in the rock, of the time of Rameses II., whom Champellion supposes to be the father of Sesostris or Rameses the Great."[79] He was the first king of the 19th dynasty, which began in the year 1409 B.C.[80]

Footnote 78: Tome III., Parte II., p. 6.

Footnote 79: Thebes, &c., p. 482.

Footnote 80: Bunsen, as above.

Gau[81] thus describes a monument at Gerbé Dandour:--"La chaine de montagnes qui borde le Nil est, dans cet endroit, si approchée du lit de ce fleuve, qu'il ne reste que très peu d'espace sur la rive. Cet espace est presque entièrement occupé par le monument, et la rivière, dans ses débordemens, arrive jusqu'au pied du mur de la terrasse."

Footnote 81: P. 9.

Parthey informs us that the temple of Sebua is about 200 feet distant from the river, in which distance there are two rows of sphinxes, and that the road between them, from the temple, ends in wide steps at the water's edge; and he adds, that Champellion refers this temple to the time of Rameses the Great.[82]

Footnote 82: Warnderungen, &c., 334.

It thus appears that monuments exist close to the river, some of which were constructed at least 1400 years before our era; so that taking the time of Amenemha III. to be, as Professor Lepsius states, 2200 years B.C., the excavation of the bed of the Nile which he supposes to have taken place, must have been the work, not of 4000 years but of 800. If the erosive power of the river was so active in that time, it cannot be supposed that it then ceased; it would surely have continued to deepen the bed during the following 3000 years.

At all events, the buildings on the island of Philæ demonstrate that the bed of the Nile must have been very much the same as it is now, 2200 years ago; and even a thousand years earlier it must have been the same, if the foundation of the temple on the island of Begh, opposite to Philæ, be near the limit of the highest rise of the Nile of the present time; so that there could be no barrier at the Cataract of Assuan to dam up the Nile when they were constructed; and thus the deafening sound of the waterfall recorded by Cicero and Seneca must still be held to be an exaggeration.

The existence of alluvial soil, apparently of the same kind as that deposited by the Nile, in situations above the Cataract of Assuan, at a level considerably above the highest point which the inundations of the river have reached in modern times, to which allusion is made by Professor Lepsius, has been noticed by other travellers, and even at still higher levels than those he mentions. Whether that alluvial soil be identical with, or only resembles the Nile deposit, would require to be determined by a close examination, and especially with regard to organic remains, if any can be found in it. There is no evidence to shew that it was deposited during the historical period, and it may be an evidence of a depression and subsequent elevation of the land antecedent to that period. It may not be of fresh-water origin, but the clay and sand, or till, left by a drift while the land was under the sea. For remote as is the antiquity of Nubia and Egypt, in relation to the existence of the human race, it appears to be of very modern formation in geological time. The greater part of Lower Egypt, probably all the Delta, is of post-pliocene age, and even late in that age; and the very granite of the Cataract of Assuan, that of which the oldest monuments in Egypt are formed, and which, in the earlier days of geology, was looked upon as the very type of the rock on which the oldest strata of the earth were founded, is said to have burst forth during the later tertiary period. We learn from Russegger, that the low land which lies between the Mediterranean and the range of hills that extends from Cairo to the Red Sea at Suez, and of which hills a nummulite limestone constitutes a great part, is composed of a sandstone which he calls a "Meeresdiluvium," a marine diluvial formation, and considers to be of an age younger than that of the sub-appennines.[83] This sandstone he found associated with the granite above Assuan, and covering the cretaceous sandstone far into Nubia. It appears, therefore, that, in the later ages of the tertiary period, this north-eastern part of Africa must have been submerged, and that very energetic plutonic action was going forward in the then bed of the sea. The remarkable fact of the granite bursting through this modern sandstone is thus described by Russegger:--

"We arrived at a plateau of the Arabian Chain south-east of
Assuan. It is about 200 feet above the bed of the Nile, and
consists of the lower and upper sandstone, which are penetrated by
innumerable granite cones from 20 to 100 feet in height, arranged
over the plateau in parallel lines, very much resembling volcanic
cones rising from a great cleft. The sandstone is totally altered
in texture near the granite, and has all the appearance as if it
had been exposed to a great heat. 'I cannot refrain,' he says,
'from supposing that the granite must have burst, like a volcanic
product, through long wide rents in the sandstone, and that, in
this way, the conical hills were formed.'"[84]

Footnote 83: Reisen, Bd. I., s. 273.

