Chapter VIII: A Love Affair

After the reduction of Tournay and Therouenne in the autumn of 1513, Henry VIII. and Maximilian met Margaret at Lille. She was accompanied by the Archduke Charles and a large retinue. This was Henry's first meeting with his wife's nephew; it was also Margaret's first introduction to the man whose engaging manners and brilliant personality nearly made her give up the resolution to which she had adhered for so many years, and marry again.

Amongst Henry's VIII.'s officers was Sir Charles Brandon, one of the handsomest men of his time, and a great favourite with the English king, who, in May 1513, had been created Viscount Lisle. The new Lord Lisle had accompanied his master to the war in France, being marshal of the host and captain of the foreward, with 3000 men under him. Hall, in his Chronicle, gives the following interesting account of the meeting of Margaret and Charles Brandon:--'Monday, the 11th day of October, the king without the town received the Prince of Castile, the Lady Margaret, and divers other nobles of their countries, and them brought into Tournay with great triumph. The noise went that the Lord Lisle made request of marriage to the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Savoy, and daughter to the Emperor Maximilian, which before that time was departed from the king with many rich gifts and money borrowed; but, whether he proffered marriage or not, she favoured him highly. There the prince and duchess sojourned with great solace by the space of ten days. On the 18th of October the jousts began, the king and Lord Lisle answered all comers. Upon the king attended twenty-eight knights on foot, in coats of purple velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold was set in the place for the armoury and relief. The king had a base and a trapper of purple velvet both set full of fine bullion, and the Lord Lisle in the same suit. There were many spears broken, and many a good buffet given; the strangers, as the Lord Walon and the Lord Emery, and others, did right well. When the jousts were done, the king and all the others unhelmed them, and rode about the tilt, and did great reverence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried, "To lodging!"

'This night the king made a sumptuous banquet of a hundred dishes to the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, and to all the other lords and ladies, and after the banquet the ladies danced; and then came in the king and eleven in a masque, all richly apparelled with bonnets of gold, and when they had passed the time at their pleasure, the garments of the masque were cast off amongst the ladies, take who could take.

'The 20th day of October, the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, with many great gifts to them given, returned to Lille with all their train.'

A few months after this meeting Lord Lisle was created Duke of Suffolk (February 1st, 1514) on the same day that the dukedom of Norfolk was restored to the Howards, and when there was only one other peerage of that grade, namely, Buckingham, existing in England.

In October Henry VIII. wrote to Leo X. to tell him that he had conquered Tournay, and that the French ran away so quickly that it was impossible for him to follow them. He also mentions that he has conferred with the emperor and the Archduchess Margaret about the affairs of the Prince of Castile, and especially about the marriage of the prince with his sister, the Princess Mary. He mentions that 'Prince Charles came in person to Tournay.'

In the following May, when in England, the king and the new Duke of Suffolk were present at a tournament and 'defenders at the tilt against all comers,' dressed as black and white hermits, having the following motto written in white letters on their black staves: 'Who can hold that will away.' Gossip said that this posy was made for the Duke of Suffolk and the Duchess of Savoy.

Be that as it may, Henry soon grew alarmed when rumours reached him that his favourite was thinking of marrying Margaret. He at once wrote to Maximilian expressing his annoyance, and the same day (the 4th of March) sent a letter to Margaret enclosing the one he had written to her father, leaving it to her discretion to forward it or not as she thought best. King Henry says,... 'Because it has come to our knowledge that the common report is in divers places that marriage is contemplated between you and our very dear and loyal cousin and councillor, the Duke of Suffolk, we are making all possible diligence to know and hear from whence this report can come and proceed; and if we find that it comes from overthere, we will cause such grievous punishment to be inflicted, that all other inventors and sowers of lies will take example from it.'

The following letters, referring to the subject, are in the handwriting of the English ambassador, Sir Richard Wingfield, to whom Margaret addressed herself. They were evidently translated from the French, in which the originals were written, and were either translated by Sir Richard, or he transcribed the version, the matter being so secret for his despatches home:--

MS. Cotton.

