Chapter III: Part 3

In the property listing for Virginia made in May, 1625, there is an entry that reads: "On the northerly side of James River, from the Falles downe to Henerico containing about x miles in length, are the publique land's, reserved & laid out, wherof 10,000 acres, for the Universitie lands, 3000 Acres for the Companys lands, with other land belonging to the Colledge; the common land for the Corporation [of Henrico] 1500 acres." The University and College lands were a testimony to the interest, the efforts, and the work of the Company in behalf of the Christianization of the Indians and the advancement of education in Virginia. The enterprise did not materialize, yet there had been every expectation that it would.

Concentrated attention on the proposed University and, particularly, the College began in 1619 although there is evidence that Argall, when Governor, did some work in this direction. Specific evidence of interest toward Christianizing the Indians and educating the "infidels children" in Virginia is easy to find in the literature and records of the period. Yeardley's instructions in 1618 carried the order to locate a suitable place for a university in the Henrico area. He was to make immediate preparation for building a college there. A generous contribution had already been made in England towards the "planting of a college" and 10,000 acres were to be set aside as an endowment.

When the bishop's collection for the college had reached L1,500, a decision was made. Rather than start construction with too little, it was resolved to send fifty "tenants-at-halves" to work on the land. Half of their income would go to the college project and half to themselves. Profits, it was expected, would augment the building and maintenance fund and help to support tutors and students. In the meanwhile, friendly relations with the Indians were important to make possible the willing education of their children.

The tenants reached Virginia in November, 1619, under the command of William Weldon. Being poorly supplied, however, and inexperienced, the Governor dispersed 30 of them among the old planters and sent Weldon and the remainder to be with Capt. Samuel Mathews at Arrahatock which was actually within the College lands. This was a poor beginning and meant that little would happen within a year. Weldon thought the land to be excellent; "a goodly heritage beinge as pleasant & fruitfull a soile as any this land yeeldeth." It troubled him, however, that two of the best locations were already claimed and planted: one by Mathews, "for the use of Sir Thomas Midleton & Alderman Johnson," and one by Thomas Dowse. Both were by virtue of grants from Argall. He knew, too, that he needed more men and more supplies. In the meanwhile Virginia's first assembly had endorsed the idea of the "University and Colledge" and asked that it be pushed to fulfillment.

In England, the early beginnings were seen not to have been too successful and the Company committee set up for the purpose explored various possibilities. In the spring of 1620, George Thorpe, a gentleman of the King's privy chamber and a member of the Company Council, was made deputy for the Company to prosecute the project. Already he had gone to Virginia in the interest of Berkeley Hundred. Previously, it appears, an additional fifty tenants had been dispatched to the Colony.

In the meanwhile, much Company effort was diverted to the East India School. This free school, planned to have dependence on Henrico College, was projected for Charles City. Although emphasis was on the education of the Indian, it seems clear that the colonists' children were likewise a consideration. There is specific comment on this as it related to the East India School.

Donations in money and kind such as books and communion service continued to be forthcoming in England. An audit of the Company books early in 1622 showed college receipts to the extent of L2,043 and expenditures of L1,477. In Virginia, George Thorpe continued to encourage peace and friendship with the Indians setting an excellent personal example in this. He did what he could, too, to develop the College lands even planting vines to the number of 10,000.

Then came the massacre which took George Thorpe and 17 of the "Colledge People" located about 2 miles above "Henrico-Citie." The college project did not survive this blow even though the Company urged it and the 60 surviving tenants were returned to the land in the spring of 1623 with the hope of building houses and planting orchards and gardens. Brickmakers were held to their contract against the time when the erection of the "fabricke of the colledge" would be possible.

In 1624, there were 29 persons living on the college lands, and, according to the census of 1625, this had dropped to 22 who were living in 8 houses. They were then deficient in food, excepting fish, and in livestock and were not too well armed, having but 16 armors, 6 swords, and 18 fixed pieces. The excursion into ironmaking had failed after the expenditure of "the greatest parte of the stock belonginge to the Colledge." With the dissolution of the Company the spark for the project seemed gone. One student of this subject, Robert Hunt Land, has concluded: "Possibly a greater blow to Henrico College than the massacre was the revocation of the charter of the Virginia Company of London."

THE FALLS (14)

One of President Wingfield's first acts in May, 1607, after the construction of James Fort was underway, was the dispatch of a party to explore the river above Jamestown. Twenty-two men under Capt. Christopher Newport left on May 21 and proceeded inland to the falls of the James.

in six dayes they arrived at a [Indian] Towne called Powhatan,
consisting of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill;
before it three fertile Iles, about it many of their cornefields,
the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature ... To this place
the river is navigable: but higher within a mile, by reason of the
rockes and isles, there is not passage for a small boat, this they
call the Falles.

Newport's shallop could go no further. Then, as reported, "upon one of the little iletts at the mouth of the falls ... [Newport] sett up a crosse with this inscription _Jacobus Rex_. 1607. and his owne name below: At the erecting hereof we prayed for our king and our owne prosperous succes in this his action, and proclaimed him king, with a greate showte."

And so it was for more than two years. It was in the late summer of 1609 that Smith sent Capt. Francis West out from Jamestown to establish a settlement at the Falls. He left with 140 men and a six months food supply "to inhabitt there." He secured a site that proved too low in elevation being subject to inundation in times of high water. When Smith went up to look over the new post, he negotiated with the Indians to take over their fortified settlement on a point of high ground. This included lodgings and "300 acres of ground readie to plant," a place which Smith called "Nonsuch."