Footnote 84: Id., Bd. II., I. Thl. s. 328.

An eruption of a true granite during the period of the sub-appennine formations, one possessing the same mineral structure as that we know to have been erupted during the period of the palæozoic rocks, would be a fact of so extraordinary a kind, that its age would require to be established on the clearest evidence, and especially by that of organic remains in the sandstone.

Having thus ventured--I trust without any want of the respect due to so eminent a person--to reject the hypothesis proposed by Professor Lepsius for the high levels of the Nile at Semne, indicated by the sculptured marks he discovered, it may perhaps be expected that I should offer another more probable explanation. If in some narrow gorge of the river below Semne, a place had been described by any traveller, where, from the nature of the banks, a great landslip, or even an artificial dam, could have raised the bed to an adequate height; that is, proportionate to the fall of the river, as it was more distant from Semne, a bar that, in the course of a few centuries, might have been gradually washed away, I might have ventured to suggest such a solution of the problem. But without any information of the existence of such a contraction of the river's channel, or any exact knowledge of the natural outlets and dams to running water along the 250 miles of the Nile Valley, from Semne to Assuan, it would be idle to offer even a conjecture. These marks are unquestionably very difficult to account for, in the present imperfect state of our knowledge of the structure of that portion of the Nile Valley; and any competent geologist, well versed in the questions of physical structure involved, who may hereafter visit Nubia, would have a very interesting occupation in endeavouring to solve the difficulty.

_7th April 1850._

_On the Salmon Tribe (Salmonidæ.)_

So long as the family _Salmonidæ_ remains circumscribed as it was established by Cuvier, it seems to be a type almost universally diffused over the globe, occurring equally in the sea and in fresh-water, so that we are left almost without a clue to its natural relations to the surrounding world. Joh. Muller, working out some suggestions of Prince Canino, and introducing among them more precise anatomical characters, had no sooner subdivided the old family of _Salmonidæ_ into his _Salmonidæ_, _Characini_, and _Scopelini_, than light immediately spread over this field. Limited now to such fishes as, in addition to the mere general character of former _Salmonidæ_, have a false gill on the inner surface of the operculum, the _Salmonidæ_ appeared at once as fishes peculiar to the northern temperate region, occurring in immense numbers all around the Arctic Sea, and running regularly up the rivers at certain seasons of the year to deposit their spawn, while some live permanently in fresh water. We have thus in the true _Salmonidæ_ actually a northern family of fishes, which, when found in more temperate regions, occurs there in clear mountain rivers, sometimes very high above the level of the sea, near the limits of perpetual snow, or in deep, cold lakes. That this family is adapted to the cold regions is most remarkably exemplified by the fact that they all spawn late in the season, at the approach of autumn or winter, when frost or snow has reduced the temperature of the water in which they live nearly to its lowest natural point. The embryos grow within the egg very slowly for about two months before they are hatched; while fecundated eggs of some other families which spawn in spring and summer, give birth to young fishes a few days after they are laid. The _Salmonidæ_, on the contrary, are born at an epoch when the waters are generally frozen up; that is at a period _when the maximum of temperature is at the bottom of the water_, where the eggs and young salmons remain among gravel, surrounded by a medium which scarcely ever rises above thirty or forty degrees.

It is plain from these statements, and from what we know otherwise of the habits of this family, that there is no one upon the globe living under more uniform circumstances, and nevertheless the species are extremely diversified, and we find peculiar ones in all parts of the world, where the family occurs at all. Thus we find in Lake Superior species which do not exist in the course of the Mackenzie or Saskatchewan, and _vice versa_; others in the Columbia river which differ from those of the Lena, Obi, and Yenisei, while Europe again has its peculiar forms.

