Chapter III: Part 3

Although by the Chinese all foreigners were called 'Fan Kwaes,' or 'Foreign Devils,' still a distinction of the drollest and most characteristic kind was made between them. The English became 'Red-haired devils;' the Parsees, from the custom of shaving their heads, were 'White-head devils;' Moormen were simply 'molo devils.' The Dutch became 'Ho-lan,' the French 'Fat-lan-sy,' and the Americans 'Flowery-flag devils.' The Swedes were 'Suy' and the Danes 'Yellow-flag devils.' The Portuguese have never ceased to be 'Se-yang kwae,' thus retaining the name first applied to them on their arrival from the 'Western Ocean' (which the words signify), while their descendants, natives of Macao, are 'Omun kwae,' or 'Macao devils' from the Chinese name of the town.

In the Canton book-shops near the Factories was sold a small pamphlet, called 'Devils' Talk.' On the cover was a drawing of a foreigner in the dress of the middle of the last century--three-cornered hat, coat with wide skirts, breeches, and long stockings, shoes with buckles, lace sleeves, and in his hand a cane. I have now one of these pamphlets before me. It commences thus, 'Yun,' and under it is its 'barbarian' definition, expressed in another Chinese word whose _sound_ is 'man.' After many examples of this kind come words of two syllables--thus, 'kum-yat' with their foreign meaning expressed by two other Chinese characters pronounced 'to-teay' to-day--and so on to sentences, for which the construction of the language is peculiarly adapted. This pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of servants, coolies, and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman, whose ingenuity should immortalise him. I have often wondered who the man was who first reduced the 'outlandish tongue' to a current language. Red candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.

* * * * *

Although during the south-west monsoon little general business went on, transactions in Opium were very active. It was the period when the new drug arrived. Sales were made to brokers for cash (only) against orders on the receiving ships. The orders would be sent down by 'smug boats,'[35] which carried the Opium to its several destinations. These boats, of a peculiar build, were of great length and beam, the latter increasing rather disproportionately abaft to give quarters to brokers' agents who always went with them. The crews numbered from sixty to seventy men, who, like all Chinese boatmen, were singularly good sailors, intelligent and very active. They plied the oars sitting on low benches ranged on both sides of the deck, while additional propelling power was provided in an enormous mainsail and a foresail made of mats, bamboos, and rattans. The armament was one large gun in the bows, swivels, spears, and flint-lock muskets purchased from foreign vessels. The 'smug boats' differed from Government cruisers in a less powerful armament, smaller crew, and in the hull being bright varnished instead of painted 'black and red,' which are the colours of the latter.

On delivery of the opium, the receiving ships were paid five dollars per chest,[36] which was called 'cumsha' (literally 'gold sand'), and two dollars for 'demurrage' if the order was not presented within seven days. It was always repacked, before being taken from the ship, in mat bags, then marked with the owner's private sign and the weight. At times as many as one hundred chests, in bulk, would form a single cargo, whose market value was from $150,000 to $200,000. The Canton agent received five, afterwards reduced to three, per cent. commission on sales. The time occupied in unpacking, weighing, and repacking would occupy but a few hours. The crews of the receiving ships were mostly Manila men and some Lascars, while the shroffs, carpenters, and boats' crews, cooks and servants were Chinese.

It is needless to say the opium trade was prohibited by Imperial edicts as well as by proclamations of the Canton authorities. The Chinese who dealt in 'foreign mud'[37] were threatened even with capital punishment, but so perfect a system of bribery existed (with which foreigners had nothing whatever to do) that the business was carried on with ease and regularity. Temporary interruptions occurred, as, for instance, on the installation of newly-arrived magistrates. Then the question of fees arose, but was soon settled unless the new-comer was exorbitant in his demands, or, as a broker would express it, 'too muchee foolo'--i.e. 'the man is crazy.' In good time, however, all would be arranged satisfactorily, the brokers reappeared with beaming faces, and 'peace' and immunity reigned in the land.

Opium was never found for sale in Chinese shops at Canton, nor were there any signs by which one could judge where it was prepared for sale or for smoking, it being used in no other form.

The Canton officials rarely made any reference to the Lintin station; but sometimes, compelled by form to do so, would issue a proclamation ordering vessels 'loitering at the outer anchorage' either to come into port or sail away to their own countries, lest the 'dragons of war' should be opened, and with their fiery discharges annihilate all who opposed this, a 'special edict.'

Another branch of the opium trade was on the East Coast, where vessels of moderate size, belonging to two foreign houses at Canton, were stationed, say, near Amoy, Chin-Chew, Cup-Chee, and the island of Namao. They received supplies by brigs and schooners (all in this business being known as 'coasters'), which, starting from Lintin, touched at the anchorages above on going up to deliver, and on their return collecting the proceeds of sales. As an opportunity offered to get a practical experience of this trade, which was carried on with all the secrecy possible by the few engaged in it, I availed myself of a suggestion from the house to take a run up to Namao. We owned at the time a Boston clipper schooner called the 'Rose,' which, in 1837, was about leaving for that anchorage with a quantity of opium sold at Canton for delivery there, and an additional number of chests to try the market. The whole cargo consisted of nearly 300 chests of the Canton value of about $300,000. I joined the vessel at Capshuymun from Macao with an English gentleman, my guest there, whom I invited to accompany me. The 'Rose' was soon ready for sea; we made sail and started with a moderate south-west monsoon. She was a foretopsail schooner of about 150 tons register, with her scuppers within two feet of the water. The weather proved delightful, the wind steady, and the sea smooth. We kept an eye upon the barometer, it being the taiphoon season, and a sharp look-out upon the fleet of 'fishing boats' which covered the water, and the crews of which were peaceable fishermen or cut-throat pirates according to circumstances.