The shift of site was made in West's absence and when he returned he was not happy with the situation. He preferred the site of his choice and the settlers returned again "to the open aire of West Fort," abandoning "Nonsuch." Indian attack followed and the settlement became untenable. In the fall West returned with his men to Jamestown having lost a goodly number at the "Falles" as well as eleven men and a boat at "Arsetocke" a few miles downstream. One more settlement had temporarily failed.

Lord De La Warr attempted to re-establish the post here in 1610 and built "Laware's Fort" from which he planned to search for minerals in the coming spring. This, too, failed when illness caused him to return to Jamestown, the same sickness, perhaps, that led him to quit Virginia a little later.

FALLING CREEK (15)

In 1619 the Company sent 150 persons to Virginia "to set up three iron works" in view of the fact of "proofe having been made of the extraordinary goodnesse of that iron." This was further manifestation of the continuing interest in Virginia resources, particularly iron. This apparently led to the establishment at Falling Creek of the first regular ironworks within the Colony.

These workmen, equipped "with all Materials and other provisions therunto belonging," were under the direction, care, and charge of a Captain Bluett (Blewet) with whom the Company had contracted. His death, along with that of the "principall officers and cheife men," created some confusion. Yeardley promised to do what he could with this company since he had found "an excellent water and good oare." The lack of "good understanding workers" was, however, serious. In June, 1620, John Pory reported on the "Iron workes" which were "so much affected by the Company." His logic seemed good when he deplored the lack of initial "deliberation there in England." A more careful survey in the Colony by a skilled leader would have been helpful, too, even though "abundant iron ... and fit places to make it in" had been partially scouted. This comment was made despite the 110 Warwickshire and Staffordshire and the forty Sussex workmen, described as "all framed to iron works," who had been contracted for the project.

It was reported a year later that "the iron workes goeth forward veary well." Another contemporary commented on the works and spoke of "having already receaved a good proofe thereof by iron sent from there." This might have been small comfort for the L4,000 which had been spent already.

In May, 1621, realizing that a replacement for Bluett was needed, the Company entered into an agreement with John Berkeley, "sometimes of Beverstone Castle in the County of Glocester (a gentleman of honourable familie)," as "Master & over-seer" of the works at the site "called The falling Creeke." He agreed to take himself, his son Maurice, three servants from his "private family" and twenty workmen. These would include eight for the furnace (two founders, two keepers, two filers and two carpenters) and twelve others (four finers, two servants, two "chaffery men," two "hammer men" and two servants). He would get L30 toward furnishing his personal group, plus their transportation, and L20 to cover the assembly of the workmen. The twenty workmen, to be bound for seven years of service to the Company, would be transported and "victualled as other tenantes for one whole yeare at the Companies charge."

Letters were dispatched to the Colony urging special care and attention for this new company made up of Berkeley and "his ging." Berkeley evidently felt that the Falling Creek site was ideal "for wood, water, mines and stone." His letters indicated that he expected to be producing good quantities of iron by the late spring of 1622. He envisioned much more for the now L5,000 investment than the disparagingly reported return of a "fire shovell and tonges and a little barre of iron made by a bloomery...." He, however, did not expect the massacre.

The Indians swept down on the ironworks community and left twenty-seven dead as well as considerable destruction to the works. The dead included John Berkeley, a mason, two wives, three children and "Joseph Fitch Apothecary to Doctor Pots." This was the end of the project although the Company demonstrated, for a time, its intention to resume this work which was considered basic for the Colony's welfare. The Virginia Governor and Council would have reinforced the survivors, they reported, if "soe many of the principall worke men had not beene slaine." It was the opinion of Maurice Berkeley, who succeeded his father in command, that "it was utterlie impossible to proceede in that Worke...." Even though, in 1623, it is recorded that the Company sent 9 more men there is nothing to indicate that production was resumed on the 100 acres along Falling Creek that John Blower had "Surrendred for the use of the Iron Works." Another industrial scheme had failed and the Company had taken yet another loss.

SHEFFIELD'S PLANTATION (16)

It appears that sometime prior to March, 1622, Thomas Sheffield obtained a patent for 150 acres located "some three miles from Falling Creeke" and about two miles above "Henrico Iland." He proceeded to establish a settlement here in the Corporation of Henrico. Seemingly all went well until the massacre when the Indians wiped out this advance post on the James. "Master Thomas Sheffeild and Rachel his wife" along with eleven others, including two boys, were slain. There is no mention of further activity at this date.

PROCTOR'S PLANTATION (17)

John Proctor was among those who came to Virginia under a Company Charter in the 1609-15 period. It would appear that he located a plantation well up the James River, on its south side, but below Falling Creek. The land list of 1625 specified that he had a 200 acre grant in this vicinity. Perhaps, he was established here well before the massacre. When the Indians descended on his place, he must have been away, for his wife stood her ground as she did later when the Colony officials sought to force her to vacate the now isolated post. It is reported that "Mistress Proctor, a proper, civill, modest gentlewoman ... ["fortified and lived in despite of the enemy"] till perforce the English officers forced her and all them with her to goe with them, or they would fire her house themselves, as the salvages did when they were gone...."

In 1624 Proctor and his wife were living "Over the River" from Jamestown and a year later he, his wife Alice and three servants were at Paces Paines. It is not known whether he returned to his plantation upriver from which he had been uprooted in 1622. He had, in 1623, received a patent to transport fifty persons to Virginia together with sufficient necessities and provisions for cultivating the land. The latter seemingly included "a wherry or small boate." There is evidence, too, that he could punish his servants if the occasion warranted even to the extent of using a "line or whip corde."