Whoever takes a philosophical view of the subject of Natural History, and is familiar with the above stated facts, will now understand why, notwithstanding the specific distinctions there are between them, the trouts and white fishes are so uniform all over the globe. It must be acknowledged that it is owing to the uniformity of the physical condition in which they occur, and to which they are so admirably adapted by their anatomical structure, as well as by their instinct. Running up and down the rapid rivers and mountain currents, leaping even over considerable waterfalls, they are provided with most powerful and active muscles; their tail is strong and fleshy, and its broad basis indicates that its power is concentrated; it is like the paddle of the Indian who propels his canoe over the same waters. Their mouth is large, their jaw strong, their teeth powerful, to enable them to secure with ease the scanty prey with which they meet in these deserts of cold water; and, nevertheless, though we cannot but be struck by the admirable reciprocal adaptation between the structure of the northern animals and the physical condition in which they live, let us not mistake these adaptations for a consequence of physical causes; let us not say that trouts resemble each other so much because they originated under uniform conditions; let us not say they have uniform habits because there is no scope for diversity; let us not say they spawn during winter, and rear their young under snow and ice, because at that epoch they are safer from the attacks of birds of prey; let us not say they are so intimately connected with the physical world, because physical powers called them into existence; but let us once look deeper, let us recognise that this uniformity is imparted to a wonderfully complicated structure: they are trouts with all their admirable structure, their peculiar back-bones, their ornamented skull, their powerful jaws, their moveable eyes, with their thick, fatty skin and elegant scales, their ramified fin rays, and with all that harmonious complication of structure which characterizes the type of trouts, but over which a uniform robe, as it were, is spread in a manner not unlike an almost endless series of monotonous variations upon one brilliant air, through the uniformity of which we still detect the same melody, however disguised under the many undulations and changes of which it is capable.

The instincts of trouts are not more controlled by climate than those of other animals under different circumstances. They are only made to perform at a particular season, best suited to their organization, what others do at other times. If it were not so, I do not see why all the different fishes, living all the year round in the same brook, should not spawn at the same season, and finally be transformed into one type; have we not, on the contrary, in this diversity under identical circumstances, a demonstrative evidence that there is another cause which has acted, and is still acting, in the production and preservation of these adaptations; a cause which endowed living beings with the power of resisting the equalizing influence of uniform agents, though at the same time placing these agents and living beings under definite relations to each other?

That trouts are not more influenced by physical conditions than other animals is apparent from the fact that there are lakes of small extent and of most uniform features, in which two or three species of trout occur together, each with peculiar habits; one more migratory, running up rivers during the spawning season, &c., while the other will never enter running waters, and will spawn in quiet places near the shore; one will hunt after its prey, while the other will wait for it in ambuscade; one will feed upon fish, the other upon insects. Here we have an example of species with different habits, where there would scarcely seem to be room for diversity in the physical condition in which they live; again, there are others living together in immense sheets of water, where there would seem to be ample scope for diversity, among which we observe no great differences, as is the case between the Siscowet and the lake trout in the great northern lakes.

If these facts, statements, and inductions were not sufficient to satisfy the reader of the correctness of my views, I would at once refer to another material fact, furnished us by the family of _Salmonidæ_, namely, the existence of two essential modifications of the true type of trouts, occurring everywhere together under the same circumstances, showing the same general characters, back-bones, skull, brain, composition of the mouth, intestines, gills, &c., &c., but differing in the size of the mouth, and in the almost absolute want of teeth, these groups being that of the white fishes, _Coregoni_, and that of the true trouts, _Salmones_.

Now, I ask, where is there, within the natural geographical limits of distribution of _Salmonidæ_, a discriminating power between the physical elements under which they live, which could have introduced these differences?--a discriminating power which, allotting to all certain characters, should have modified others to such an extent as to produce apparently different types under the same modification of the general plan of structure. Why should there be, at the same time, under the same circumstances, under the same geographical distribution, white fishes with the habits of trouts,--spawning like them in the fall, growing their young like them during winter,--if there were not an infinitely wise Supreme Power, if there were not a personal God, who, having first designed, created the universe, and modelled our solar system, called successively, at different epochs, such animals into existence under the different circumstances prevailing over various parts of the globe, as would suit best this general plan, according to which man was at last to be placed at the head of creation? Let us remember all this, and we have a voice uttering louder and louder the cry which the external world equally proclaims, that there is a Creator, an intelligent and wise Creator, an omnipotent Creator of all that exists, has existed, and shall exist.