We anchored on the inside of the island of Namao on the third day, close by two English brigs, the 'Omega'[38] and 'Governor Findlay.'[39] Inshore of us were riding at anchor two men-of-war junks, with much bunting displayed; one bore the flag of a 'Foo-Tseang' or Commodore. Knowing the 'formalities' to be gone through with the Mandarins, we expected a visit from one, and until it was made no Chinese boat would come alongside, nor would a junk, not even a bumboat. We had no sooner furled sails and made everything shipshape, when 'his Excellency' approached in his 'gig,' a sort of _scow_ as broad as she was long. Besides the oarsmen, there were official and personal attendants, in grass cloth with conical rattan hats and flowing red silk cord surrounding them to the brim. He himself sat majestically in an arm-chair smoking quietly. A large embroidered silk umbrella was held over his head, while servants with fans protected him from the attacks of flies and mosquitoes. He was received at the gangway by Captain Forster. His manner and bearing were easy and dignified. When cheroots and a glass of wine had been offered, the 'Commodore' enquired the cause of our anchoring at Namao. The Shroff[40] gave him to understand that the vessel, being on her way from Singapore to Canton, had been compelled, through contrary winds and currents, to run for Namao to replenish her wood and water. Having listened attentively, the great man said that 'any supplies might be obtained, but when they were on board, not a moment must be lost in sailing for Whampoa, as the Great Emperor did not permit vessels from afar to visit any other port.' He then gravely pulled from his boot a long red document and handed it to his secretary, that we might be informed of its purport.

It was as follows:--

AN IMPERIAL EDICT.

As the port of Canton is the only one at which outside
barbarians are allowed to trade, on no account can they be
permitted to wander about to other places in the 'Middle
Kingdom.' The 'Son of Heaven,' however, whose compassion is as
boundless as the ocean, cannot deny to those who are in distress
from want of food, through adverse seas and currents, the
necessary means of continuing their voyage. When supplied they
must no longer loiter, but depart at once. Respect this.

Taou-Kwang, 17th year, 6th moon, 4th sun.[41]

This 'Imperial Edict' having been replaced in its envelope and slipped inside of his boot (for service on the chance of another foreign vessel 'in distress'), his Excellency arose from his seat, which was a signal for all his attendants to return to the boat except his secretary. The two were then invited to the cabin to refresh, which being done, we proceeded to business. The Mandarin opened by the direct questions, 'How many chests have you on board? Are they all for Namao? Do you go further up the coast?' intimating at the same time that _there_ the officers were uncommonly strict, and were obliged to carry out the will of the 'Emperor of the Universe,' &c.; but our answers were equally as clear and prompt, that the vessel was not going north of Namao, that her cargo consisted of about 200 chests. Then came the question of 'Cumsha,' and that was settled on the good old Chinese principle of 'all same custom.' Everything being thus comfortably arranged, wine drunk and cheroots smoked, his Excellency said, 'Kaou-tsze' ('I announce my departure').[42] We escorted him to the side, over which he clambered with the aid of his secretary; we saw him safely deposited under his brilliant silken canopy, and in a short time rejoin his junk.

Chinese buyers came on board freely the moment they saw the 'official' visit had been made. A day or two after, several merchant junks stood out from the mainland for the anchorage. As they approached we distinguished a private signal at their mastheads, a copy of which had been furnished to us before leaving Capshuymun. We hoisted ours, the junks anchored close to us, and in a surprisingly short time received from the 'Rose' in their own boats the opium, which had been sold at Canton, and there paid for, deliverable at this anchorage. It was a good illustration of the entire confidence existing between the foreign seller in his Factory at Canton and the Chinese buyers, and of a transaction for a breach of any of the conditions of which there existed no legal redress on one side or the other. This parcel, whose value was $150,000, had been already packed in bags, marked and numbered, at Capshuymun. The Chinaman who held the order of the Canton house for its delivery, on coming on board unfolded it from a cotton handkerchief, smoked a pipe or two and drank a cup of tea with the Shroff while it was going over the side, then took leave of us with the usual 'Good wind and good water,' or, 'May your voyage be prosperous!' The junks had anchored, mainsail to the mast, and as the last bag was received on board the anchors were at the bow and they standing to the northward.