COXENDALE (18)

Sir Thomas Dale had a good eye for land and security. Consequently he viewed the ground across the James from, and to the west of, Henrico with considerable interest which he translated into action soon after getting his principal settlement underway in 1611. Here, for the enlargement of the town, some 12 acres were impaled "especially for our hoggs to feed in." He named this locality "Hope in faith, Coxen-dale" and proceeded to secure it with a series of forts which he named Charity, Elizabeth, Patience and Mount Malado. There was "a retreat or guest house" for sick people which was declared to be on "a high seat" with "wholesome air." It was in this area that the Rev. Alexander Whitaker chose his "Parsonage, or church land." This was "som[e] hundred acres impaled, and a faire framed parsonage house built thereupon, called Rocke Hall of this Towne." Capt. James Davis was made commander of the forts.

Coxendale continued to exist and grow, perhaps, despite the inadequacy of the records that relate the story. Rolfe, in 1616, did not list it, yet possibly he considered it to be a part of Henrico. It was listed as one of 9 forts, plantations and towns found in Virginia when Yeardley reached the colony in April, 1619. There is no special reference to it in the list of burgesses named in 1619. Here again it may have been included with Henrico in matters of representation. In matters of land grants, however, it had a separate identity. In the spring of 1619 a grant of 100 acres "Scituate in Coxendale over against the Iland of Henricus" was made to Thomas Read "under the Collonies seale." This was in reward for eight years of "good service in that country." Three years later Read made over this tract, a part of it called "Mount my Lady" to Edward Hurd, a "London cittizen and iron monger."

The massacre struck here, too, as it did elsewhere. The statistics would indicate that the slaughter in this general area was light compared with many other points. Perhaps the water barrier in the "curls" of the river plus the palisades and forts gave greater security. Despite this, when the massacre was over, these points were isolated and removal was ordered. Capt. Roger Smith, on April 20, 1622, was given "absolute power and command in matters of warr, over all the people both in Henerico Ileand and Coxendale ... uppon paine of death." He was "to use all care and vigilancie" in "the safe bringeing away of all the said people, and cattell, and goodes...."

This was but a temporary delay in settlement as the urge for land and property became greater. Just how soon there was a return here is unclear. In May, 1625, however, 8 patents were listed for Coxendale in the Corporation of Henrico. This was for a total of 802 acres ranging from a twelve acre grant to Lt. Edward Berkeley, to 200 acres to John Laydon. It may be significant that none were marked as "planted."

"BERMUDA CITTY" (CHARLES CITY) INCORPORATION (19)

In 1612 Marshal Thomas Dale drove the Indians from their habitation about the "curls" of the James and the Appomattox, the river that bears their name. Seeing it to be good ground, he determined to possess it and to establish a settlement here. As Ralph Hamor relates: "I proceed to our next and most hopefull habitation, whether we respect commodity, or security (which we principally aime at) against forraigne designes, and invasions, I meane the Bermuda Citty, begun about Christmas last [1613]...." The initial settlement was near the Appomattox, on its west side, some five miles from Henrico but 14 by the circuitous river route.

Dale was very hopeful of the "new Bermudas" and proceeded to annex "to the freedom, and corporation ... many miles of champion, and woodland, in several Hundreds" on both sides of the James. These Hamor enumerated as the "[1] Upper and [2] Nether Hundreds, [3] Rochdale Hundred [4] Wests Sherley Hundred, and [5] Diggs his Hundred." Evidently a settlement was begun in each of these areas all of which kept active till the massacre.

BERMUDA HUNDRED (19A)

It was in the Nether Hundred, which became Bermuda Hundred and later the "Neck-of-Land" in Charles City, that settlement was first initiated "for there [according to Hamor in 1614] lyeth the most convenient quantity of corne ground." With a "pale" from river to river but two miles in length it was possible to secure some eight miles of "exceeding good corne ground." Houses were built one-half mile from each other on "the verge of the river." In 1614 these were described as "faire houses, already builded." There were others as well totaling "not so few as fifty." Gates' lieutenant, George Yeardley, was then in charge.

ROCHDALE HUNDRED (19B)

This plantation, just west of Nether (Bermuda) Hundred, was gotten underway about the same time. A "crosse pale," about four miles long, was, in 1614, already built "with bordering houses along the pale." It was in this Hundred that the "hogges, and other cattell" had a 20 mile circuit in which to graze securely.

BERMUDA CITY (19C)

The "chiefe Citty," when Hamor left, was not yet ready. Its construction, at a point across the Appomattox from Bermuda Hundred, while begun, was not pushed until the fall of 1614. Here Bermuda City was fashioned to be "an impregnable retreat, against any forraign invasion, how powerfull so ever." This became the fourth and last of the public, or general, corporations taking its place with James City, Kecoughtan, and Henrico. Within a few years its name would change from Bermuda to Charles City to honor Prince Charles as Henrico had been named for Prince Henry his brother, both being royal sons. Hamor, in 1614, spoke of "Bermuda Citty," evidently meaning to include Bermuda Hundred as well, as "a business of greatest hope, ever begunne in our territories their." At the same time he mentions the special "pattent," or agreement, made between Dale and the people there, "termes and conditions they voluntarily have undertaken."