To come back to the _Salmonidæ_, I might say, that when properly studied, there is not a species in nature, there is not a system of organs in any given species, there is not a peculiarity in the details of each of these systems, which does not lead to the same general results, and which is not on that account equally worth our consideration.

A minute distinction between species is again, above all, the foundation of our most extensive views of the whole, and of our most sublime generalizations. The species of _Salmonidæ_ call particularly our attention, from the minuteness of the characters upon which their distinction rests. Their number in the north of this continent (North America) is far greater than would be supposed from the mere investigation of those of the great lakes; but I shall, for the present, limit myself to these.--_Agassiz, Lake Superior_, p. 366.

_Results of Observations made by the_ Rev. F. FALLOWS, _at the
Cape of Good Hope, in the years 1829-30-31_. _Produced under
the superintendence of_ G. B. AIRY, Esq., Astronomer Royal.

This important work, containing the earliest fruits of the Cape Observatory; and, while the first, at the same time some of the most valuable contributions to Southern Astronomy,--has been received too late to allow us to do more than barely mention the titles in the present number.

We are tempted, however, to extract the following short notice of a remarkable meteor; because it tends to establish the connection so very much wanted between _shooting-stars_ on the one hand, and _meteorites_, or _meteor-stones_, on the other hand. The phenomenon in question had a something of the characteristics of each, but was more of the nature of the latter body, in which case the mere fact of its appearing at the epoch of the shooting-stars, maybe considered in some degree significant of a connection, more especially when confirmed by a second instance in another year; while, moreover, the November period of shooting-stars had not then been suspected; and these two observations not only serve to confirm that period, but also to give the retrogression of the nodes of the orbit, which has been suspected. P. S.

_Mr Fallows to the Secretary of the Admiralty._

ROYAL OBSERVATORY, CAPE OF GOOD HOPE,
_November 9, 1829_.

"SIR,--The inclosed document was drawn up at my request, by
Captain Ronald. At the moment the first explosion took place (ten
in the evening), I was writing in a room adjacent to that of the
Transit, and imagined from the loudness of the report that it
might be a signal of distress from some vessel in Table Bay.
Shortly after, perhaps four or five minutes, for I cannot be
certain, having no suspicion of what had been observed in the
Transit-room, I heard a second report, but it was somewhat fainter
than the former. This phenomenon has been noticed at Simon's Town,
Stellenbosch, and beyond Koe-berg.[85]--I have, &c.,

"FEARON FALLOWS."

Footnote 85: _i.e._, 20 miles to the South, 25 to the East, and
15 to the North.

(INCLOSURE.)

_Captain Ronald to Mr Fallows._

OBSERVATORY, CAPE OF GOOD HOPE,
_20th October 1829_.

"SIR,--As it may not be uninteresting perhaps to make some record
of the circumstances attending the appearance of a meteor which
was observed last evening, I beg leave to convey to you the
following notice: remarking that having seen it only through the
open roof of the Observatory, which prevented me from following
the direction it took, my report must necessarily be so far
incomplete.

"At the time of the occurrence of the phenomenon in question,
about ten in the evening, I was in the Transit-room, engaged in
observing the passage of a star, when a blaze of intensely vivid
light was observed a little to the West of North, about the height
of the Equator, and which continued for perhaps a couple of
seconds.

"While registering the observation, a loud report was heard nearly
in the same direction, resembling that of a piece of heavy
ordnance at the distance of two or three miles. The interval
between the flash and the report reaching me, must have been
between the limits of 2m 40s and 2m 45s, from the circumstance of
my having observed the light just before the star (_g Ceti_) had
come to the second wire[86] of the instrument, which, on referring
to the transit-book, would have taken place at 23h 57m 47s·6
nearly, and therefore the occurrence of the phenomenon may be
safely referred to 23h 57m 45s; and as, on hearing the report, I
immediately consulted the Sidereal clock, which indicated 0h 0m
30s, I think that the error in assuming the elapsed time as above
cannot be supposed to amount to five seconds.

Footnote 86: The Transit of _g Ceti_ (_2 Ceti_) over the second
wire, on this day is blank; and the word "meteor" is written in
the margin. The first and third wires are 23h 57m 27s·9 and 23h
58m 7s·4.