Various attempts had been made to establish 'floating' depôts further north, for which purpose even the coast of Corea had been visited, as well as the port of Ke-Lung on the north end of the island of Formosa. The clipper 'Sylph,' Captain Wallace, sailed up to the Gulf of Leaou-Tung, having on board the celebrated Prussian missionary Gutzlaff, who, for the privilege of distributing the Scriptures and tracts, acted as interpreter for the sale of opium. The Rev. M. Gutzlaff was an 'old coaster,' his first appearance in China being as passenger from Singapore in a Chinese junk. As he had also studied at Malacca, there was a fellow-feeling between us. The first foreign opium vessel stationed on the East Coast was the 'Colonel Young'[43] in 1831, her tender, running between the station and Lintin, being the 'Fairy.' M. Gutzlaff was for some time on board the former, and, from his knowledge of the Chinese coast dialects, could make himself very useful. He resembled a Chinese very much, while _they_ declared him to be a 'son of Han in disguise'! The accounts of his travels along the coast and in the interior which he gave me on his return were very curious and interesting. He would leave the brig and be absent many days together. On one occasion he nearly reached the frontier of the Canton province; on another he penetrated to the Bohea tea-country, in the province of Fŭh-Keen. He described the people as hospitable and kind. Sedan-chairs of a rustic sort were furnished to him, with food without stint, and he never failed to find quarters for repose and refreshment in a temple. His object in travelling, besides the acquisition of knowledge, was the distribution of tracts. On visiting a town or village he would distribute translations of 'The Word of Life' and administer 'Lee's Antibilious.' Landing one day in the ship's boat, she was capsized, and he found himself rolling about in the surf with 'The poor man's friend,' a box full of 'Saints' Rest,' to which he clung, and packages of 'Cockle's pills,' while in momentary alarm that he and the boat's crew (four Caffres) would be picked up by shovel-nosed sharks.

At the end of a fortnight I decided to return to Capshuymun and Canton. My friend Mr. N---- was agreeable, but the question was, how and when? The 'Rose' had still a considerable quantity of opium to dispose of, and would not probably be ready for a month. In this dilemma two days went by, when the schooner 'Harriet'[44] came in from the northern stations. She was a small fore and aft craft of nominally 100 tons, built at Macao by Hamilton, an American ship carpenter, and was commanded by a friend, Captain Hall, who consented to take us back to Capshuymun. After she had received treasure from the three Namao vessels, her entire freight consisted of $430,000 in value of gold bars and Sycee-silver. We went on board with our traps and servants, and were soon under way. The cabin being, of course, of preposterously small dimensions, and overrun with ants, cockroaches, and centipedes, with which we should have interfered, we made ourselves comfortable on deck--dining, smoking, and joking _al fresco_. We anchored at Kow-Lung just in time to escape an unusually heavy taiphoon. We rode it out there; then sailed to Capshuymun, and from thence direct to Canton by fast boat.

The 'Rose' subsequently foundered in a taiphoon,[45] on July 21, 1841, only one of her crew being saved, a Portuguese Sea-cunnie,[46] who was for three days on a plank. He was picked up by my old friend and shipmate, Captain Fraser, in the 'Good Success,' thirty miles from the Grand Ladrone.

This tedious review of the opium traffic, as existing during the first fifteen years of my residence at Canton, will give the reader a correct idea of the mode in which it was carried on. The confiscation of 20,052 chests by the Imperial Commissioner Lin, in 1839, checked the local trade for a time, but did not do away with it. Up to this period it had indeed been an easy and agreeable business for the foreign _exile_ who shared in it at Canton. His sales were pleasantness and his remittances were peace. Transactions seemed to partake of the nature of the drug; they imparted a soothing frame of mind with three per cent. commission on sales, one per cent. on returns, and no bad debts! To the agent each chest was worth 20_l._ sterling, one year with another.

Consequent upon the seizure of the English-owned opium, the city of Canton, lying at the mercy of Sir Hugh Gough, was ransomed, as has been said, for $6,000,000, and this sum was afterwards appropriated by the British Government to indemnify its owners, who had delivered it up, either directly, or indirectly through their Canton agents, in obedience to the command of Captain Elliot, 'for surrender to the Imperial Commissioner on behalf of Her Majesty's Government.'

The amount of the ransom was much below the ordinary market value, even of its cost; on the other hand, no one could foresee to what a low price it _might_ fall, through the measures which were being taken by the Pekin authorities to 'put an end for ever' to 'opium smoking' in their dominions, and the whole arrangement was, under the circumstances, a very reasonable one.

The largest quantity surrendered by any one house was 7,000 chests; we came, I think, third on the list, with 1,500 chests; the remainder was principally in the hands of English, Parsee, and other native of India firms. The appointment and approaching arrival of the Imperial Envoy became known at Canton in the latter months of 1838. The local Mandarins therefore began a system of harshness towards dealers in order to appear vigilant and active in the carrying out of old decrees. This led to much cruel punishment, to the execution of one man in the Square in front of the Factories, in December 1838 (by way of casting obloquy upon the foreigners), and an attempt to strangle another one there in February 1839. This latter caused an unprecedented riot, led to an attack upon all foreigners who happened to be out of their residences, several of them being injured, and to the Factories being besieged by many thousands of vagabonds, who kept up an incessant attack on windows and gates with stones and brickbats.