'My Lord the Ambassador,--Since that I see that I may not have
tidings from the emperor so soon, it seemeth me that I should do
well no longer for to tarry to despatch this gentleman. And for
that by my letters addressing unto the king and to the duke, of
that I dare not adventure me to write unto them so at length of
this besides, because that I fear my letters to be evil kept, I
me determine to write to you at length to send that of all ye
may the better them advertise of mine intent.

'Ye may know, my lord the ambassador, that after some days
having been at Tournay, knowing from day to day the great love
and trust that the king bare and had to the personage which is
no need to name; also with the virtue and grace of his person,
the which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to
approach it; also considering the desire the which always he
showed me that he had to do me service; all these things
considered by me, I have always forced me to do unto him all
honour and pleasure, the which to me seemed to be well agreeable
unto the king his good master; who, as I may imagine, seeing the
good cheer and will the which I bare him, with the love which
he beareth unto him, by many times spake unto me, for to know if
this goodwill which I bare unto the said personage it might
stretch unto some effect of promise of marriage, seeing that it
was the fashion of the ladies of England, and that it was not
there holden for evil; whereunto many times I answered the most
graciously that was to me possible, knowing this thing not to
proceed but of love which he bare him, the several of reasons
wherefore it was not to me possible, unless I should fall in the
evil grace of my father and of all this country. Also that it
was not here the custom, and that I should be dishonoured, and
holden for a fool and light. But all my reasons might not help
me, that without rest he spake thereof to me. That seeing, and
that he had it so much at the heart, for him not to anger, I
found to him one other reason, to him saying, that if now I had
well the will so for to do, that yet I nor would nor durst
think, seeing his return to be so nigh, and that it should be to
me too much great displeasure to lose so good company; of the
which he contented him somewhat better, and passed the thing
unto his departing, and then began to say to me that the
departing drew nigh, and that he knew well I should be pressed
for to marry me, and that I was yet too young for to abide thus;
and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty and
threescore years.

'Whereupon I answered that I had never had will so to do, and
that I was too much unhappy in husbands; but he would not
believe me. And after, by two times, in presence of the
personage that ye know, he returned to say the same words,
saying more, "I know well, madame, and am sure that my fellow
shall be to you a true servant, and that he is altogether
yours, but we fear that ye shall not do in likewise, for one
shall force you to be again married; and that ye shall not be
found out of this country (_i.e._ in this country) at my
return." That which I promised to him I should not do; and for
that he desired greatly thereof to be more assured, he made me
to promise in his hand that howsoever I should be pressed of my
father, or otherwise, I should not make alliance of marriage
(with) prince of the world, at the least unto his return, or the
end of the year. The which I did willingly, for I think not to
again never to put me where I have had so much of unhappiness
and misfortune. And afterwards made his fellow to do the same,
who, as I believe and seemeth me, said of adventure, as his
master me showed again, that he should never do thing, were it
of marriage, or to take lady nor mistress, without my
commandment, but would continue all his life my right humble
servant; and that it was to him enough honour, so much honestly,
and of so good sort as was possible. And these words were said
at Tournay in my chamber one night after supper, full late. The
other time was at Lille, the day before that they should depart,
that he spake to me long at the head of a cupboard, he and his
fellow, of the departing, which was not without displeasure full
great of all persons. And again, after many devises and regrets,
he made me to reconfirm in his hand, and the same of his fellow,
the like promise aforesaid. And the said personage in my hand,
without that I required him, made me the semblable, and that for
always he should be to me true and humble servant; and I to him
promised to be to him such mistress all my life as to him who me
seemed desired to do me most of service. And upon this there was
no more words of this affair, nor hath not been since, if not
some gracious letters, the which have been (enough or I know)
evil kept.'

Further as to the words.

'And I promise you, my lord the ambassador, that this is the
truth, and I know not other thing. I cannot tell if the king,
which was "trwcheman" (interpreter), because of the love which
he beareth him, might have taken it more forward for to
interpret more his desire, but the thing is such, and truth.