When Dale assigned small parcels of ground to planters for their own use prior to, or in, 1613, he did much for the Colony. It stopped some of the drain on the common "magazine" and allowed room for individual profit and enterprise. It also freed the colonists from Company service except in emergencies and for one month a year. In making this arrangement, however, he excepted the Bermuda Incorporation people with whom he made a special contract. They were bound to three years of almost continuous public service in the Bermuda City project "before they have their freedom." At the end of their term, however, they claimed their rights of freedom and the Governor, then Samuel Argall, could not deny their claim. On November 30, 1617, he reported in reply to the "citizens of Bermuda hund[red]" that he would "not infringe their rights being a member of that City himself" but begged that the Colony servants "may stay their this year." Evidently these Bermuda people began to enjoy the rights and freedoms that did not become general until the Company division and "Greate Charter" which evolved in 1618 and 1619.

The center of gravity in the Colony in the 1611-16 period was upriver in the Henrico and Bermuda City area. In Rolfe's report of 1616 "Bermuda Nether Hundred" was by far the most active and most heavily populated area. Its 119 people was much in excess of the 50 at Jamestown which stood second among the 6 populated points. Bermuda's population then embraced chiefly the members of the Corporation although there were 17 "farmers" and a few "who labor generally for the Colony, amongst whom, some make pitch and Tarr, Pott-ashes, Chark-coale, and other workes, and are maintayned by the magazin, but are not of the Corporation." Capt. George Yeardley, who was deputy governor and deputy marshal, "for the most part" lived here as did Alexander Whitaker who had the "ministerall chardge."

The "Cities of Henrico & Charles [Bermuda]" were the best fortified points in the Colony standing "upon high ground the cliffes beinge steepe but of a claye mould the ayre good and wholesome." Also "about those places [there were] good quantities of cleared groundes." Fortifications were by "trench and pallizado" with "great timber" blockhouses athwart "passages and for scouring the pallizadoes." There, too, was "access to shipping."

Much official business was transacted here where the Governor was in residence much of the time. Courts, on occasion, convened here and official proclamations and documents were issued from the hand of various governors and from the pen of the Colony's secretary. Such was the commission to William Cradock made "provost marshall of Bermuda City and of all the Hundred thereto belonging" from Samuel Argall "Admirall and for the time present principal Governor of Virginia" issued at "Bermuda City" on February 20, 1618 over John Rolfe's signature as "Secretary and Recorder."

It appears to have been Argall that did much to return the emphasis to Jamestown and away from Bermuda. In 1617 he wrote that he preferred Jamestown and proposed to strengthen it as a good healthy site. Charles City remained active, however, and the largest seat in the Colony. In 1619 Samuel Sharpe and Samuel Jordan represented the Bermuda area in the Assembly. It is not known whether they voted for the measure that required all persons from Charles City and other points who were going down river below the Capital to touch "first here at James Citty to knowe whether the Governor will command him any service." By this time Bermuda Hundred and Bermuda City were most often designated "Charles City and Hundred."

It was in 1621 that the Company undertook to establish and build the East India School and to locate this "free schoole in Virginia" at Charles City. A grant of 1,000 acres was set aside and a few workmen were sent to the Colony. For a time it looked as if this center to encourage the "rudiments of learning" and "principles of Religion, civility of life, and humane learning" would materialize. It did not, however, survive the massacre. When the workmen reached Virginia, they were placed among the College tenants and later transferred to Martin's Hundred.

The massacre of 1622 appeared to have been devastating in the Bermuda area and led to its temporary abandonment. The list of those killed is, however, rather light in comparison with settlements such as Martin's Hundred. There were twenty-seven at four specified points. It leads one to doubt that a full list of names was submitted.

Thought soon turned to a repair of the damages. It was judged "very necessarie to raise new workes especiallie at Henrico & Charles Citty" which according to one report were "utterlie demolished by the Indians." This destruction, at least some of it, followed the abandonment of the posts. Houses were burned and "poultry, hoggs, cowes, goates, and horses" were killed in number "to the greate griefe as well as ruine of the olde inhabitants...."

There was a return to the land in some large measure after the massacre. In 1624 a list of 41 residents was given for "the Neck of Land" in Charles City Corporation and the census of 1625 showed 44 in this old Bermuda Hundred area. In 1624 Luke Boys and Thomas Harris sat in the Assembly at Jamestown and may have helped to enact the measure that required "courtes [to be] kept once a moneth in the Corporations of Charles Cittie & Elizabeth Cittie" to handle cases involving petty offenses and sums up to 100 pounds of tobacco. The muster of January 24, 1625 shows the "Neck-of-Land" to have been very well established. Its 44 people had 16 houses and good supplies of corn, fish, livestock, poultry and arms. In May, 1625, ten individual grants (ranging from 50 to 1,150 acres and totaling 2,900) were listed as located here in addition to the corporation and common land.

PIERCEY'S PLANTATION (20)

At the time of the massacre Abraham Piercey had a plantation adjacent to the Appomattox River and, perhaps, somewhat upstream from the James. Here "at Master Abraham Pierse his plantation some five miles off the Colledge people" four persons, 3 men and a boy were killed. Piercey, a prominent merchant, named to the Council in 1624, may have laid out his acres here, "in lieu of his Long service done the Company," as early as 1620. The holding, in May, 1625, was defined as 1,150 acres obtained by patent. A place name here "Peircies Toyle" Creek very likely is a result of his activity in this area.