They tore down and used as 'battering rams' the heavy posts of which the small enclosures in front of each Factory were constructed, yelling and shrieking like so many wild animals. We were rather anxious that some should force their way in, as we had distributed broken bottles in great quantities up and down the main entrance to our own Factory, No. 2 Suy-Hong, our enemy being a barefooted crowd, while against the other great casks of coal had been rolled; we were not gratified by seeing the efficacy of the first protection. The mandarins had brought an 'opium dealer' to the Square about noon, in order to strangle[47] him there. The Cross was already driven in the ground, and in a few minutes it would have been all over, when an unusual hubbub of something extraordinary being about to take place attracted the attention of some foreigners who were on the Square at the time. Instantly the news flew from Factory to Factory, when all we could muster, perhaps seventy to eighty, rushed out to stop the proceeding. I acted as spokesman on behalf of all present, and protested against the Square being turned into an execution ground. The Mandarin in charge said that the orders he had received must be carried out, that the Square was a portion of His Celestial Majesty's Empire. He was told that might be, but it was leased to us as a recreation ground, and that we _would not permit_ its desecration by a public execution! This was a bold thing to say. During this short interval the scene was a most extraordinary one. There was the cross, and close to it the victim with a chain about his neck, held by two gaolers, all looking on with a quiet curiosity. The servants of the mandarin were supplying him with constantly renewed pipes; his attendants, a few soldiers, and his chair-bearers, seemed more amused than anything else. There is no telling what might not have taken place had it not been for a boat's crew who happened to come from Whampoa that morning. They belonged to the old East India Company's ship 'Orwell,' Captain 'Tommy' Larkins, formerly of that Company's service, and a well-known and general favourite in the community. These sailors had been wandering about the Square, but gradually approached the spot and looked on. Seeing the drift things were taking, suddenly they seized the cross, smashed it in pieces, and began to lay them over the heads and shoulders of the executioners and any Chinamen within reach. The gaolers dragged the prisoner away. Jack tore down a tent that had been pitched for the mandarin, capsized the chairs, the table, with the teapot and cups, and would next have attacked the mandarin himself had we not interfered to protect him. We were much relieved when his Excellency and his aids were carried away and no harm done to them, and we found ourselves in possession of the ground. Then cried out one of the sailors to another, 'I say, Bill, we don't get such a lark as this every day!'

The siege of the Factories by the mob was continued throughout the afternoon, the guards at the corner of the American Factory were obliged to retreat after ineffectual efforts to clear the ground of our assailants, and things looked very serious. In the 'Imperial' Factory, Captain St. Croix, of the 'Alexander Baring,' had collected all the inmates, armed with such weapons as they had amongst them, revolvers and fowling-pieces, and proposed a rush out, but happily no demonstration was made. There were without doubt eight or ten thousand of the vilest of the population seemingly bent on the destruction of the 'foreign devils.' Towards five o'clock some one suggested that it might be worth while to get notice of our situation to Houqua. It looked as if the Mandarins had left us at the mercy of the mob, while the streets were completely blocked, and no Chinaman probably thought of going on such a mission. Mr. G. Nye (an American gentleman) and myself undertook to go and see him. Getting on the roof of No. 4 'Suy-Hong' we managed to cross to that of a shop in Hong Lane, through which we descended, and after some exertion reached the street in the rear of the Factories, called the 'Thirteen Factory Street,' which led to Houqua's Hong. We found the old gentleman in some trepidation from the news that had been already brought to him, but he seemed quite ignorant of the Square and the Factories being at the mercy of the crowd. He at once despatched a messenger to the 'Kwang-Chow-Foo,' the chief magistrate of the city, and we returned the way we had come. About half-past six o'clock, to our great relief we heard the approaching sound of the gong, denoting the coming of the officers, and witnessed from our verandah the immediate dispersion with whips of the rabble. No one was spared, the sight of the numerous soldiers in attendance on the Mandarins caused a rush towards every outlet from the Square, and even to the river, where several were drowned, not a boatman offering them the least assistance. Wide open flew the Factory gates, and in an instant their imprisoned occupants appeared with looks of relief indescribable. The Mandarins passed the night on the ground, chairs were procured for them, official lanterns were lighted, and, conscious of the entire safety which we now enjoyed, and without being disturbed by the hourly beating on gongs of the different watches of the night, we all turned in. The next day everything reassumed its normal state of comfort and safety. The 'victim' had been strangled at the public execution ground, to which he was taken from the Square. Approaching the Mandarins in the morning to thank them for their timely assistance (rather a 'cool' thing to do, as some one remarked, seeing we had taken the law in our own hands and had driven away the officer of justice the day before!), they received us very courteously, and assured us we had 'nothing to fear!'

This was the most serious of many provocations inflicted by foreigners upon the authorities. We treated their 'chops,' their prohibitions, warnings, and threats, as a rule, very cavalierly. We often spoke of their forbearance and wondered at the aid and protection they extended to us; in fact, they considered us more as unruly children, people who had never had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with 'Taou-Le,' or 'reason.'

When the Imperial Government took the unlooked-for measure of seizing the English-owned opium and punishing the native dealers, the day seemed to have arrived when the trade in it would really cease. The Canton houses had been forcibly deprived of their stocks; the supply on the East Coast, under the control of very few of them, was diminishing, with no fresh supplies to look forward to. Quantities which were on their way from India were being landed at Singapore or sent over to Manila, while further shipments from the former country were entirely suspended. On all sides a complete darkness existed as to what would be the result. Holders were offering to sell at Singapore for next to nothing; the article was in reality a drug indeed. Even as low as $150 to $200 per chest became its nominal value in the Straits. This was the condition of the 'opium question' which quickly followed the confiscation. The foreign community, with the exception of the Americans, had all left Canton, and at first took up their quarters on board of ships at 'Kow-Lung;' but having been bombarded out of that anchorage by the mandarins, 'Toon-Koo,' at the mouth of the 'Capshuymun,' became the general rendezvous. One day a clipper schooner got under way and stood seaward, and some time elapsed before she was heard from again. She had taken on board a few chests of opium that had arrived since the seizure. At the moment of sailing a letter was handed to the captain, directing him to open one of two others enclosed, after he should have got clear of the land. On doing so he found that he was ordered to make the best of his way to Singapore, to land the opium he had on board, and deliver the unopened letter to his consignee there, by whose instructions he would be subsequently governed. The schooner consequently proceeded on her voyage, the captain not having the slightest intimation of the object of it. Simply, he was directed to reply to any enquiries on arrival that he had brought down opium. The twenty chests were landed at a moment of the day when the Bund was crowded with Moormen, Jews, Parsees, and Chinese, all opium holders or brokers. No letters had of course been received by them, but at the unprecedented sight of twenty chests being landed they concluded that now indeed 'God was great and Mohammed was his prophet,' and that China had at last resolved to permit no more poisonous drug to be landed on its shores. Before twenty-four hours had passed, so adroitly had the agent made his plans, that, aided by clever brokers, he secured nearly 700 chests, quietly, here a little and there a little, at prices 'dirt cheap.' Opium had been unsalable at Singapore, many of the holders were unable to hold, and some were under orders to sell for whatever they could get, and 'have done with it;' the average of the purchase in question was $250 per chest. The twenty chests were re-shipped to the schooner, the newly purchased were taken on board, and after a very short detention she sailed, whither no one knew. She was bounding up the China Sea. Her destination was the East Coast, and there her cargo was readily disposed of at an average of $2,500 per chest.