"There was little peculiar in the state of the weather or
atmosphere; the day had been rather more than usually cool, the
highest temperature being 68° Fahrenheit, the wind from the south,
and moderate, with slight passing showers. The evening was nearly
clear, with a light air from the south-west, atmosphere rather
dry; the barometer standing at 30in·20, and the thermometer at
52°, and both were observed to rise suddenly after the explosion,
the barometer by 0in·01, and the thermometer by 0°·1, though they
regained their original position in a short time afterwards.--I
have, &c.,
"W. RONALD.

"By referring to my Meteorological Journal, it appears that a
meteor of somewhat similar appearance was noticed in Cape Town
early on the morning of the 6th November last year.--W. R."

_Discovery of the Great Lake "Ngami" of South Africa._

Geographical discovery in Africa has even excited more interest than similar explorations in any other part of the world, and with reason--for, while it is one of the oldest and earliest peopled of lands; while the human race first attained there a high degree of civilization, and a high degree of knowledge in the arts of peace and war, of science and literature; with a grandeur in some things, and a skill in others never since equalled; yet it is now the country of all others on the face of the globe concerning which we know least. In other continents there are undoubtedly parts not yet visited by Europeans, or worthy of being more fully explored; but they are but inconsiderable spots compared with the almost boundless spaces of Central Africa, where no foot of a white man has ever yet trod, and of the greater part of which no semi-fabulous native accounts even have ever reached us. So that age after age the civilization of the enlightened nations of the world is gradually losing the hold which it once had, at least along the northern shores of this vast continent; and the land of Ham is gradually reverting to a state of primeval wilderness, fenced in from all the rest of the world by the obstructive power of ignorance and position.

And yet to no other part of the world has so continued a stream of geographical explorers been poured, and is even pouring still; but invariably either the deadly climate of the more fertile parts, or the passive but all-powerful impediments offered by the more desert portions, as well as the active opposition of natives, more savage and sanguinary than in any other part of the world, have invariably, by death or otherwise, put an untimely stop to the progress of the travellers.

Under these circumstances it must be highly encouraging to all interested in the prosecutions of African geography, to hear that an actual and tangible discovery, and one of the most important kind for the country in which it was effected, and for the prosecution of still further research, has just been made, in the fact of the Rev. David Livingston, a missionary of the London Society, having at least reached the great lake[87] of South Africa.

Footnote 87: This lake must not be confounded with the smaller
one, supposed by the Portuguese to exist on the coast of
Zanzibar.

The circumstance requires perhaps something more than mere notice, and to have more names mentioned in connection with it, from its being part of a general system of co-operation in which many have borne a part, and a very important and necessary part, towards the result which has been finally achieved; and at the very least, the name of the Rev. Mr Moffat, the fellow missionary of Mr Livingston, deserves mention whenever the great lake is spoken of.

Its existence had been suspected long since, and its discovery has been a constant theme of conversation for many years past at the Cape. But yet the information of its whereabout, and size, and nature, were so very scanty, as to throw more doubt over the matter, the further that it was examined into. Up to a very recent date, the only persons who had ever been able within the colony to bear testimony to the fact of the existence of the great lake, from personal knowledge, were two young Bechuana brought down by D. A. Smith's expedition. They said, that when they were children, and their tribe was flying from their enemies, they had been at one period close to the great lake; but, after the closest cross-questioning, they left the matter more uncertain than ever, for from the length of time that their tribe was flying about in the desert in various directions, it would have been quite possible to have reached the sea either to the east or west, or the colony to the south; and nothing certain could be made out as to the mean resulting direction of the marching and countermarching.

Nevertheless, many were the ardent explorers who endeavoured to reach this consummation, so greatly to be desired, amid the arid plains of South Africa. The last which started, and by far the most important of all that were ever organized in South Africa, was that of the Cape Town "Association for Exploring Central Africa," and which started in 1834, and returned in 1836. The party consisted of about seven Europeans, as many waggons, and about thirty natives. The whole was under the direction of Dr Andrew Smith, staff-surgeon, who had admirably qualified himself for the command, by the experience of very many years spent chiefly in the interior, and amongst the natives. Among the members of the expedition, were an astronomer, well supplied with instruments, and two artists, and Mr Charles Bell for landscape, topography, and the manners and customs of the natives; and another, Mr Ford, for the natural history department. Dr Smith took upon himself especially the zoology, the ethnology, and geology; and the others all contributed according to their powers, while the whole of their notes and journals of every kind were to be made over to the association.