JORDAN'S JOURNEY (21)

This plantation took its name from its founder, Capt. Samuel Jordan and appears to have embraced 450 acres. At least in 1625 Jordan was credited with this amount as being "planted" by patent in "the territory of greate Weyanoke." It has been said that he established Jordan's Journey, also known as Beggar's Bush, in 1619 although in the Assembly of 1619 he represented "Charles Citty." He was one of the Assembly Committee of four appointed to examine "the first booke of the fower" of the "Greate Charter." In 1622 Jordan received a share of Company stock from Mary Tue as well as 100 acres in "Diggs his Hundred." At this time he was listed as "Samuel Jordan of Charles Hundred gentleman."

Jordan himself died in 1623 and his widow was soon seeking marriage again. When she became betrothed to two men at the same time, Capt. William Ferrar and Rev. Greville Pooley, and became embroiled in controversy, the Council took note of it. A proclamation followed which prohibited any woman from contracting herself to "two several men at the same time."

Jordan's Journey seems to have prospered. In 1624 Nathaniel Causey represented the plantation in the Assembly. At the time there were forty-two persons in residence and eight had died within the year. In 1625 the population stood at fifty-five persons (thirty-six males and nineteen females). Corn and fish supplies were adequate and there were some cattle and hogs as well as numerous poultry. In the matter of houses, the total was quite large--being twenty-two. The plantation boasted of three boats and substantial amounts of small arms (thirty-eight) and armor of various types (thirty-six items).

WOODLEEFE'S PLANTATION (22)

Captain John Woodleefe, a member of the Virginia Company, came to Virginia initially in 1609 and remained active and interested in the Colony. He was commissioned, in 1619, to go as governor and commander of Berkeley Hundred which he did late in the year. He had other interests, however, and by April of the same year had brought four men, which he had supplied with "apparell and armes," and his wife and children to Virginia. It is intimated that he had other colonizing interests and intentions. The Berkeley Hundred people had cautioned him about attempting another plantation that might interfere with their holdings. He was instructed not to establish it "unless full ten English miles from them."

He was governor at Berkeley Hundred for about a year and it was sometime shortly before, during, or just after this term of service, that he set up his own plantation. He seems to have chosen a point on the south side of the James a bit up river from Berkeley which he patented in 1620. It lay along the river and west of Jordan's Journey. This could very well have been the 350 acres listed in his name in May, 1625. His was one of the tracts in "the territory of greate Weyanoke" and was later patented again by his son.

CHAPLAIN'S CHOICE (23)

This plantation appears in a listing in 1624. In March of that year, too, Isaac Chaplain represented it in the Assembly. This was another of the number of particular, or private, plantations founded in Virginia in the 1619-24 period. It is generally assumed to have been located in the area to the east of Woodleefe's Plantation. It was noted in May, 1625 that Isaac Chaplain had 200 acres which were "planted" in the "territory of great Weyonoke." He had as well, what may have been a personal stake, 50 other acres in the Corporation of Charles City.

In 1624 a total of twenty-four persons were living "At Chaplains choice" and a year later the head count stood at seventeen (thirteen males, four females). This 1625 figure, as did the other muster statistics, included the Truelove Company people and goods. This embraced two boats, but only two houses, forty-one barrels of corn and some small amounts of peas, meal and oatmeal plus three hogs and forty-eight fowl. There were reasonable amounts of small arms and armor and six pieces of ordnance. The latter, an unusually high figure for a private plantation, included one falconet and five "murderers." Some tobacco was being produced, for "John Trehern of Chaplins Choise" exported "one hogshead" in 1625. A lawsuit ensued when the ship captain sold it, although it had been consigned to Trehern's brother. As satisfaction he was to get "two hundred & thirty waight of tobacco in leafe & smothed together with one hogshead."

TRUELOVE'S PLANTATION (24)

On January 24, 1621, a share of land in Virginia was assigned "unto Rowland Truelove of London, Clothworker." Three months later he received a patent as a "new adventurer" and in November, this was defined to cover the transportation of 100 persons. In this venture he had "divers other patentees, adventurers" and associates.

He does not appear to have been discouraged by the massacre, for in August, 1622, the Truelove Company sent supplies for their plantation. The Company records relate that "mr Trulove and his associates intend to proceed in their plantation beinge no whitt discouraged with this late massacre of the English by the treacherous Indians...." They had requested a Commission for the "shippe and voyadge" to Virginia of the "barke called the _Trulove_ of London of about forty-six tunn."

A year later, in July, 1623, "Rowland Treawlove and Companie" pledged anew to supply their plantation with "victuall apparrell and other necessaries" to the extent of L400. Their patent had recently been renewed, or passed again under the seal. This was one of seventy-two that passed in June, 1623 giving good evidence of the private activity afoot for, and in, the Colony at this time. Soon a ship was dispatched with twenty-five new emigrants. In the cargo, too, were 100 "hogsheads" of supplies valued at L536, a substantial sum, for the plantation of the Truelove Society.

Despite this, all did not go well and the enterprise seems not to have flourished. In January, 1624, Nathaniel Causey was directed by the Court in Virginia to "take into his hands and safe custodie all such goods as belonge to the Company and Societie of Trueloves Plantatione." This had been requested by the Company overseer and Causey, after a "true inventory" was to report to the Governor and Council. In the muster of 1625 Truelove's Plantation appears to be associated with Chaplain's Choice.

"POWLE-BROOKE" OR MERCHANT'S HOPE (25)

Captain Nathaniel Powell, who came early to Virginia and served as Acting Governor when Argall left in 1619, settled a plantation on the south side of the James. It was located on Powell Creek at the head of which was the site of Weyanoke Indian Town. The date of his establishment appears to have been in 1619, or a little later, and his enterprise embraced some 600 acres. It was known as "Powle Brook" and was not until later to get the Merchant's Hope designation.