'My lord the ambassador, for that it hath been said unto me that
he might have showed a ring where there is a diamond of mine,
that which I cannot believe, for I esteem him much a man of
virtue and wise, but always I will well show you the truth, to
the end to answer to all. I take none in this affair to witness
but the king and him; and himself first: it is that one night at
Tournay, being at the banquet, after the banquet he put himself
upon his knees before me, and in speaking and him playing, he
drew from my finger the ring, and put it upon his, and then
showed it me, and I took to laugh, and to him said that he was a
thief, and that I thought not that the king had with him led
thieves out of his country. This word "laron" he could not
understand; wherefore I was constrained for to ask how one said
"laron" in Flemish. And afterwards I said to him in Flemish
"dieffe," and I prayed him many times to give it me again, for
that it was too much known. But he understood me not well, and
kept it unto the next day that I spake to the king, him
requiring to make him to give it me, because it was too much
known. I promising him one of my bracelets the which I wear, the
which I gave him. And then he gave me the said ring, the which
one other time at Lille, being set nigh to my lady of Hornes,
and he before upon his knees, it took again from my finger. I
spake to the king to have it again, but it was not possible, for
he said unto me that he would give me others better, and that I
should leave him that. I said unto him that it was not for the
value, but for that it was too much known. He would not
understand it, and departed from me.

'The morrow after he brought me one fair point of diamonds and a
table ruby, and showed me that it was for the other ring;
wherefore I durst no more speak of it, if not to beseech him
that it should not be showed to any person; the which hath not
all been to me done. (Thus, my lord the ambassador, see all of
this affair, and for to know mine advice upon all, I shall give
it you more at length, which is this.)

'That if the things had not been so published, the which I find
the most strange of the world, knowing that creature of the
world, at the least on my part, could thereof never speak, for
that which I had said and done was for not to annoy the king,
for I knew well that it came to him of great love for to speak
so far forth as of marriage. And of another prince I had not so
well taken it as of him, for I hold him all good, and that he
thinketh none evil, wherefore I have not willed to displease
him. And in this business I have found myself more impeached for
to know that which me seemed touched to the king than that which
me touched.

'By one bylle (note) I shall put you in writing all the
inconveniences which may happen of this thing. Also that which
seemeth to me for the remedy of it to be done; but, for that I
have no leisure, I shall make an end, praying you to do with
this that which the bearer shall say you, and no more. I trow
that ye know this hand. (Thus signed, M.).'

The second writing:--

'My lord the ambassador,--Ye may have seen how the things have
been, and ye know the unhappy bruit which thereof hath run not
only here but on all parts, as well in Germany as in all
countries. Whereof I have found myself so much abashed that I
cannot imagine wherefore this thing is said so openly as in the
hands of merchant strangers. And for to say you the truth, I
have been constrained as well by the counsel of my servants as
of the lord Berques and others, to make inquiry whereof it came,
and as well by information as writings always I have found that
it proceeded from England. Whereof I have had a marvellous
sorrow. And I have letters of the self hand of an English
merchant, the which hath been the first that hath made the
wagers, as Bresylle knoweth well. Now, my lord the ambassador,
the king, at the request of the said Bresylle, and the personage
also, have done many things for to remedy to this fortune,
wherein I am holden unto them, but yet I see that the bruit is
so imprinted in the fantasies of people, and fear if that it
continue long, that all that which is done is not enough, for I
continue always in fear. And also I know that I may not show
towards the personage the weal and honour which I desire to do
as before.

'For yet I dare not write unto him when I have anything to do
towards the king, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am
constrained to entreat him in all things like a stranger, at
the least before folks, the which doth me so much displeasure
that I cannot write it, seeing that I take him so much for my
good friend and servant; and that I am constrained so to do, and
also I see that to this gentleman only which is here I dare not
speak or look to him. Whereof I am so much displeased that
nothing more. He himself perceiveth well that every one
beholdeth him of the other side.

'And as to the descent[43] of the king it shall behove me to
speak so soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the thing that
I desire as much as his coming. And the same of my lady Mary, as
God knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to
dissemble, not in this but in many others. And it seemeth to me
that I may not so well serve the king, being in this fear, as
before; so when the king shall descend that I shall be always in
this pain, and I feel me I shall not dare speak nor show good
semblance to the said personage; whereas I would make to him
much honour and good cheer, I shall not dare behold him with a
good eye, which displeasure shall be the same to him and to me.
And I know no remedy[44] but the same that Bresylle shall show
you for to put remedy to all. I would not constrain him to it
against his will, but, and he desire ever that I do him honour
or pleasure, it is forced that it be so, not for that I have not
the good will towards him, such as ever I have had, but for that
I am for mine honour constrained so to do. I pray you very much
to take pains for to make well to understand to the king and to
the personage this thing, to the end that I may do to him better
service and to his fellow pleasure. I pray you to do of this as
of the other. (Likewise signed, M.).'