The expedition started in 1834, reached at length the Rev. Mr Moffat's residence at Kuruman, then the outpost of the Missionary stations; by him it was carried on further into the Zoolah country, to the abode of the great chief Umsiligas. This seemed for various reasons the furthest northing that the expedition could make, but a small party went on in light marching order a little further, so as to be just able to say that 23° south latitude had actually been reached, before the retrograde movement was begun.

The chief result of this expedition has been the publication of Dr A. Smith's beautiful and valuable zoological work, for the publication of which the government granted a sum of money.

The personal journal, the astronomical, geographical, geological, and meteorological observations, have still to come; likewise Dr Smith's own observations touching the history, language, and other particulars of the various tribes of aborigines whom he met with; as well as Mr Charles Bell's inimitable drawings of the manners, customs, and appearances of the natives, and his expressive landscape scenery.

This degree or measure of success seemed to put the great lake further off than ever. Europeans despaired of their ever finding or beholding it, and none but traders and huntsmen subsequently traversed that part merely of the road towards it, which the expedition did pass over; while the only scientific mission which has acted since in South Africa, viz., that of Captain Sir J. E. Alexander, sent out by the Royal Geographical Society of London,--hopeless, apparently, of doing anything by following Dr Smith's route, travelled and explored along the western coast.

It was remarked long since by the North American Indians and other aborigines, that the "black-robe chiefs of the mission" had always preceded the daring hunter and the crafty trader; and in no country has the _preceding_ spirit of the missionaries been more evident than in South Africa. While pushing their stations continually further and further into the interior, they christianize and civilize the tribes as they go, and so leave the way paved and open behind them; a most important condition, when it is remembered what excessive distances a traveller is there from his resources, and in what an impracticable country.

Silently, but surely, has this operation been going on, until as it were, almost by natural causes, a point has been reached, within which the lake was but at a moderate distance. Starting from Mr Moffat's advanced post of Kuruman, Mr Livingston had founded the station of Kolobeng further north; and then it only required a small advance of money to pay the expense of the long contemplated journey. That sum was furnished by two lay gentlemen, Messrs Murray and Oswell,--and this great cynosure of South African geography, fell, in the ripeness of time, an easy prize.

But if we have this much to say for the effective lever which the missionary system affords for geographical discovery, we cannot say so much as we should like in favour of the manner in which it has been worked in this instance, though it may be better than in the generality of cases.

There has been of late, it must be confessed, rather a decline of the true scientific spirit of geographical exploration; and men have too frequently been contented with filling their books with accounts merely of what they shot and what they eat; unable to give any more intelligent account of the country than the natives themselves.

Hardly any better, the Rev. Mr Rebman, who is supposed to have discovered in 5° S. lat., and 3 or 400 miles within the eastern coast of Africa, a mountain reaching above the limits of perpetual snow, and which may be the source of the Nile on the one hand, and of the rivers which feed the great lake Ngami on the other; for though he has been twice to the mountains, yet he has sent home such puerile statements, that the fact of its being snow at all which was _thought_ to have been seen, is now contested; and the height, latitude, longitude, &c., of the mountain are quite uncertain.

Mr Livingston has done much better than this, though there is almost everything for the geographer, the botanist, &c., to do; but no fault is to be imputed to him, he had a higher object in view: we mention the case so prominently here, rather to incite scientific men to go and do their part. We append Mr Livingston's letter to the end of this notice, and will merely condense here the principal notabilia.

The latitude of the E. corner of the lake at its junction with the effluence the Zonga, was measured with a sextant, to be 20° 20´ S. The longitude was estimated at 24° E., consequently about midway between the E. and W. coasts. The height above the level of the sea was thermometrically determined at 2200 feet. The length and breadth were stated by the natives at 70 and 15 miles; Mr Livingston saw in the former direction an uninterrupted horizon of water.

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The Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, Vol. XLIXChapter XVII: Scientific Intelligence (7)

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