Matters went well until the Indian massacre which all but wiped out the settlement and led to its abandonment. Captain Powell and his wife were both slain along with ten others, three of them women. It is said that the Indians were not content with killing. They proceeded to "butcher-like hagle their bodies, and cut off his head...."

Powell's brothers and sisters in England petitioned the Company to get an account of the estate. The Company in turn asked the Virginia Council to take special care of "this buissnes, both because it is of great consequence, as also for that Captain Nath: Powell was a man of extraordinary merritt, and the petitioners poore men...." Thomas Powell of Suffolk, England, came into the property. He, a brother of Nathaniel, later disposed of it by sale.

MAYCOCK'S PLANTATION (26)

Samuel Maycock came to Virginia about 1618 and served as a Councilor under both Yeardley and Wyatt. He located a plantation upriver from Jamestown on the south side next above Flowerdieu Hundred sometime prior to April, 1619. It took its name, Maycock's Hundred or Plantation, from him, the original patentee, as was often the case in early Virginia. It would seem that he, like others, then undertook to bring in men and supplies. There is reference to Sara Maycock bringing over four servants in the _Abigail_ in 1622 "uppon the accompt of Mr. Samuell Maycock." For this she got 200 acres of her choice.

Maycock's was another of the early beginnings that was snuffed out by the massacre. Four were killed on his "Divident" including himself. Another was Edward Lister who came to Plymouth in the _Mayflower_ and had signed the "compact." Maycock was one of six Councilors who perished on March 22, 1622 at the hand of the Indians.

FLOWERDIEU HUNDRED--PIERCEY'S HUNDRED (27)

In 1618 Sir George Yeardley acquired 1,000 acres on the south side of the James River above Martin's Brandon and across from his Tanks Weyanoke holding. He proceeded to establish a plantation here which he named in honor of his wife who had been Temperance Flowerdieu. In 1619 it was well enough along to merit the representation in the Assembly which was performed by John Jefferson and Ensign Edward Rossingham, the latter one of Yeardley's kinsmen. This, perhaps, suffered in the massacre less than many other settlements. Only six persons were killed here. Flowerdieu Hundred was one of the fewer than a dozen points that the Colony decided to hold after the onslaught.

Council minutes and other sources in the 1622-24 period show the plantation as one that was probably functioning well. There were cases revolving around the use of livestock, particularly cattle, and the cultivation of tobacco. At least one such case led Yeardley to examine witnesses at "Flowerdieu Hundreth." One reference to tobacco puts interesting light on its cultivation at this time. Yeardley's overseer, one Sergeant Fortescue, was charged with negligence in the care of the harvested tobacco:

... hee did hange the tobacco soe thick uppon the lynes that
the lynes brake and the tobacco fell to the ground, and before
the said tobaco was at all dryed he made it upp into role and
soe by his faulte it was not marchantable and that all the
tobacco except six or seven hundred waight, was made upp wett
and nott merchantable, The whole crop amounting to 9000 waight
or thereabouts.

This seems to mean a yearly harvest of 9,000 pounds at Flowerdieu Hundred in 1624.

This was the year that Yeardley sold this plantation as well as his holding across the James at Weyanoke to Captain Abraham Piercey, one of the leading merchants in the Colony. In 1624, the year of the sale, a population of sixty-three (including eleven negroes) had been listed for Flowerdieu Hundred with another eighteen having died in the previous twelve months. In the census of 1625, Piercey's Hundred, as the place was now called, had fifty-seven including its seven negroes (four men, two women and one child). The enumeration included twelve houses, three stores, four tobacco houses, and two boats, all of which had been bought, or built, by Piercey. There was a windmill too, and this, the first in the Colony, had been erected by Yeardley, it is said, in 1621. It stood on Windmill, earlier known as Tobacco, Point.

Corn supplies were given at ninety-three barrels and fish at 1,600 pounds. Cattle was totaled at forty-four head and hogs at thirty-one. Supplies of powder and lead were ample for the thirty-four "fixed pieces" which were on hand. Besides, there were thirty-four swords and 20 complete suits of armor as well as some other types. Two pieces of ordnance were included and, perhaps, one of these is that described as on hand in the winter of 1622. This evidently was one of the most successful of the Virginia private plantations.

"CAPTAINE SPILMANS DIVIDENT" (28)

Sometime prior to 1622 Captain Spilman, perhaps, Thomas Spilman, brother of Henry Spilman, occupied a tract that lay between Flowerdieu Hundred and Martin's Brandon. It was Thomas who had come to Virginia in 1616 or 1617. The massacre uprooted the settlement here and two persons were slain by the Indians. "Captaine Spilman, a man warie enough heretofore & acquainted with their trecheries," was forced to locate elsewhere. Thomas appears to have chosen Elizabeth City where he planted fifty acres and in 1625 was established with his wife, a child "borne in Virginia," and four servants.

WARD'S PLANTATION (29)

Captain John Ward arrived in Virginia on April 22, 1619 in the ship _Sampson_ with some fifty emigrants to establish a private plantation. Samuel Argall later placed this as in 1618. He selected some 1,200 acres west of Martin's Brandon and adjoining a creek on the south side of the James which still bears his name. He appears to have been in association with Captain John Bargrave who, for some years, had been intimately associated in Virginia trade and colonization. Several members of the Bargrave family were with him. It was Captain John Bargrave who, in 1622, claimed the distinction of having undertaken to be "the first planter of a private colony in Virginia." This effort he dated as late 1617, or early 1618, and it seemingly came to nought unless his effort was continued in the Ward and John Martin enterprises.