Inside of the city of Canton, as we heard from Chinese, the price rose to $3,000, while the sale of it or the smoking of it was almost a matter of life and death--the latter was the penalty threatened and even carried out against those who were known to indulge in it. The Imperial Commissioner was on the spot; he was inexorable, consternation prevailed throughout the Chinese community, but we heard from good authority that the number of the beheaded was not large.

While the opium trade was going on, discussions often occurred as to the morality of it, as well as to the effect of smoking on the Chinese. None of the Hong merchants ever had anything to do with it, and several of the foreign houses refrained from dealing in it on conscientious grounds. As to its influence on the inhabitants of the city and suburbs at large, they were a healthy, active, hard-working, and industrious people, withal cheerful and frugal. They were intelligent in business, skilful in manufactures and handicrafts. These traits are inconsistent with habitual smoking, while the costliness of the prepared drug was such as to render a dilution of it (to bring it within the means of the masses) utterly harmless. Amongst the wealthier classes, no doubt, it was more or less common, this we knew; but I myself, and I think I may safely say the entire foreign community, rarely, if ever, saw any one physically or mentally injured by it. No evidences of a general abuse, rarely of the use of the pipe, were apparent. I remember one man having been brought to a missionary hospital to be treated for excessive smoking of opium, but he was looked upon as a Lion and much was made of him. In fact, smoking was a habit, as the use of wine was with us, in moderation. As compared with the use of spirituous liquors in the United States and in England, and the evil consequences of it, that of opium was infinitesimal. This is my personal experience during a residence at Canton, Macao, and Hong Kong of forty years.

* * * * *

For many years after the first foreign merchants came to Canton, they were not permitted to remain after their vessels were despatched, but were obliged to leave in them. In the case of the great Companies such as the English East India and the Dutch, it gradually became a great inconvenience. These, therefore, retired to Macao, where in time residences were specially built for their accommodation. (The old Dutch factory there, which had stood for over a century, was destroyed by a taiphoon in 1875.) The removal from Canton to Macao took place at the close of the north-east monsoon, simultaneously with the commencement of the dead season, when the market would have been cleared of teas and few or no vessels at Whampoa. Macao possesses a delightful climate, completely within the sea breezes, and is beautifully situated; it moreover offers in its entirety perhaps a unique specimen of Western colonies in the Eastern world as they existed 250 years ago--in its forts, churches, and walls, its convent, senate-house, and the extensive, solidly built, private residences.

The Bay of Macao, looking eastward, is strikingly like that of Naples. The fine houses which border it are protected by a broad esplanade,[48] supported by a sea-wall with a low parapet. The view from it is very fine across the outer harbour in a north-east direction to the islands of Lantoa and Lintin; to the north lie the 'Nine Islands,' and south-westerly is the anchorage called 'Taypa,' between the islands of Montanha to the west and Cabreta to the east. This anchorage is about three miles from Macao, and (as well as the two islands) is under the sovereignty of the Portuguese. West of Macao is the inner harbour, which separates it from the island called the 'Lappa.' On it in the early days the Portuguese built villas and laid out gardens, but they were subsequently abandoned from an inability to protect them effectually from Chinese marauders and pirates, and in 1825 a few vestiges of them only remained.

The departure from Canton of the Factory was annually quite a circumstance. From fifteen to twenty 'chop-boats' were drawn up at the Company's landing, of which some were converted into sleeping apartments, for which their high decks and capacious holds, which were floored off, afforded ample space. On either side were large windows, with curtains and movable shutters, for protection against rain. Others were appropriated to several milch cows and their keepers, for supplies for the journey, as well as books and papers of value. The members of the Factory, rarely fewer than twenty to twenty-five, occupied the others with their personal servants; and, what with Compradore's men, cooks, and coolies, the entire number was not less than 250 to 300 persons, including the boats' crews. On the arrival of the Linguist with the Government permit, the fleet set sail amidst the beating of gongs, burning fire-crackers and small squares of red paper, as a propitiation to the gods presiding over rivers and streams. The boats always took the Macao passage, as it was called, which is a broad stream branching off from the Pearl River, about a half-mile westward of the factories and running due south; consequently they passed the Factories, affording altogether a fine sight. The distance to Macao, taking the curves of the river, is about 120 miles, and the journey averages three or four days. As the return to Canton formed also an event in local life, being at Macao when the Company left in October 1831, I was glad to have the opportunity of availing myself of an invitation from Mr. Majoribanks, the then 'Chief,' to go up with them. A chop-boat was placed at the disposal of young John Robert Morrison and myself, and the following particulars of the trip to the provincial city are from a letter written by me at the time to a relation in the United States:--

On board the 'Golden Galley,' Macao to Canton: October 4, 1831.