(Endorsed, Secret matters of the Duke of Suffolk.)

[43] Apparently his landing on the Continent.

[44] In the margin is written, 'Bresylle said there was no way to
avoid the bruit but that my lord should marry the lady Lisle, as
more at length I have written unto my said lord.'

Although these interesting letters are so badly transcribed from the original French that their meaning is often obscure, they undoubtedly prove that Margaret had fallen desperately in love with the handsome English favourite, who, on his side, appears to have been more or less serious in his flirtation with her. How deep were Brandon's feelings for Margaret we shall probably never know. It is certain that Henry VIII. did not look favourably on his suit, and as Margaret herself sadly observed to the English ambassador in her letter quoted above: 'I know no remedy (to stop the gossip) but the same that Bresylle shall show you,' namely that Brandon should look elsewhere for a wife. The rumours and reports concerning Margaret and the Duke of Suffolk reached as far as Spain. King Ferdinand heard of them, and in July he wrote to Luiz Caroz de Villaragut, his ambassador in England, asking 'if it is true or not that Madame Margaret is to marry Monsieur de Lisle (Charles Brandon)?'[45]

[45] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

But in the midst of all these troubles and anxieties preparations for the first wedding in the little circle at Malines turned Margaret's thoughts into another channel.

On Trinity Sunday, the 11th of June 1514, her niece, Isabel of Austria, was married by proxy to Christian II., King of Denmark, who had succeeded to his father's throne the previous year. In a long letter to Maximilian Margaret gives an interesting account of the wedding:--

'BRUSSELS, _the 12th of June_.

'Monseigneur,--... After the arrival of the Danish ambassadors
on Wednesday last they had their public audience on Thursday,
and visited Monsieur and Mesdames and delivered their king's
messages with many good words; they then withdrew until Friday,
when I sent the Chancellor of Brabant, the President of
Burgundy, and other deputies to call upon them.... The next day,
which was Saturday, they expressed a great desire that the
marriage should be solemnised on the following day, which was
Trinity Sunday, on which day the king their master held the
festival of his anointing and coronation. But, Monseigneur, it
was very difficult to arrange such a solemn function in so short
a time, for it could not be as honourably held as I should have
wished, but, anxious to please them and gratify their desires, I
agreed that the said ceremony should be held on Trinity Sunday,
which was yesterday, and I did my best to have everything
arranged and put in order. The parties assembled on the said day
between ten and eleven o'clock, with as much state and honour on
our side as was possible, owing to the short notice, in front of
the great hall of this house, where Monsieur de Cambray gave the
promises and performed the espousals by word of mouth, as was
right between the King of Denmark... and Madame Isabel, my
niece, whom it certainly did one good to look at. The said
promises given, they went to hear high mass in this hall; and
the ambassadors were seated according to their rank, he of Spain
beside Monseigneur, to the great content of all, but those of
England were not there because "on ne les scavoit accorder."
And when evening came, supper was served and every one sat down
in order, and after supper there were dances and tourneys until
very late, when they retired to put the bride to bed... as is
the custom amongst great princes. Thus all was very solemnly and
duly accomplished, to the great delight of the said ambassadors,
who thanked me very much at their departure; as they had
fulfilled their mission they were anxious to hasten their
return, and I believe they will guard your honour and that of
this house as much as possible....'

The next day Margaret writes to say that Charles danced too much at his sister's wedding, and made himself ill. 'Monseigneur,' she says, 'showed himself such a good brother, and carried out everything, even to the dances in which he accompanied the said lady, his sister, to perfection... and a little more perhaps than his constitution could bear, for the day after the said espousals he was attacked by fever....' A fortnight later Margaret writes thankfully to tell her father that Charles is convalescent.