Both Ward and Bargrave were among those granted patents in 1619 and were included in the eleven people "Who had undertaken to transport to Virginia great multitudes of people, with store of cattell." Soon after arrival in the Colony, Ward found himself on the New England coast fishing to aid Virginia's food supply. On his return in July, he made his contribution to the general store.

His plantation evidently took root for it was among those that sent representatives to the first Assembly at Jamestown in July and August, 1619. Ward and his Lieutenant, John Gibbs, attended and Ward, himself, served on the Assembly committee that examined the first and third books of the "Great Charter."

Initially his representation was challenged on the grounds that he had seated in Virginia without authority and without a commission. The Burgesses, however, recognized his support of the Colony and the fact that he had adventured his person. He was permitted to take his seat providing he agree to get a lawful commission. There was no further question when he assented to this. Perhaps he fulfilled his obligation when his old indenture was passed again under the seal on May 17, 1620 in the name of "Capt John Warde and his associates."

Ward continued his activities and in the fall of 1620 he was again trading on the Potomac--"the people there, are said, to have dealt falsely with him, so he took 800 bushels of corne per force." Such acts probably had a bearing on the massacre that came in 1622. The massacre may, as a matter of fact, have ended the Ward Plantation story as it did the story for a number of settlements in early Virginia. Probably the twelve persons killed at Lieutenant Gibbs "Dividend" had reference to Ward's Plantation. Mention of the plantation ceases after this date although seemingly Ward received a new grant, or a reaffirmation of his old one, in June, 1623.

MARTIN'S BRANDON (30)

This private plantation, as did its founder John Martin, had a tumultuous history from the time of its establishment. Martin, a member of the first Virginia Council in 1607, lived almost constantly in the Colony for a quarter of a century. He will always be remembered as the single dissenting voice to the projected abandonment of Virginia in June, 1610. He, as James P. C. Southall, has stated was "in many ways ... a typical Englishman in the sense that he was jealous and tenacious of his own rights, stubborn and courageous in maintaining them."

When in England in 1616-17 he "was allowed in reward ten shares" of Company stock and on January 29, 1617, obtained a patent that contained privileges and exemptions such as were never before, or after, granted to a Virginian planter. It was stipulated that he could "hold and enjoy" his Virginia lands "in as large & ample manner and to all intents & purposes as any Lord of Mannor here in England." It included, too, provision for "free trafick in the Bay and Rivers" and the right to establish "convenient markets" on his lands. He entered into close business partnership with Captain John Bargrave, whom the Company, in March, 1617, granted fifteen shares of land in Virginia. Bargrave "relying upon the said patent of Martin" proceeded to furnish the "_Edwyn_ of London with men and wares of good value fit for the said plantation, and sent the same with the said Captain Martin into Virginia." Martin left England in April, 1617 on the _Edwin_, "a barke of very good sayle" and reached Virginia in May just after Argall who had come as governor.

Bargrave had been hopeful of trading with Martin's Brandon and transporting more colonists, yet Argall, to support the Colony, compelled the _Edwin_ to remain in Virginia for almost a year and to be used in the Colony and on the coast. It was March, 1618 before it could set sail for England. In the meanwhile, Company affairs had come under different management and Martin's patent was under fire.

When the Assembly was called in 1619, his plantation, now being well established, sent two representatives down to Jamestown. The Burgesses challenged them saying that Martin's patent exempted his settlement from obedience to the laws of the Colony. Thomas Davis and Robert Stacy could be seated, it was ruled, if Martin would bring his patent into conformity. This he would not do saying that he would not "infringe any parte" of it. Thereupon, the General Assembly submitted the case to the Company for a definition and explanation of the offending clauses in Martin's patent. Later, exception was taken to the nature of the operation of Martin's Brandon plantation. It was alleged to be "a receptacle of vagabonds and bankrupts & other disorderly p[er]sons & whereof there hath been a public complaint...." It was charged further to be a place "where such as are indebted do shroud and rescue them selves under his protection."

Martin proceeded to fight for his patent in England and did all that he could to maintain it. In the end, however, on April 2, 1623, he accepted a new one for the land to be "laid out in Martin's Brandon." He was denied the request for the nearby "swamps and boggs" for the use of "his swine."

When he had departed for England in the spring of 1621 he had left his settlement in the care of Lieutenant Edward Saunders. It was not until 1624 that Martin returned to Virginia with more servants and supplies. In the meanwhile the massacre had caused at least the temporary abandonment of the plantation after seven persons had been slain here. The area is not mentioned as such in either the population listing of 1624 or in the census of 1625. In the listing of land patents in 1625, however, there is an entry that reads "Marttin Brandon belonging to Captaine John Marttin by Patent out of England (planted)." A later deed (1643) defines "Martin's Brandon" as 4,550 acres between Chippokes and Ward's Creeks.

"PACES-PAINES" (31)

Richard Pace, late in 1620, braved the wilds over the river from Jamestown when, on December 5, he received a grant for 200 acres upstream from Jamestown. These acres became known as "the plantation called Paces Paines." It was in the territory of Tappahanna in the western extremity of the Corporation of James City. Adjoining him was the 100 acre tract granted, at the same time, to Francis Chapman who was described as "scituate nere unto Paces-Paines." This, a little later, was added to the Pace holdings. Pace was an "ancient planter" as was his wife Isabella who also took land in her own right. Their son George seated here and later claimed fifty acres each for the transportation of 6 persons in the _Marmaduke_ in 1621. John Burrows became one of their neighbors.