It was the intention of the Factory to embark on the
1st, but the departure was postponed to the 2nd. A circular
was then sent to the members, requesting them to be on board
their respective boats by half-past ten the next morning, at
which time they were to get under way. Accordingly, my chum
and I joined our chop-boat, anchored in the inner harbour
with thirteen others, which composed the fleet. Presently a
signal was made by the boat of Mr. Davis, Chief of the Select
Committee, hoisting its mainsail, and in a few minutes we were
sailing in line through the harbour. We numbered, including
invited guests, thirty-eight foreigners. Three of the boats
(which in foreign measurement would be of, say, 120 tons) were
full of Factory coolies, cows, and provisions, the latter in
addition to each one having a supply on board sufficient for
three days. Our chop is large and comfortable; we have a cabin,
by means of partitions, 14 feet by 10 and 7 feet high, and
forward of it is another for our servants, the cook, and stores.
Two couches, one on either side, serve for beds, added to which
are tables, toilette arrangements, and everything complete,
with cleanliness the most perfect. We breakfast and dine as
regularly and in as good style as on shore. Some boats have four
gentlemen and others five, as arranged among themselves. They
are chartered by the Factory twice a year, and each one receives
one hundred Spanish dollars for the trip up or down. Provisions
and furniture--in fact, all things needful--are also supplied by
the Company. We have not with us all the members, some remaining
awhile longer at Macao; but amongst those now on their way to
Canton are Dr. Colledge and Padre Vachell, as well as that
other important personage, the Steward Canning! The Company's
Compradore also accompanies the fleet, with three or four fast
boats under his control for carrying messages, making visits,
or distributing fresh milk. So you see everything is as cosy as
possible. The crews, numbering about fifteen men to each boat,
manage them with surprising dexterity. These Chinese boat people
are perhaps unequalled by any others in the world. They are not
only active and intelligent, but good-natured and obliging, and
seem anxious to get on as quickly as possible.

Now that I have given you a sketch of our accommodation,
I will go on with our passage from the inner harbour. While
passing through it, volleys of fire-crackers were let off,
and gongs were beaten by way of 'chin-chining Joss' for a
safe and pleasant passage. A little later dinner was served,
and a No. 1 dinner it was. Crab soup to begin with, an ample
dessert, Hodgson's pale ale, superb La Rose and sherry, with
custard-apples, plantains, and other fruits. We turned in at
eleven, but slept little, as the wind was dead ahead after
entering the 'Broadway,' so I was up early and on deck. The
fleet was hard at it, tack and tack to windward. We found
ourselves in the middle of it, those to windward about three
miles off, and those to leeward about the same distance. At
eight o'clock we passed the Mo-tow, or 'Knife-grinding,' Fort,
which was once a stronghold of the celebrated pirate Apotsae,
who pillaged all the country round about. Near to it were
lying two of His Celestial Majesty's men-of-war junks. The
day's supply of fresh milk was brought on board, and at eight
breakfast, which was attended with difficulty, from the heeling
over of the boat. We entered the 'Heang-Shan'[49] River, but
at 11.30 were all obliged to anchor within five miles of the
city, as it had begun to blow a violent gale, the rain coming
down in torrents. On the morning of the 5th, cloudy and rainy,
but the wind abating somewhat and the tide being favourable, we
hove up, and at 8.30 passed Heang-Shan. We expected to anchor to
receive the customary visit of the mandarin, but he may not have
felt inclined to turn out in such weather. It happened that the
Compradore, who had gone up in a fast boat the evening before,
procured from him his seal to the Company's 'chop,' which
allowed us to go on without anchoring; but through all this fuss
and his absence we lost the milk for our after-dinner tea! On
the morning of the 6th the Compradore was again alongside, and
made it 'all right' with _us_ by threatening to come again with
mutton for dinner; and, considering what we have 'undergone'
since leaving Macao, it will be very acceptable.

The scenery on both sides of the river is celebrated for
its beauty, and we enjoyed it much. The banks are lined with
orange and lemon trees, peaches and lychee. On the summit of a
high hill stands a seven-story pagoda. If you ask a Chinaman
its object or use, he replies that it is 'Joss pigeon,' and you
are as wise as you were before. In reality, the Chinese believe
that these buildings bring prosperity on the region and ward off
evil influences. The river is crowded with boats crossing from
one bank to the other, filled with all sorts of country produce
or passengers, who stare their very eyes out in looking at us.
Further on we pass another fort, with a curious name, the 'Old
Duck,' and on the riverside opposite is another called 'Greatly
Excellent.' In the afternoon a fine strong breeze sprang up, and
we made rapid progress, passing still another fortification,
called the 'Mouth of the Great Gate.' We were compelled to dine
on a superb roasted capon, with _et ceteras_ as usual. We just
touched at 'Che-nae' for the official formality, and soon after
the Western Fort was passed, when we saw the innumerable lights
and lanterns of the provincial city; and at 8 P.M. glad enough
we were to find ourselves once more in 'Old Canton.'