As the Princess Isabel was barely thirteen, it was arranged that owing to her youth she should remain at home for another year. When the marriage at last took place it was not a happy one, the king being a notorious libertine, who was later known as 'the Nero of the North,' and after a few years of misery the poor little princess died, leaving her children to Margaret's care.

Isabel's younger sister, Mary, was sent this year on a visit to the Court of Hungary, possibly with a view to her future marriage. Margaret mentions her journey in several letters. In April she wrote from Malines: 'Touching the departure of Madame Mary, all is ready; and she will start from here without fail on the 2nd of May... and will go by Grave as you advised.'

On the 5th of May Florent of Egmond writes to Margaret from Maestricht: 'Madame, Madame Mary arrived here this evening in very good disposition, without having met any danger on the road to her person or otherwise; to-morrow we pass from here to Aix-la-Chapelle.' The princess accomplished her journey safely, but her marriage to Louis of Hungary did not take place until seven years later.

In 1507 Henry VIII.'s sister, Princess Mary, had been betrothed to Prince Charles of Austria, and the marriage contract signed at Calais between her father, Henry VII.'s, and Maximilian's ambassadors. It had been arranged that the betrothal should take place in London before the following Easter; but the King of England's illness and the emperor's engagements had delayed the ceremony until the 17th of December 1508. It was agreed to wait for the completion of the marriage until Charles had attained his fourteenth year in February 1514.

In the month of October 1513 the king and emperor still appeared to be willing to fulfil the contract, and signed a treaty arranging that Maximilian and Margaret should accompany the Archduke Charles to Calais before the 15th of May following for the celebration of the marriage. But six months later Ferdinand and Louis signed another treaty agreeing to marry the archduke to Renée, Louis XII.'s daughter, who was barely four years old. Ferdinand, as Charles's maternal grandfather, claimed the right to control the marriage of his grandson and heir. He informed Maximilian of the contents of the treaty, but begged him to keep it secret from Margaret, as _he_ intended to keep it secret from the English king. Margaret, left in ignorance, continued to beg her father to celebrate the archduke's marriage with Princess Mary, but the emperor always evaded her requests with fresh excuses. She reproached him for his negligence in a letter written in March 1514 in which she showed how necessary it was that he should hasten the marriage to secure peace to the Austrian dominions, and especially to the Netherlands.

Anne of Brittany had been in failing health for some years, and as far back as 1511 had had a serious illness which placed her life in danger. De Burgo, Margaret's ambassador at the French Court, in one of his letters to his mistress's secretary says: 'The queen, as I lately informed Madame, was nearly well again, but last night she was suddenly attacked with fever and other symptoms so violently that her life was in danger.' Later on he wrote that the patient had had such a bad night, she had lost all power of speech, but after having received the last sacraments she gradually became better. Anne recovered, and on the 4th of April De Burgo wrote the news of her convalescence.

But on the 23rd of January of the following year Jean Leveau informed Margaret that 'the day before yesterday, which was the 21st of this month, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the queen was delivered of a still-born son, much to the king's grief, though others take it calmly since God wills it thus.' This was Anne's last child. In the following March she again had fever, and did not leave her bed until May. De Burgo gave Margaret an account of an audience he had with Anne on the 19th of May. 'Madame, although the queen is not yet quite well and speaks to no stranger, she was pleased to wish to see me, to hear what the emperor had written to me about some days ago, and that I might take leave of her; I found her in bed, but looking well, and much improved in health.'

Anne, however, never really recovered, and on January the 9th, 1514, passed away at Blois, leaving the king with only two daughters, Claude and Renée. Ferdinand soon tried to find Louis another wife, and proposed that he should marry Margaret, who was now thirty-four years old, or her niece Eleanor, who was only seventeen. Louis chose the latter, and had the marriage articles drawn up.

In a long despatch to Juan de Lanuza, his ambassador in Flanders, written in March, King Ferdinand says that he hears that Madame Margaret does not approve of the mission on which Quintana (his secretary) was sent to the emperor. Quintana was sent to find out the emperor's wishes about concluding a truce with France for one year between Austria, England, and Spain.... Had he believed that Madame Margaret entertained a different opinion from that of the emperor, he would have consulted her first. Not knowing that she would disapprove of the treaty, and considering delay dangerous, he had sent Quintana to the emperor, and ordered that as soon as he arrived, Luis de Gilaberte should go to Madame Margaret, and inform her of what was going on. As the truce is now signed according to the orders of the emperor, it must be observed....'