Paces-Paines was seated soon after the patent was issued in 1620 and Richard, who produced tobacco here, reported later that he "bestowed great cost & charges uppon building ther, & cleareing of ground." He made this statement when he applied, successfully, for permission to return to his plantation some months after the massacre of 1622.

Both Pace and his plantation are mentioned in the accounts of this Indian uprising. As reported later, "if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian ... to disclose it, the slaughter of the massacre could have been even worse." This Indian, one Chanco by name, belonged to William Perry. Perry was active in the Paces-Paines area and later married Richard Pace's widow and became "Commander" of the settlement. The night before the Indian attack Chanco was at Pace's. In the night he told Pace, who, it is reported, "used him as a sonne," of the impending danger. Whereupon Pace secured his own house and quickly crossed the river to Jamestown. The governor then spread the word as rapidly as possible undoubtedly saving many lives in the Jamestown area. Chanco, the Christian convert, has become a Virginia hero.

The retrenchment following the massacre led to the temporary abandonment of Paces-Paines; yet late in 1622 Pace returned, having promised to "fortifie & strengthen the place with a good company of able men." Although not listed in 1624, the settlement was among those enumerated in 1625. At that time it had a population of thirteen persons. It is of note, perhaps, that the census made no mention of Pace, or Perry, yet it does mention Francis Chapman as in residence. It included four old planters: John Proctor (1607), Phettiplace Close (1608), Thomas Gates (1609) and Francis Chapman (1608).

BURROWS' MOUNT (32)

This, like Paces-Paines, was located on the south side of the James, upriver from Jamestown, and in the western part of the Corporation of James City. At the time of the census, early in 1625, it boasted of but seven persons. This, perhaps, should be increased by another ten suggested by the reference that "Mr. [John] Burrowes and six of his men which are planted heare are reconned, with theire armes provisions, etc. at _James Cittie_." His Jamestown listing actually included his wife, seven servants, and Mara Buck. He had become guardian for this daughter of the Rev. Richard Buck and this included the management of "the cattell belonging to Mr. Buck's children."

Burrows' Mount, or Burrows' Hill, was, it seems, a relatively new plantation early in 1625. Burrows' 150 acres here very likely were the result of his request for this amount on February 6 of that year. At that time the court awarded him, on presentation of the required "Certificates," the usual allotment for the transportation of three persons. His actual settlement at "Burrowes Mount" may, however, have preceded his grant.

PLANTATIONS "OVER THE RIVER FROM JAMESTOWN" (33)

Early in 1609 "We built also a fort for a retreat, near a convenient river, upon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assaulted, and easie to be defended: but ere it was halfe finished, this defect caused a stay," it is recorded in _The Proceedings of the English Colonies in Virginia_ (1612). This was envisioned as a place of refuge in the event that enemy attack would force an evacuation of Jamestown. It is now assumed that this was about a mile up a creek directly across the river from Jamestown and that it still exists in part.

The fort saw no service. As a matter of fact, the colonists evidently did not, in the first decade, find the south shore of the James across from "James Citty" particularly hospitable. There is little record of activity here prior to the massacre in March, 1622, although some land grants may have preceded it.

Captain William Powell traded acres here with Captain John Hurleston as early as 1620. A court case in 1625 establishes that Captain Powell and others "did cleere a piece of grounde" here in April, 1622 which later fell to Captain Samuel Mathews. This embraced some eight or nine acres and did involve "howses" as well. On April 23, 1623, there was reference to "all the plantations right over against James Citty." They were described as pleasant and fruitful seats. The area in question here extended from Hog Island up to the projection of land now called Swan's Point.

The plantations were represented as a group in the Assembly of 1624 by Samuel Mathews and Edward Grindon. Collectively, in 1624, they had a reported population of thirty-three. In that year twenty-one persons died, two having been slain by the Indians. It is not until the census of 1625 that a number of the plantations in this section are clearly identified. Five such are listed with a total population of ninety-six persons. This was clearly a growing community at this time.

In May, 1625, it is of record that in excess of 3,700 acres had been taken up in "The territory of Tappahanna over against James Citie" by sixteen persons. Eleven of the grants were noted as "planted." The largest single grant was to William Ewens for 1,000 acres. It should be noted, perhaps, that no acreage figure was shown for the "Divident" of Captain Samuel Mathews and that of Captain John Hurleston. Among those listed as having received grants, and some were dead, were John Rolfe (400 acres), Richard Pace (200 acres), Captain William Powell (750 acres in two parcels), George Sandys (300 acres), and John Burrows (150 acres). All were "planted." Only the acreage of John Dodd, Francis Chapman, Thomas Gates, John Utie and Robert Evers were not "planted."

THE TREASURER'S PLANTATION (GEORGE SANDYS) (33A)

George Sandys was named resident treasurer of the Colony and came to Virginia in the ship _George_ in 1621. He, it seems, soon became interested in the area over the water from Jamestown. His patent for 300 acres, here, as Treasurer of Virginia, is dated in December, 1624, yet he was already "actually possessed" of this dividend, 100 acres of which was for a bill of adventure for a share of Company stock and 200 for the transportation of four persons to Virginia in 1621. He had William Claiborne survey "at his plantation over the water" 650 acres including his and parcels belonging to John Bainham and Edward Grindon. This was "by the water side" and was about a square mile in extent as reported by Claiborne. Evidently Sandys was actually in possession of all three tracts at the time of the survey.