The Dutch East India Company followed the same programme to and from Macao. The members of this Company were never so numerous as that of the English. There were usually two gentlemen to manage all affairs, with three or four 'writers.'

Under various pretexts, other foreign merchants managed to remain at Canton the year out. One was that their import cargo not having been sold, consequently the tea and other merchandise which they had shipped was unpaid for. This, if not considered reasonable, at all events had the effect of causing the authorities to overlook their presence, and gradually that article of the 'old regulations' became a dead letter.

Having seen the manner in which the great Companies went between Canton and Macao, it will be curious to follow the 'private' individual and the formalities that had to be gone through (which, however, applied to those Companies as well). A linguist was sent for, to whom was given the name and nationality of the person requiring a permit for Macao, and he would take them to the Hong merchants. Three or four of these would then petition the Hoppo that the request might be granted. Amongst these merchants must be included the one who 'secured' the foreigner in question. On the third day after, the linguist would reappear at the Factory and give notice that the luggage, &c. must be examined by an officer from the Hoppo's office, which having been done, the permit would be given to the head boatman, and on the fourth day the boat could proceed on her journey. It must not be supposed that these old 'government regulations' were never infringed, for in my own case, in 1830, being ill, I asked Houqua to use his influence that I might leave at once, and in twenty-four hours my papers were ready and I was off. The boats in which foreigners travelled to and from Macao (except occasionally if a large party, when they took chop-boats) acquired the name of 'inside fast boats.' They were large and commodious, with cabins in which one could stand up, broad raised seats on two sides, covered with clean matting, on which one slept. They were furnished with green Venetian blinds. In the centre of the cabin stood the dining-table, and over it a lamp was suspended. The accommodation was ample for four persons. Abaft the main cabin was a smaller one, for the servants and cook; then came the stern-sheets, occupied by the helmsman and two or three men to work the main-sheet. On one quarter was the kitchen; forward of the principal cabin was a flush deck to the bows; there stood the foremast, and ten to twelve oars could be used. The crew consisted of twelve or fifteen men, always alert, hard-working, and good-natured. The trip down the river or up was particularly enjoyable; the respite from office duties imparted a new sensation; and, if made in the south-west monsoon, nothing so exhilarating after the close hot Factories as this breeze fresh from the sea. The entire cost of the trip was for the boat eighty dollars, and the invariable 'cumsha,'[50] ten or fifteen more, according to one's humour after a quick or tedious passage.

The official papers were four in number, to which on the particular occasion now referred to a fifth was added.

No. 1. The petition from the Hong merchants applying for the pass to Macao, which read thus:--

Whereas it is our duty to petition for permits for Macao, it
now appears that the barbarian merchant, H----, having clearly
set forth that on a former year he came to Canton to trade, now
wishes to visit Macao. Not daring to resort to illegal ways,
he has begged us to entreat the favour of an official passport
being granted to him, that he may submit it for inspection at
the several stations on the route. Such being the barbarian's
wishes, we petition that he may be officially permitted to
proceed.

_Memorandum._--The barbarian merchant H---- is provided with
one sword and one gun for the protection of his person, as well
as with clothing and cooking utensils.

(Signed) HOUQUA MOUQUA
PWANKEIQUA PWANHOYQUA.

Taou-Kwang: 19th year, 4th moon, 15th sun.

No. 2. The Hoppo's answer:--

The request is granted. He may go to Macao. This must be
shown at the several custom-houses on the route, and on arrival
at Macao it is to be surrendered to the collector there.

(Seal of the Hoppo.)

_Note._--To be countersigned at the West Fort and at Che-Nae.

No. 3.

This pass is to be countersigned along the whole route
to Macao. Yu, by Imperial decree Acting Hoppo for the Port
of Canton. Raised two degrees! Whereas it is evident that,
to ensure safety and uninterrupted travelling between Canton
and Macao, barbarians should be furnished with passports for
exhibition at the custom-houses on the way, that they may be
allowed to proceed, and the time of arrival and departure at
each is to be noted on them. All difficulty thus removed, and
no excuse for loitering or wandering, how can disturbances
arise? On arrival at Macao the pass must be delivered to the
custom-house there, to be returned to this office and cancelled.
It is highly important that they (to whose hands it shall come)
attend to this injunction.

_Memorandum._--One boat, containing one barbarian named
H----, who in the 4th moon, 16th sun, starts from the capital.

(Seal and date.)

Countersigned at the

West Fort 16th, arrived evening, left evening.
Che-Nae 17th, " daylight, " daylight.
Hiang-Shan 18th, " midnight, " "
Macao 18th, " evening.

(I fill in the dates with arrivals and departures as they took place.)

No. 4.

Yu [as above].

Whereas, by the will of the Great Emperor, he controls
all matters relating to the trade of the Outer Ocean, now
grants the merchant H----, by means of the boat belonging to
Yip-Paou-Chang, liberty to proceed with fine teas, &c., to Macao
for sale. Herein are registered the articles he takes with him
on which the duties have been collected, viz.:--

63 catties[51] of tea, in five boxes.
4 large silver spoons.
8 small silver spoons.
45 catties of oil, in two jars.
10 " pictures.
36 " preserves, in one box.
27 " salt fish, in one package.
612 " wooden ware, in eight boxes.
30 pairs of shoes, in one box.
270 catties of iron ware, in three boxes.
18 " hams, in one package.
1 wooden table.
27 catties of white sugar, in one package.
3 small oil paintings.