'In addition to the commission to conclude a truce with France... the emperor ordered Quintana to propose in his name to the King of France a marriage with Madame Eleanor of Austria.... King Ferdinand says that he is astonished to hear that Madame Margaret opposes his plans, as he is only following her father's counsel, and thinks she must be imperfectly informed of the true nature of this affair.... Madame Margaret, he says, dwells on the great difference of age between the King of France and Madame Eleanor. Lanuza is to tell her that in marriages of great kings difference of age is never taken into account. The King of France has no son and no heir. A son of Madame Eleanor's would, therefore, be the heir to the throne of France. It would be of incalculable advantage to Prince Charles if his sister's son were King of France. Madame Margaret is mistaken if she thinks it a disadvantage that Madame Eleanor is so thin. Thin women generally ... bear more children than stout ones. If the King of France were to marry Madame Eleanor, Austria, France, England, and Spain would form but one family, of which the emperor would be the head....'

'Ferdinand hopes that Margaret will not dissuade the emperor and the King of England from ratifying the truce with France, and wishes that the marriages (Prince Charles's and his sister Eleanor's) might be concluded in her presence and under her guidance. He goes on to say that Madame Margaret is a very pious and virtuous lady, and he expects that she will act like a good Christian, and prefer peace rather than war and bloodshed.... Should it be necessary, he must speak with Madame Margaret's confessor in secret, and ask him to use his influence with her....' Ferdinand ends the despatch by saying that 'he hopes Margaret will help him to secure incalculably great advantages to the emperor, himself, and to Prince Charles.'

In the same month King Ferdinand wrote a most affectionate letter to Margaret evidently in the hopes of winning her consent to his wishes by flattering speeches. The letter is addressed to his 'beloved daughter,' and begins by thanking her for all the great services she has rendered to himself as well as to 'his brothers, the emperor and the King of England, and to his son, the Prince (Charles).' 'She is,' he says, 'the most important person in Christendom, since she acts as mediator in almost all the negotiations between the princes of Christendom.'

In another letter to Lanuza a few days later, Ferdinand is still anxious lest Margaret should oppose the truce with France, and observes that 'Madame Margaret is the person on whom, more than any one else on earth, peace or war depends, and beseeches that she may use her influence in favour of peace.'

King Ferdinand tells Lanuza in confidence that he believes Margaret wishes to marry the French king herself, and that if this is the case, Ferdinand would not oppose it; but the King of France is anxious to marry again because he hopes for a son and heir, and he does not wish to marry Margaret because he fears that she would not bear him children....[46]

[46] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

Whilst these negotiations were under discussion, Henry VIII. was contemplating marrying his sister Mary to Louis XII., in order to prevent the French king's marriage with Eleanor of Austria. It was now in the King of England's interest to be on good terms with France, as he was deserted by those who had formerly sided with him against her. Full powers for Princess Mary's marriage with Louis XII. were sent to France on the 29th of July. The next day Mary solemnly renounced the promises made in her name with reference to her marriage with the Archduke Charles, and on the 7th of August the marriage contract with Louis was signed in London by the ambassadors, without Margaret having any suspicion of the truth.

When at last she heard rumours of the Anglo-French marriage, she did not believe them, and even ordered Jacques de Thienne, Lord of Castres, to tell the King of England that she had never believed the report to be true. De Castres only started on his mission in the middle of August, and the marriage treaty had been signed since the 7th of the same month, and Mary had married the prisoner Duke of Longueville[47] by proxy at Greenwich on the 13th.

[47] The Duke of Longueville had been a prisoner in England since
the battle of Guinegate.

This public ceremony at last convinced Margaret of the unwelcome fact that her nephew had been thrown over. She bitterly complained of King Henry's want of good faith, and threatened to publish the promise he had given in writing to marry his sister to the Archduke Charles.

Before Louis XII. married the eighteen-year-old Mary Tudor he sent his first painter, Jean de Paris, to London to paint her portrait and plan her trousseau. Accompanied by King Henry, Queen Katharine, and a great retinue of nobles as far as Dover, the bride set sail for France, escorted by the Duke of Suffolk. Amongst her ladies we find the names of the Ladies Grey and Anne Boleyn. Gorgeous pageants greeted Princess Mary; King Louis went himself in state to receive her at Calais, accompanied by the Duke of Valois and Margaret of Angoulême, and loaded her with presents and costly jewels. The wedding took place at Abbeville on the 9th of October. With reference to this marriage, Louise of Savoy, whose son, the Duke of Valois, was heir-presumptive to the throne, made the following spiteful entries in her diary: 'Le 22nd Septembre 1514, le roi Louis XII., fort antique et débile sortit de Paris, pour aller au devant de sa jeune femme, la reine Marie.'

'Le 9 Octobre 1514, furent les amoureuses noces de Louis XII., roi de France, et de Marie d'Angleterre; et furent épousés a dix heures du matin.'

On the 5th of November the new queen was crowned at St. Denis, and during the ceremony Francis, Duke of Valois, held the crown above her head.[48]

[48] 'Francis of Valois and the Duke of Suffolk were amongst
Mary's devoted admirers, but it was noticed that she showed a
marked preference for the handsome English duke. Francis gaily
entered into a negotiation with Suffolk, and promised in case of
Mary's widowhood that he should have the queen _en noces
officielles_. After Louis XII.'s death Francis kept his promise,
and authorised Suffolk to marry Mary with permission that she
should retain the title of Queen and her dowry.'--R. de Maulde la
Clavière.

Henry VIII., in writing to thank Louis for a richly caparisoned Spanish genet which he had sent as a present, expressed his hopes that Mary's lively disposition might not harm conjugal peace. But Louis was quite fascinated by his youthful bride, and for her sake changed all his habits, and breakfasted at noon instead of eight in the morning, and went to bed at midnight instead of six, and soon ended by falling seriously ill. His wife amused him whilst he lay in bed by singing romances to her guitar; but three months after their marriage the worn-out old king of fifty-two died during a terrific storm which raged throughout New Year's night, 1515. Only a few faithful friends were with him at the last, and when next day Mary was informed of her loss she fainted, and with every sign of becoming grief shut herself up according to the custom of royal widows for six weeks in a darkened room.

Towards the month of March 1515 an English embassy was sent to France, headed by the Duke of Suffolk, to bring back the Queen-Dowager of France to England. Margaret writes to her father: 'Monseigneur, I have received your three letters of the 14th instant... and in reply I write to inform you that the King of England has despatched a large embassy to the King of France, in charge of the Duke of Suffolk, who I hear is sent to bring back the Queen-Dowager.... As for the ambassadors who are to go to England with the Bishop of Brixen, I have communicated that part of your letters to the lord of Chièvres, as head of the finances and government of Monseigneur, who replied that the various personages were ready, but that the difficulty was finding money to provide them suitably. And I think, Monseigneur, he speaks the truth,' but, she adds sadly, 'I can do no more, for _now I do not meddle_ in any business.'

After this date Margaret's letters to her father become much less frequent.

Soon after any dreams that she may have indulged in of a fourth and handsome husband in the person of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, were finally dissipated by his marriage with the young Queen-Dowager of France.[49] Mary Tudor was eighteen years younger than Margaret, and was considered one of the most beautiful princesses in Europe. These facts may account for Charles Brandon's preference. At any rate, after this episode Margaret remained a widow to the end of her life, and although the manuscripts in the British Museum abound with her letters to Henry VIII., Wolsey, and others on grave political affairs, they probably comprise no more than those already quoted that have so direct a reference to the affairs of her heart.[50]

[49] Lady Jane Grey was the granddaughter of Charles Brandon and
Mary Tudor, whose eldest daughter Frances married Henry Grey,
Marquis of Dorset.

[50] She was accustomed to address Cardinal Wolsey as 'Votre
bonne mère Marguerite,' and even wrote in the superscriptions of
her letters, 'à Monsr. le Légat d'Angleterre, mon bon fils.'