The barbarian merchant H---- also takes the following
personal stores:--

524 bottles of foreign wine.
30 foreign knives, with 30 forks.
30 " glass cups and bottles (decanters).
1 trunk of woollen clothing.
2 boxes of shaving-head implements (razors).
250 catties of foreign clothing.
30 " fragrant water.
200 " lead.
70 " divers eatables.
1 glass mirror.
1 large glass lamp.
20 catties of foreign crockery.
10 " copper ware.
30 " candles.
10 pieces of foreign fragrant soap.
1 foreign gun and 1 sword.
1 hat and 1 spyglass.
270 catties of foreign white paper.
5 pictures with glass fronts.
40 catties of rolled tobacco-leaves (cheroots).
1 foreign white woollen blanket.

As my departure for Macao on this occasion took place a month or two after the surrender of the opium, unusual strictness was observed for fear that some of the nine foreign merchants selected by the 'Kinchae'[52] as hostages might escape. The following extra document was therefore issued:--

No. 5.

An extra permit granted by the officer appointed by
the Imperial Commissioner, occasioned by the opium affair,
and stationed in front of the foreign Factories, to take
cognisance of all foreigners arriving at and leaving Canton.
Le, waiting preferment, specially appointed, now reports to the
Kwang-Chow-Heĕ.[53] It having been brought to my knowledge that
the boat owned by Chang, having on board the barbarian H----,
leaves this 16th sun of the 4th moon for Macao, no delay must
take place. Moreover, as neither of 'the nine' forbidden to
leave are on board, custom-houses will permit her to pass.

No. 196. (Signature of the Kwang-Chow-Heĕ),
and endorsed, 'To be returned and cancelled.'

The House Compradores were always glad to avail themselves of such an opportunity to send to Macao a lot of 'Chow-chow' cargo on their own account, a privilege we never refused. This accounts for the sentence in No. 4--'proceeding to Macao with fine tea for sale.' Whence came the 200 catties (266 pounds) of lead was a mystery to me, but the 270 catties of 'iron ware' were iron chests, and 270 catties of foreign white paper certain office books of accounts and stationery, removed from the Canton offices in consequence of the unsettled state of affairs, with a quantity of house stores, &c. The details of everything is peculiarly a Chinese idea, and as similar documents are now no longer issued, and the _inside_ passage to Macao never taken under former circumstances, they are curious in their way. The _outside_ passage, by the way of the Bogue and in splendid steamers, is now the order of the day.

* * * * *

The word _tea_ is of Chinese origin, being a corruption of _tay_ in the Fuh-Keen dialect, the province from whence it was first exported to Europe. The leaf has always retained its name of tea in the West, notwithstanding that in Canton, from which port it has been shipped for nearly 250 years, it is called _chā_. This word means the _infusion_, while _chā-yip_, analogous to 'leaves for infusion,' is the tea of commerce. The varieties are very numerous, and are classed under the heads of _black_ and _green_. It is only within fifty-five years that _Oolongs_ and _Ankoys_ have been shipped, and chiefly to the United States. These are of a light brown colour. _Blacks_ consisted of _Bohea_, _Congo_, _Souchong_, and _Powchong_. The first derives its name from the celebrated _Woo-E_ Hills of Fuh-Keen; the second signifies _Workmen's_ tea; the third 'small seeds;' and the fourth 'seeds in bundles,' it having been always done up in paper packages. _Greens_ were, 1, 'Young Hyson,' 2, 'Hyson,' 3, 'Hyson Skin,' 4, 'Gunpowder,' and 5, 'Imperial.' The first means in Chinese 'before the rains' (when it was gathered), the second the 'opening of spring,' and the third the 'refuse or end of the crop.' The Chinese name of the fourth signifies 'small pearls' and of the fifth 'large pearls.'

In addition to these were formerly shipped Campoi, Hung-Muy, Sung-Lo, Caper, and Woping; but they have now lost their distinctive names, and if shipped at the present day are merged into other kinds more popularly known.

The choicest of all teas, and which we saw only on special occasions, when it came with the annual New Year presents from the Hong merchants, was 'Padre Souchong,' so called from its having been grown by the priests of a famous monastery. The whole quantity was small; it was put up in canisters of two or three ounces, and was currently supposed to be sent to the Emperor. His Celestial Majesty deigned as a rare favour to present some of it to the most favoured of the high officers of Government at Pekin, and they in their turn, as a great compliment, forwarded a portion to the Hong merchants. This was in return for valuable watches set with pearls, for clocks, musical snuff-boxes, or 'smellum water' (as the Chinese call lavender-water and eau de cologne), which foreign objects it was customary to send to influential mandarins for favours in the past and those in prospective.

The following tradition exists as to this peculiar tea. In spite of the assertion that the entire annual crop is 'offered up to the reigning Emperor,' it is brought to Canton, but in a very limited quantity.

In a deep recess of the Woo-E (Bohea) Hills, surrounded
by shrubbery and trees, almost impenetrable to the human eye,
stands the Temple of the 'Silver Moon.' Its antiquity is so
great that all traces of its origin are lost. The temple has
been inhabited from time immemorial by a family of the 'Tea
Sect,' which, at the period of the year coinciding with the
maturity of the leaves, makes offerings to its patron saint of
fine tea. Close by the temple stand three small tea trees, which
are tended by the family. They produce but _one_ catty each.
These trees were originally planted thousands of years ago by
divine hands, and they have never been known to yield more nor
less than three catties (4-1/3 pounds).